Lucas Henrique Nigri Veloso

The problem of “conceptual stretching” in comparative analyzes leads us to
consider the existence of a trade-off between conceptual extension and intention, which
points us to a methodological dilemma that could be predicated as spatial. Techniques
such as the “conceptual ladder” and “radial concepts” are proposed for addressing this
issue. On the other hand, both strategies must also deal with a procedural
methodological question, which says about the need for concepts to be constantly updated during the research development. However, would conceptual operationalization
techniques allow us to deal with the spatial-process problematic of operationalization of
concepts, still guaranteeing flexibility to mobilize the “conceptual ladder” and/or “radial
concepts” strategies? We argue in this article that the comparative approaches “Most
Similar Systems Design” (MSSD) and “Most Different Systems Design” (MDSD), as
developed by Teune and Przeworski(1970), present us with such a possibility.

O  artigo  argumenta  sobre  o  potencial  heurístico  e  crítico  do  conceito  de  vulnerabilidades  para pesquisas  sobre  participação  cidadã,  movimentos  sociais  e  lutas  por  reconhecimento.  Pela  ótica  das vulnerabilidades, a ação social do sujeito político se dá sempre apesare a partirdas vulnerabilidades existenciais e  sociopolíticas  que  enfrenta  em  seu  cotidiano.  Nesse  sentido,  ao  tratar  dicotomias  clássicas  como  agência  e padecimento,  vitimização  e  resistência,  o  conceito  de  vulnerabilidades  nos  habilita a  compreender  como situações  de  adversidade  e precaridadesocial  atravessam  processos  de  participação  política:  a)  introduzindo diferença na motivação e agenda política de um movimento social; b) compondo obstáculos e oportunidades para a ação coletiva; c) sendo reconfiguradas pelo próprio processo de participação cidadã. Sob certas condições, vulnerabilidades,  embora  originalmente  vistas  como  percalços,  podem  atuar  como  vetores  de  resistência  e empoderamento  social.  Para  além  de  uma  reflexão  teórica  e  metodológica,  o  artigo  apresenta  resultados  de aplicação empírica do conceito de vulnerabilidades sobre etnografia política que mapeou desafios e inovações democráticas promovidas pelo movimento social antimanicomial de Belo Horizonte no processo de construçãoe performance do protesto “dia de luta antimanicomial”

The  article  examines  practical  and  institutional  conditions  for  an "anti-anthropocentric  democracy,"  that  is,  a  political  regime  that  mobilizes  diverse interactional devices to address biases in decision-making that impact extra-human entities. To accomplish this goal, we first ground the proposition that any sentient biological entities are bearers of an inalienable political interest: that of persevering in their own existence. Next, we outline three interactional devices that could increase the  possibilities  of  such  inalienable  interest  be  democratically  represented  andexpressed  in  political  decision-making  affecting  extra-humans:  a)  political articulations  with  indigenous  peoples;  b)  empowered  and  dissensual  deliberative experiments  and  events;  c)  imagery  and  audiovisual  artifacts  that  mitigate  trans-ontological " incommensurabilities"

The article makes a vulnerable seam between diagnoses and proposals that Habermas and Foucault carry out on intersubjectivity, recognition and political community. Despite insoluble distinctions, we argue that it is possible to foster productive approximations between them based on the way in which they address vulnerabilities linked to the processes of political subjectivation. Such an undertaking is carried out from the instrumentalization of the notion of vulnerabilities and from a careful examination of the bases of the normative ethics of discursive exchange, in Habermas, and of the ethics of “self-care” that faces power in its relational configuration, in Foucault. Based on “vulnerable seams”, we propose to overcome a dichotomy that is repeated in the opposition of both traditions and schools of thought, proposing a concept that shelters and hybridizes them, although without appeasing their tensions and dissent: the “vulneronormativity”.

This article presents a theoretical-analytical reflection on the relationships between Western democracies, the era of communicative abundance, and contemporary modes of political sociability. While, on the one hand, the global processes of democratization of information and the proliferation of institutions and mechanisms of political monitoring allow us to assert an «empowerment» of the demos and the consequent vitality of Western democracies, on the other hand we attest that a possible hypertrophy or the monopoly of monitorial political practices can produce adverse effects on democracies, such as the return of totalitarian populism. In view of this scenario, we present an ethical reflection that, besides emphasizing the fields of social communication and journalism, calls attention to the cultivation of signifiers, practices, and political powers beyond monitoring, especially those aiming at the production of a «common» other, more egalitarian, more democratic.

This article seeks to present a critique of the notions of agency, subject and
politics that build some sociological theories of social movements from the concept of
"political subjectivation" by Jacques Rancière. To that end, the first part of the article
presents a review of important concepts that guide some of the theories of social
movements in order to identify, in contrast to Jacques Rancière's thinking, assumptions
and models of subject that are taken for granted or necessary for the own
operationalization of the aforementioned theories. In the second and last part of the
article, we present the description of a "scene of dissent", as promoted by the anti-asylum
struggle of Minas Gerais. From this scene, we aim to embody both the theoretical
problematization previously carried out on social movements and the very concepts of
"damage", "disagreement" and "disidentification" that underpin the process of
Rancière's "political subjectivation".

This paper analyzes the protests and popular demonstrations that took place in the city of Belo
Horizonte between 2012 and 2015, having as theoretical background the new mobility paradigm.
Through a quantitative and qualitative analysis of three hundred and twenty three journal
articles and reports, firstly we verify he composition and intensity of the protest motives that
claim the right, access and quality of urban mobility. In a second moment, it was shown how
the spaces of mobility and the movement of the bodies present in those events are fundamental
in the composition of performative repertoires of political groups. Our finds show that urban
mobility is not only a complex and extremely important political agenda, but that the very act
of moving and / or interrupting the flow of movement of this city are fundamental strategies in
the search for visibility and dissemination of political challenges on the public scene.

This article aims to present a reflection on two fronts about the modes of existence,  vulnerabilities  and  resistances  that  cross  the  experiences,  interactions  and  communicative processes of subjects in mental suffering in the context of the city of Belo Horizonte (MG). Firstly, the notion of vulnerabilities is opposed to the idea of a passive victim, emphasizing its rootedness in social conflicts and the relational construction of autonomy in light of the modes of expression and communication of collectives such as the Mental Health Users Association of Minas Gerais (ASSUSAM-MG). Secondly, we seek to show the vulnerabilities role played in the creation and invention of narratives, bodies, networks of alliance and modes of political-expressive self-determination that emerge in the context of the anti-asylum struggle made possible by this Association.

The dissertation carried out a cartographic investigation about the interactional,
communicational and political processes of production and performance of the protest “antiasylum
struggle day”, as constructed by the anti-asylum social movement in the city of Belo
Horizonte, in the year 2019. We sought to verify and analyze, based on “tracks-wastes”
generated-collected in deliberative processes and other events related to the research
phenomenon, empirical evidence that indicates, on the one hand, the challenges that subjects
and subjects crossed by intense social precariousness, such as those in situations of mental
suffering, face to exercise their constitutional right of assembly, demonstration and
democratic political claim in urban space. Concomitantly, we sought to learn from these same
subjects about the conditions in which embodied social vulnerabilities can be reconfigured in
order to become potentializing vectors for communicative, artistic, political and citizen
agencies and practices. In other words, the dissertation sought to empirically testify how more
vulnerable and precarious bodies than others could compose a grammar and performative
framework that seeks to both denouncing injustices and the dismantling of public policies and
institutions of mental health care and attention, as to put in check, displace and even devalue
negative stigmas and labels that tend to reiterate situations of forgetfulness, abandonment and
social precariousness. By making a theoretical pact with the philosophical framework of
Judith Butler and other researchers, as well as an ethnographic pact with the subjects and
subjects of research, it was intended to map the anti-asylum “imaginary” and “care poetics”,
as constructed and expressed over the period and trajectory of the research carried out, aiming
at (re)fictionalize sociological, political and existential points of view, knowledge and
epistemes of the anti-asylum struggle in Minas Gerais. By placing the results generated in
dialogue with the academic field, it is expected to contribute, among other things, to the
perpetual review that the social sciences must carry out on themselves in order to better
understand and intervene in the social worlds that are the object of their reflection, especially
from the theories, experiences and meanings that research subjects have about their own
social situation, vulnerabilities and political-existential potentialities.

O presente artigo procura realizar uma discussão teórico-metodológica
sobre potencialidades conceituais para uma cartografia da
comunicação, estética e política produzida por sujeitos e sujeitas mais
vulneráveis que os demais. Uma promissora possibilidade de construção ferramental para alcançar os objetivos supracitados é realizada
e apresentada a partir de um “diálogo dissidente” entre Judith Butler,
Jacques Rancière e o movimento de luta antimanicomial de Belo Horizonte.
Em Judith Butler (2004; 2010; 2017; 2018; BUTLER; GAMBETTI,
2016) somos convidados a buscar pela potência política dos sujeitos
mais vulneráveis que os demais a partir de uma análise dos “espaços de
aparecimento” ou “cenas de interpelação” que pelas sujeitas e sujeitos
de pesquisa são produzidos, levando em especial consideração as redes
de suporte, os agenciamentos, as alianças e a “performatividade” que as
constituem e introduzem diferença em suas interações e lutas sociais.
Por outro lado, Jacques Rancière (1996; 2004; 2010; GUÉNOUN; KAVANAGH;
LAPIDUS, 2000) parece nos propor algo próximo, ainda que
não equivalente ou sem custos e riscos de avizinhamento. Isso se justifica
quando consideramos a proposição do autor ao nos afirmar que a
poética da política de certos sujeitos, como os “sem-parte”, deve ser verificada a partir das “cenas de dissenso” que estes compõem-produzem como forma de encenar o “dano” que nos diz de sua exclusão social de “partilhas sensíveis” e que, potencialmente, apontam e/ou produzem uma reconfiguração de suas situações.