Victor Thompson

The eastern oyster (Crassostrea virginica) is an important proxy for examining historical trajectories of coastal ecosystems. Measurement of ~40,000 oyster shells from archaeological sites along the Atlantic Coast of the United States provides a long-term record of oyster abundance and size. The data demonstrate increases in oyster size across time and a nonrandom pattern in their distributions across sites. We attribute this variation to processes related to Native American fishing rights and environmental variability. Mean oyster length is correlated with total oyster bed length within foraging radii (5 and 10 km) as mapped in 1889 and 1890. These data demonstrate the stability of oyster reefs despite different population densities and environmental shifts and have implications for oyster reef restoration in an age of global climate change.

Our work at Mound Key, the Capital of the Calusa Kingdom, identifies a large structure on top of Mound 1 that
likely was associated with a powerful long-lived lineage. The rise to power for this group coincided with a
significant amelioration of the shallow-water estuarine environment of Estero Bay during the Warm Medieval
Period. We interpret this commitment to place as a way for successive members of this lineage to transmit
political and social capital. We propose that prior to the sixteenth century the Calusa, and the broader landscape
these groups inhabited, were organized much like the great houses were at the community level. A series of small
polities participated in a fluctuating heterarchical system, that were likely the result of political jockeying of high
ranking houses at larger settlements. We argue that long-lived houses with their accrued political and social
capital were in the best position to take advantage of events that afforded the differential exercise of agency
among their peers, allowing for new, novel, and seemingly more complex engagements. We use this case study to
examine the role of collective action for the development of the Calusa Kingdom observed by the Spanish
explorers during the sixteenth century, and its broader comparative lessons for state building among similarly
organized societies.

The emergence of village societies out of hunter-gatherer groups profoundly transformed social relations in every part of the world where such communities formed. Drawing on the latest archaeological and historical evidence, this volume explores the development of villages in eastern North America from the Late Archaic period to the eighteenth century.           

Sites analyzed here include the Kolomoki village in Georgia, Mississippian communities in Tennessee, palisaded villages in the Appalachian Highlands of Virginia, and Iroquoian settlements in New York and Ontario. Contributors use rich data sets and contemporary social theory to describe what these villages looked like, what their rules and cultural norms were, what it meant to be a villager, what cosmological beliefs and ritual systems were held at these sites, and how villages connected with each other in regional networks. They focus on how power dynamics played out at the local level and among interacting communities.           

Highlighting the similarities and differences in the histories of village formation in the region, these essays trace the processes of negotiation, cooperation, and competition that arose as part of village life and changed societies. This volume shows how studying these village communities helps archaeologists better understand the forces behind human cultural change.

In 1566, Pedro Menéndez deAvilés arrived at the capital of the Calusa kingdom. During that same year Menéndez issued the order to construct Fort San Antón de Carlos, which was occupied until 1569. This fort was also the location of one of the first Jesuit missions (1567) in what is now the United States. We now can confirm what archaeologists and historians have long suspected: the location of the fort and the capital of the Calusa was Mound Key (8LL2), located in Estero Bay in southwestern Florida. In this article, we present the first archaeological evidence of structures and fortifications associated with the 16th-century Spanish fort and mission of San Antón de Carlos. We conducted this work, which includes both remote sensing and excavation, in an effort to better document the history of the Calusa capital up to and including the
colonial period.
Extracto En 1566, Pedro Menéndez de Avilés llegó a

In the 16th century, the Calusa, a fisher-gatherer-hunter society, were the most politically complex polity in Florida, and the archaeological site of Mound Key was their capital. Based on historic documents, the ruling elite at Mound Key controlled surplus production and distribution. The question remains exactly how such surplus pooling occurred and when such traditions were elaborated on and reflected in the built environment. Our work focuses on the "watercourts" and associated areas at Mound Key. These subrectangular constructions of shell and other sediments around centralized inundated areas have been variously interpreted. Here, we detail when these enclosures were constructed and their engineering and function. We argue that these structures were for large surplus capture and storage of aquatic resources that were controlled and managed by corporate groups.

Formally established in the fall of 1947, the Laboratory of Archaeology at the University of Georgia is an archaeological research and collection repository. It is considered one of the premier institutions for curation of archaeological collections from the American Southeast. For over 70 years, the Laboratory has served as a repository for objects and associated records generated from archaeological projects and research undertaken by faculty, students, CRM professionals, and state and federal agencies. The Laboratory curates over 20,000 cubic feet of artifacts as well as paper and digital archives. In addition, the Laboratory houses the Georgia Archaeological Site File and manages data from more than 59,000 archaeological sites, including over 11,500 archaeological reports. In this paper, we explore implementation procedures for bringing legacy collections up to modern curation standards. We also outline how we migrate the data on paper records into the digital realm, articulating them within a comprehensive framework. Establecido formalmente en el otoño de 1947, el Laboratorio de Arqueología de la Universidad de Georgia es una instalación de depósito de investigación y recolección arqueológica en Georgia y está considerado como una de las principales instituciones para la arqueología del sudeste estadounidense. El Laboratorio sirve como depósito de colecciones arqueológicas y registros asociados producidos a través de proyectos arqueológicos e investigaciones realizadas por profesores, estudiantes, profesionales de CRM y agencias estatales y federales durante los últimos 70 años. El laboratorio cura más de 20,000 pies cúbicos de artefactos, papel y archivos digitales. Además, el Laboratorio alberga el Archivo de sitios arqueológicos de Georgia e información sobre más de 59,000 sitios arqueológicos, incluidos más de 11,500 informes arqueológicos. En el presente trabajo, exploramos algunas de las direcciones que implementamos para comenzar la incorporación de colecciones heredadas a los estándares de curación moderna, así como el translado o movimiento de los archivos de información asociados al ámbito digital donde cada dato se articula dentro de un marco integral. Palabras clave: curación, gestión de colecciones, rehabilitación, repositorio de colecciones, colección legada, manejo arqueológico, cuidado de artefactos, gestión de base de datos On July 26, 2017, the University of Georgia (UGA) Laboratory of Archaeology experienced a fire in the facility's adjacent crawl space. Immediately after, a collections assessment was undertaken. No artifacts were harmed, but the exterior of several artifact boxes housed in our primary curation room sustained extensive smoke damage. After evaluation by a conservator, we determined that emergency measures were necessary. Every smoke-damaged box (n = 8,206) was rehoused in new acid-free (pH 7.0) unbuffered 250-pound-corrugated-cardboard archival-quality boxes (measuring 12.5" W x 15" L x 10" H). The bags and containers within the boxes, however, did not suffer smoke damage and were not replaced. At this time, we recognized an opportunity to both remediate the smoke-damaged boxes and undertake a basic evaluation of all curated collections. It became apparent that we could accomplish this during the reboxing of smoke-damaged boxes. We would then relocate the newly reboxed collections in another facility, to which a move had already been planned. As with any collections move, it is imperative to keep track of information and physical items so as not to lose information or incur further damage. Consequently, we also saw this as a chance to integrate collections information into our newly adopted, but not yet fully implemented, database system, University of Georgia Collection Management System (UGACMS). This entire process, explained below, happened rapidly. In the end, the fire was a defining moment for the Laboratory. Evaluating the collections box by box allowed us to implement collections management improvements within the Laboratory. Although our circumstances were somewhat HOW-TO SERIES

There are many examples of colonial entanglements resulting in shifts in religions, practices, subsistence, and political structures, largely linked to inequalities between the colonized and the colonizers. However, there are also examples in which practices, particularly among Native American societies, persisted in the context of social situations that intertwined peoples with diverse histories. At the time of Spanish arrival, the Calusa of southwestern Florida were a large-scale, hierarchical society with supra-community integration and were able to maintain high degrees of autonomy. Our focus here is to explicate the early colonial world of the Calusa. Specifically, we want to understand why early European interactions take such a dramatically different course in southwestern Florida than in other areas of Spanish colonization. To do so we use political ecology and recent scholarship on eventful archaeology to consider Calusa and Spanish social and political action. Our work focuses on interactions between the Spanish and the Calusa during the early and mid-sixteenth century (ca. 1513 to 1569 CE). We argue that because the Calusa were fisher-gatherer-hunters, lacked maize agriculture, and had their capital on the defensible island of Mound Key, Spanish-Calusa interactions and events transpired in a fundamentally different context compared to other Spanish outposts and colonies. With this example, we show how various events, knowledge, and traditions of the Calusa of southern Florida all worked to create a vastly different colonial entanglement that resulted in the Spanish abandonment of the area for some time. [Calusa, Spanish Colonialism, Southwest Florida, Eventful

In this study, we present the results of a comprehensive, landscape-scale remote sensing project at Santa Elena on Parris Island, South Carolina. Substantial occupation at the site extends for over 4000 years and has resulted in a complex array of features dating to different time periods. In addition, there is a 40-year history of archaeological research at the site that includes a large-scale systematic shovel test survey, large block excavations, and scattered test units. Also, modern use of the site included significant alterations to the subsurface deposits. Our goals for this present work are threefold: (1) to explicitly present a logical approach to examine sites with long-term occupations; (2) to examine changes in land use at Santa Elena and its implications for human occupation of this persistent place; and (3) to use the remote sensing program and past archaeological research to make substantive suggestions regarding future research, conservation, and management of the site. Our research provides important insight into the distribution of cultural features at this National Historic Landmark. While the majority of archaeological research at the site has focused on the Spanish period, our work suggests a complex and vast array of archaeological features that can provide insight into over 4000 years of history in the region. At a gross level, we have identified possible Late Archaic structures, Woodland houses and features, Late Prehistoric and early Historic council houses, and a suite of features related to the Spanish occupation which builds on our previous research at the site. In addition to documenting possible cultural features at the site, our work illustrates the value of multiple remote sensing techniques used in conjunction with close-interval shovel test data.

In this study, we present the results of a comprehensive, landscape-scale remote sensing project at Santa Elena on Parris Island, South Carolina. Substantial occupation at the site extends for over 4000 years and has resulted in a complex array of features dating to different time periods. In addition, there is a 40-year history of archaeological research at the site that includes a large-scale systematic shovel test survey, large block excavations, and scattered test units. Also, modern use of the site included significant alterations to the subsurface deposits. Our goals for this present work are threefold: (1) to explicitly present a logical approach to examine sites with long-term occupations; (2) to examine changes in land use at Santa Elena and its implications for human occupation of this persistent place; and (3) to use the remote sensing program and past archaeological research to make substantive suggestions regarding future research, conservation, and management of the site. Our research provides important insight into the distribution of cultural features at this National Historic Landmark. While the majority of archaeological research at the site has focused on the Spanish period, our work suggests a complex and vast array of archaeological features that can provide insight into over 4000 years of history in the region. At a gross level, we have identified possible Late Archaic structures, Woodland houses and features, Late Prehistoric and early Historic council houses, and a suite of features related to the Spanish occupation which builds on our previous research at the site. In addition to documenting possible cultural features at the site, our work illustrates the value of multiple remote sensing techniques used in conjunction with close-interval shovel test data.

We consider the history, present, and future of radiocarbon dating in the American Southeast. We point out some of the past and present flaws related to archaeological research and dating. Our approach to this review is rooted in the perspective that each radiocarbon date collectively adds to our knowledge of the region and not just a particular site. Based on our observations, we suggest some “good” practices with respect to certain aspects of radiocarbon dating. Our concluding discussion considers Bayesian chronological analysis and the growing contribution of chronological modeling to the Southeast.

A B S T R A C T Oyster reefs in Southwest Florida (USA) have been integral to estuarine ecology throughout the Holocene. Though Crassostrea virginica has never been commercially harvested, aboriginal people used the oyster substantially, accumulating middens between 5000 BC and AD 1700. A conservation paleobiological/ historical ecological study of oysters from middens and modern reefs within Estero Bay (EB) and Pine Island Sound (PIS) determined if oyster productivity changed due to aboriginal overharvesting. Archaeological samples came from sites including the Late Archaic (LA, 2000–500 BC) of PIS and the Caloosahatchee (Cal, 500 BC–AD 1500) of EB and PIS. These samples were compared with natural oyster death assemblages from neighboring modern reefs. Methods comprised measuring oyster convex valve lengths and sectioning shells to count ligament pit growth lines that served as proxy for growth rate. The biologic taphonomic grade was also compared after scoring the interior valve surface; biologic grade is near pristine for oysters collected live for consumption. Archaeological samples exhibit significantly better taphonomic grades when compared to modern assemblages, confirming the hypothesis that oysters were harvested for food. Valve length decreased significantly from LA to Cal time, whereas modern assemblages were indistinguishable from LA collections. Because the Cal samples span 4 climatic intervals, the results suggest that climate change was not responsible for shifts in productivity. Results support the hypothesis of overharvesting during Cal times. They also suggest that modern oysters retain the capacity for growth, and indicate that aboriginal activity did not result in a permanent microevolutionary shift. The results are also relevant for the ongoing discussion surrounding the creation of an Anthropocene Epoch; the shell middens built throughout history greatly influenced both estuarine ecology and landscapes through fishing and engineering practices.

Pedro Menéndez de Avilés, the founder and first governor of La Florida, established several outposts in what is now the southeastern United States. One was at the now famed city of St. Augustine (1565) and another in 1566 at the former French outpost of Charlesfort, now known as Santa Elena, marking the first Spanish occupation of the locale that would become Spain's capital in the region. In total, the colony of Santa Elena lasted for little more than two decades, as the Spanish abandoned the town in 1587. In 2014, we began a shallow geophysical survey of the site to explore its broader landscape. Given that Santa Elena is one of the best-preserved sixteenth century towns in the United States, it presented one of the best opportunities for shallow geophysics to aid in historic sites investigations of this time period. The results of our work indicate that there is still much to be learned at the site as our ground penetrating radar, magnetic, and resistance surveys include the discovery and potential identification of structures, Spanish wells and paths, and at least one lost sixteenth century fort. Our preliminary work at Santa Elena not only demonstrates the great potential of these techniques at this site, but at historic sites in general.

Across the world’s seas and oceans, archaeological research focused on islands has generally privileged those that are larger in size. Explanations for this phenomenon range from the (mis)perception by scholars that prehistoric peoples were more attracted to the presumed greater number and diversity of resources typically available on larger islands, to the ephemeral aspect of archaeological evidence on smaller land areas. These are coupled with logistical and infrastructure issues that often limit access to labor, equipment, and transportation to conduct field activities (e.g., remote atolls in the Pacific). A growing body of research demonstrates, however, that ancient peoples regularly and readily occupied and/or accessed many smaller islands for both terrestrial and marine resources. In some cases, within an archipelago, evidence shows an earlier occupation on smaller islands versus larger ones, or an attraction to the former given unique or seasonal resource availability and/or defensive capabilities. We describe cases from several areas of the world that highlight the importance of relatively small islands (∼1–500 km2) for understanding human adaptations in what many have considered to be among the most marginal of environments.

This paper addresses fisher-hunter-gatherer settlement and subsistence variability of the Georgia Coast during the Archaic-Woodland transition, framed within ideas derived from Resilience Theory, and focus-ing on systemic shifts, or ''collapse. " A critical examination of these shifts is needed to understand how communities experience change differentially, which in turn can lead to differential community resilience. Analysis of site file and radiocarbon date databases, as well as Bayesian modeling on a subset of dates, was performed at multiple scales and within distinct micro-environmental habitats. Results indicate that as sea levels dropped, there was continuity in Late Archaic occupation within deltaic areas of the coast, with intensive shellfishing occurring earlier ($5000 cal. BP) and lasting longer ($3500 cal. BP). In certain habitats, occupation may have continued into the following Early Woodland period. In non-deltaic areas, shellfishing occurs between 4500 and 3800 cal. BP, followed by subsistence changes and population movement. However, some of the post-3800 cal. BP occupations were fairly substantial. This differential experience of change between deltaic and non-deltaic areas was not accompanied by collapse: both areas had resilient communities. We conclude that inter-village relationships developed during the early Late Archaic period continued into the terminal portion, leading to resilience in the face of change. Published by Elsevier Inc.

Data on ground-penetrating radar transect files are provided that support the research presented in "Discovery and Appraisal of the Early Christian Church of Notre Dame de Baudes near Labastide-du-Temple, France" [1]. Data consist of 102 transect files obtained with a GSSI SIR-3000 controller and a 400 MHz center frequency antenna in two grid blocks covering ca. 2700 m 2. The data are distributed raw without post-processing in SEG-Y rev. 1 format (little endian).

Mound Key was once the capital of the Calusa Kingdom, a large Pre-Hispanic polity that controlled much of southern Florida. Mound Key, like other archaeological sites along the southwest Gulf Coast, is a large expanse of shell and other anthropogenic sediments. The challenges that these sites pose are largely due to the size and areal extent of the deposits, some of which begin up to a meter below and exceed nine meters above modern sea levels. Additionally, the complex depositional sequences at these sites present difficulties in determining their chronology. Here, we examine the development of Mound Key as an anthropo-genic island through systematic coring of the deposits, excavations, and intensive radiocarbon dating. The resulting data, which include the reversals of radiocarbon dates from cores and dates from mound-top features, lend insight into the temporality of site formation. We use these insights to discuss the nature and scale of human activities that worked to form this large island in the context of its dynamic, environmental setting. We present the case that deposits within Mound Key's central area accumulated through complex processes that represent a diversity of human action including midden accumulation and the redeposition of older sediments as mound fill.

Why do some places seem to emerge out of a void and then continue to be occupied for millennia? How do historical factors contribute to this process? Examples of sites with grand and lengthy occupational histories can be found in the Lake Okeechobee basin of South Florida. Our research at one such site, Fort Center, contributes to the broader theoretical understanding of these issues by examining and evaluating some of the architectural constructions at this famous site. In order to conceptualize such sites, we introduce the concept of persistent monumental places. We use this notion to structure our discussion of geophysical and archaeological data on the earthworks of Fort Center in an attempt to historicize its development as an enduring place as well as microcosm of the surrounding landscape. We suggest that such a perspective aids in the investigation of larger social, economic, ritual, and environmental dimensions related to monument construction and use in the region.

Productive applications of geophysics to anthropological questions in American archaeology necessarily involve
specific research questionsoragendas.While only some anthropologicalquestions can beaddressed by shallowgeophysics,
thesetechniquesprovideanopportunity toaddresssomeimportantquestionsthat arefundamental toarchaeology.
One such agenda is the investigation of ‘persistent places’, which is rooted in anthropological inquiry andwhich
canbeinvestigated, at least in part, by shallowgeophysical techniques.For the next stageinthe use of remote sensing
thatgoesbeyondmereprospection, researchagendasmust beclearlylinkedwithbroader theoreticalconceptsofwhat
weterminquiry-basedarchaeogeophysics.Specificallywith regardto theapplicationofgeophysicsto the studyofpersistent
places, weproposefourcategoriesof research that relate tothemeaning, context andchangingfunctionof such
places. These categories include: construction variation, continuity and discontinuity in the use of space, studying
naturaland/orculturallandscapemodificationsover timeand space, and constanciesintheuse of spaceandarchitecture
at the regional level. In order to illustrate these points, we provide examples fromsites in Mexico and the USAthat
represent different time periods (2500 BC to AD 1000), adaptations (hunter^gatherers to intensive agriculturists), and
levels of socio-political complexity (egalitarianto stratified societies).The use ofgeophysics at these persistent places
contributes to our understanding of changes in the use of space and architecture through time.

A nuanced understanding of the western Kentucky Green River Archaic requires reconciling
the region’s rich archaeological record with the growing literature pertaining to
how hunter-gatherers perceive their worlds. A dwelling perspective of the Green River
Archaic involves interpreting the region’s large middens as components of animated
lifeworlds saturated with meaning and composed of numerous constantly maintained
relationships among people and between people and various other beings. This article
explores how Green River Archaic hunter-gatherers constructed the middens through
daily practices and periodic emotionally charged mortuary rites, thereby giving them
meaning as persistent places and contributing to an ever-evolving, historically constituted
landscape.

This comparative synthesis examines archaeological and ethnohistoric data pertaining to Native American coastal adaptations along the southern coasts of the eastern United States. We consider the totality of experiences of people living along coasts, examining such issues as technological innovation, environmental variability and change as it relates to site visibility, the built environment, the use of coastal food resources, the nature of complex coastal Calusa and Guale polities, and European contact. We link our topical discussions to broader issues in anthropology, arguing that the archaeology of southern coasts has much to contribute to our understanding of worldwide adaptations to coastal environments and broad-scale shifts in the trajectories of human societies.

Publicly available LiDAR (Light Detection and Ranging) data provide a potential windfall for archaeologists,
permitting the creation of detailed topographic site maps with little more than an internet-connected
computer and appropriate software. The quality of these LiDAR data for site mapping is variable, however,
and may need to be supplemented with data obtained from conventional mapping techniques. We share
insights from recent mapping of the Fort Center site (8GL13) in southern Florida. Specifically, we suggest a
method—based on trial and error—for integrating LiDAR and total station survey data. We compare the
results of our work with previous efforts at mapping the site based solely on conventional archaeological
survey methods, as well as with results based on LiDAR data alone. We conclude that our combination of
LiDAR data, corrected by conventional survey data, produces the most accurate map.

Along the southeastern Atlantic coast of Georgia, hunter-gatherer groups substantially altered the landscape for more than three millennia (ca. 4,200―1,000 B.P.) leaving behind a distinct material record in the form of shell rings, middens, and burial mounds. During this time, these groups experienced major changes in sea level and resource distribution. Specifically, we take a resilience theory approach to address these changes and discuss the utility of this theory for archaeology in general. We suggest that despite major destabilizing forces in the form of sea-level lowering and its concomitant effects on resource distribution, cultural systems rebounded to a structural pattern similar to the one expressed prior to environmental disruption. We propose, in part, the ability for people to return to similar patterns was the result of the high visibility of previous behaviors inscribed on the landscape in the form of shell middens and rings from the period preceding environmental disruption. Finally, despite a return to similar cultural formulations, hunter-gatherers experienced some fundamental changes resulting in modifications to existing behaviors (e.g., ringed villages) as well as the addition of new ones in the form of burial-mound construction.

Democratic cooperation is a particularly complex type of arrangement that requires attendant institutions to ensure that the problems inherent in collective action do not subvert the public good. It is perhaps due to this complexity that historians, political scientists, and others generally associate the birth of democracy with the emergence of so-called states and center it geographically in the "West," where it then diffused to the rest of the world. We argue that the archaeological record of the American Southeast provides a case to examine the emergence of democratic institutions and to highlight the distinctive ways in which such long-lived institutions were-and continue to be-expressed by Native Americans. Our research at the Cold Springs site in northern Georgia, USA, provides important insight into the earliest documented council houses in the American Southeast. We present new radiocarbon dating of these structures along with dates for the associated early platform mounds that place their use as early as cal AD 500. This new dating makes the institution of the Muskogean council, whose active participants have always included both men and women, at least 1,500 years old, and therefore one of the most enduring and inclusive democratic institutions in world history.

Historical ecology has revolutionized our understanding of fisheries and cultural landscapes, demonstrating the value of historical data for evaluating the past, present, and future of Earth's ecosystems. Despite several important studies, Indigenous fisheries generally receive less attention from scholars and managers than the 17th-20th century capitalist commercial fisheries that decimated many keystone species, including oysters. We investigate Indigenous oyster harvest through time in North America and Australia, placing these data in the context of sea level histories and historical catch records. Indigenous oyster fisheries were pervasive across space and through time, persisting for 5000-10,000 years or more. Oysters were likely managed and sometimes "farmed," and are woven into broader cultural, ritual, and social traditions. Effective stewardship of oyster reefs and other marine fisheries around the world must center Indigenous histories and include Indigenous community members to codevelop more inclusive, just, and successful strategies for restoration, harvest, and management.

Comprising 17 chapters and with a wide geographic reach stretching from the Florida Keys in the north to the Guianas in the south, this volume places a well-needed academic spotlight on what is generally considered an integral topic in Caribbean and circum-Caribbean archaeology.

The narrative in the book revolves around a variety of issues, including the introduction and dispersal of early cultivars, plant manipulation, animal domestication, dietary profiles, and landscape modifications. Tried-and-true and novel analytical techniques are featured in teasing out aspects of the Caribbean and circum-Caribbean database that inform the complexities and often-subtle processes of domestication under varying socio-environmental conditions. Authors discuss their findings within multiple constructs such as neolithisation, social interaction, trade, mobility, social complexity, migration, colonization, and historical ecology. Multiple data sources are used which include but are not necessarily restricted to rock art, cooking pits and pots, stable isotopes, dental calculus and pathologies, starch grains, and proxies for past environmental conditions.

Given its multi-disciplinary approaches, this volume should be of immense value to both researchers and students of Caribbean archaeology, biogeography, ethnobotany, zooarchaeology, historical ecology, agriculture, environmental studies, history and other related fields.

The Radiocarbon & Archaeology 9th International Symposium will take place in Athens, Georgia, USA, at the Classic Center in downtown Athens from Monday, May 20 through Friday, May 24, 2019.

The symposium will showcase current archaeological research that employs radiocarbon, as well as recent developments in the radiocarbon technique. Special thematic sessions will be held in honor of the 70th Anniversary of the discovery of radiocarbon dating.

The Symposium will include a full range of academic sessions, invited lectures, social events, and field trips within and beyond Athens.

The Symposium is sponsored and organized by the Center for Applied Isotope Studies at the University of Georgia.

The Georgia Coast of the eastern United States boasts some of the largest and spatially complex Late Archaic sites in North America, with the most famous of these being shell rings. The shell ring village phenomenon and its larger ceremonial landscapes did not, however, last throughout the Late Archaic. Climate shifts that led to local relative sea level change in the area at around 3800 cal. BP appears to have resulted in conditions that suppressed shellfish productivity and ultimately led to the uneven abandonment of shell ring sites. Our understanding of these changes along the Georgia Coast is limited by the fact that much of the research focuses exclusively on large shell midden sites. Investigations at several large terminal Late Archaic sites demonstrate continuity in the size of these occupations compared to earlier Late Archaic sites (i.e., shell rings), demonstrating a socio-ecological resiliency in these small-scale societies. We argue that, contrary to narratives of collapsing socio-ecological systems, the terminal Late Archaic was a time when displaced communities coalesced and forged new community bonds in the wake of a shifting resource base.

In coastal and island archaeology, carbonate mollusk shells are often among the most abundant materials available for radiocarbon (14 C) dating. The marsh periwinkle (Littorina irrorata) is one of these such species, ubiquitously found along the Atlantic and Gulf coasts of the United States in both modern and archaeological contexts. This paper presents a novel approach to dating estuarine mollusks where rather than attempting to characterize the size and variability of reservoir effects to "correct" shell carbonate dates, we describe a compound-specific approach that isolates conchiolin, the organic matter bound with the shell matrix of the L. irrorata. Conchiolin typically constitutes <5% of shell weight. In L. irrorata, it is derived from the snail's terrestrial diet and is thus not strongly influenced by marine, hardwater, or other carbon reservoir effects. We compare the carbon isotopes (δ 13 C and Δ 14 C) of L. irrorata shell carbonate, conchiolin, and bulk soft tissue from six modern, live-collected specimens from Apalachicola Bay, Florida, with samples that represent possible sources of carbon within their environment including surface sediments, marsh plant tissues, and dissolved inorganic carbon (DIC) in water. Ultimately, this paper demonstrates that samples obtained from wet chemical oxidation of L. irrorata conchiolin produces accurate 14 C dates.

There are many examples of colonial entanglements resulting in shifts in religions, practices, subsistence, and political structures, largely linked to inequalities between the colonized and the colonizers. However, there are also examples in which practices, particularly among Native American societies, persisted in the context of social situations that intertwined peoples with diverse histories. At the time of Spanish arrival, the Calusa of southwestern Florida were a large-scale, hierarchical society with supra-community integration and were able to maintain high degrees of autonomy. Our focus here is to explicate the early colonial world of the Calusa. Specifically, we want to understand why early European interactions take such a dramatically different course in southwestern Florida than in other areas of Spanish colonization. To do so we use political ecology and recent scholarship on eventful archaeology to consider Calusa and Spanish social and political action. Our work focuses on interactions between the Spanish and the Calusa during the early and mid-sixteenth century (ca. 1513 to 1569 CE). We argue that because the Calusa were fisher-gatherer-hunters, lacked maize agriculture, and had their capital on the defensible island of Mound Key, Spanish-Calusa interactions and events transpired in a fundamentally different context compared to other Spanish outposts and colonies. With this example, we show how various events, knowledge, and traditions of the Calusa of southern Florida all worked to create a vastly different colonial entanglement that resulted in the Spanish abandonment of the area for some time. [Calusa, Spanish Colonialism, Southwest Florida, Eventful

What can we learn about the ancient landscapes of our world, and how can those lessons improve our future in the landscapes that we all inhabit? Those questions are addressed in this book, through a practical framework of concepts and methods, combined with detailed case studies around the world.