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This chapter investigates the relationship Spanish members of national and regional parliaments have with the European Union (EU). Initially the main hypothesis relied on the “ever-closer union” approach. As Spain is one of the European... more
This chapter investigates the relationship Spanish members of national and regional parliaments have with the European Union (EU). Initially the main hypothesis relied on the “ever-closer union” approach. As Spain is one of the European countries that benefits most from European financial transfers, one would expect the Spanish parliamentary to be very EU-oriented. The final results, however, suggests a very different picture. Although Spanish parliamentarians’ opinion of the EU is generally positive, the data also demonstrated that the EU is virtually absent from their daily concerns. Indeed, the analysis shows that the relationship between the EU and Spanish parliamentarians is based on a so-called “permissive consensus”: Spanish parliamentarians are aware of the benefits and relevance of the EU, but the dynamics of Spanish politics remain clearly national and regional.
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Research Interests: Humanities and Art
Research Interests: Humanities and Art
ABSTRACT This paper aims to quantify and compare the 177 European cross-border regions (CBR) according to their policy activity between 1959 and 2012. Different variables (number of cross-border regional partners, legal status, physical... more
ABSTRACT This paper aims to quantify and compare the 177 European cross-border regions (CBR) according to their policy activity between 1959 and 2012. Different variables (number of cross-border regional partners, legal status, physical border effect, cross-border regional growth, domestic product per capita, level of territorial autonomy, integrated governance, and geographic location) were tested in order to analyze their impact on the CBR’s policy activity. It is demonstrated that only three independent variables have a significant effect on the policy activity of CBR: their period of creation, the socioeconomic level of participating members, and the integrated governance of the CBR.
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La reproduction ou représentation de cet article, notamment par photocopie, n'est autorisée que dans les limites des conditions générales d'utilisation du site ou, le cas échéant, des... more
La reproduction ou représentation de cet article, notamment par photocopie, n'est autorisée que dans les limites des conditions générales d'utilisation du site ou, le cas échéant, des conditions générales de la licence souscrite par votre établissement. Toute autre reproduction ou représentation, en tout ou partie, sous quelque forme et de quelque manière que ce soit, est interdite sauf accord préalable et écrit de l'éditeur, en dehors des cas prévus par la législation en vigueur en France. Il est précisé que son stockage dans ...
Research Interests: Economics and References
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France is usually considered as the symbol of cultural unification and homogeneity. It is commonly (and, in part, correctly) assumed that the process of political centralization in France profoundly shaped the language preferences of... more
France is usually considered as the symbol of cultural unification and homogeneity. It is commonly (and, in part, correctly) assumed that the process of political centralization in France profoundly shaped the language preferences of citizens. Nevertheless, sociological surveys reveal a tension between the Jacobin Republican drive for uniformity and a more fine-grained empirical reality in the field of the governance of regional languages. Through the comparison of three case studies (Corsica, Brittany and Picardy), this paper reveals ...
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Are Scottish politicians regional ambassadors for Scotland in British institutions? This study explores the presence and influence of Scottish cabinet ministers and members of parliament (MPs) in British politics from 1945 to 2020. The... more
Are Scottish politicians regional ambassadors for Scotland in British institutions? This study explores the presence and influence of Scottish cabinet ministers and members of parliament (MPs) in British politics from 1945 to 2020. The paper shows that the traditional overrepresentation of Scots in Westminster ended in 2005. Scottish MPs have reached key positions in the House of Commons under Labour governments but disappeared almost completely from the front bench after 2010. Meanwhile, contributions by Scottish MPs have focussed heavily on issues that relate specifically to Scotland. Nevertheless, in the case of Whitehall, the article observes a limited presence and policy impact of Scottish ministers over the whole period, except under the Blair and Brown premierships. The only regular position reached by Scottish ministers has been that of Secretary of State for Scotland. However, the de-activation of the Scotland Office after devolution and the lack of Scottish Conservative ministers have limited the voice of Scotland in the executive. In summary, the British system of territorial recruitment ensures a minimum representation, but not necessarily an influence, of territorial minorities like the Scots.
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ABSTRACT France is usually considered as the symbol of cultural unification and homogeneity. It is commonly (and, in part, correctly) assumed that the process of political centralization in France profoundly shaped the language... more
ABSTRACT France is usually considered as the symbol of cultural unification and homogeneity. It is commonly (and, in part, correctly) assumed that the process of political centralization in France profoundly shaped the language preferences of citizens. Nevertheless, sociological surveys reveal a tension between the Jacobin Republican drive for uniformity and a more fine-grained empirical reality in the field of the governance of regional languages. Through the comparison of three case studies (Corsica, Brittany and Picardy), this paper reveals that the defence of lesser-used languages and regional dialects has produced an asymmetrical form of ethnolinguistic mobilization by social movements and political parties, which has been more or less credible depending on processes of institutionalization, actor-accommodation and the official recognition of the lesser-used language in question. Through focusing on the specific case of regional languages, the article leads us to examine not only the recent transformations of the French language policy model, but also to reconsider the nature of the contemporary French state.
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The paper aims to compare how Basque ethnolinguistic movements emerged throughout the Basque Country, and how these movements have been progressively swallowed up by representative institutions according to a convergent process. In Spain,... more
The paper aims to compare how Basque ethnolinguistic movements emerged throughout the Basque Country, and how these movements have been progressively swallowed up by representative institutions according to a convergent process. In Spain, the defence of the Basque language is made by powerful regional governments which collaborate with a dense network of nationalist activists since the 1980s, while in France the ethnolinguistic movement is mainly composed of civil associations that are currently being included into a more general language policy ruled by local political authorities.
Research Interests: Sociology and Humanities
Since the 1980s, cross-frontier cooperation agreements in Europe have been multiplying. In this article, we argue that the regional modifications brought about by cross-frontier cooperation not only affect political administrative... more
Since the 1980s, cross-frontier cooperation agreements in Europe have been multiplying. In this article, we argue that the regional modifications brought about by cross-frontier cooperation not only affect political administrative structures but also favour changes in notions of identity amongst local inhabitants. Frontier areas serve as "laboratories" enabling the study of these changes in a specific space and time frame. Our study is based on research carried out between 2000 and 2003 in Hendaye (France), Irun and Fontarabia (Spain). These three towns, separated by the river Bidasoa which here forms the Franco-Spanish frontier in the Basque Country, and located around the bay of Txingudi, are linked since 1993 by a cross-frontier agreement initiated by their respective municipalities called the Consorcio Bidasoa-Txingudi, In spite of the Consorcio’s discourse however, this rapprochement has not yet had a significant impact on traditional identifications amongst the local population. At present, a mere European gloss has emerged, which camouflages more complex notions of identity linked to the particular political and cultural character of the Basque Country, as well as localist attachments.
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France is often considered as a culturally homogeneous state-nation. However, although French remains the main used language, several minority languages are still spoken within the state borders. This paper focuses on political claims for... more
France is often considered as a culturally homogeneous state-nation. However, although French remains the main used language, several minority languages are still spoken within the state borders. This paper focuses on political claims for regional languages since World War II. Firstly, it presents an analytical model in terms of linguistic market. Secondly, through the cases of Corsican, Breton and Oil languages, it aims to demonstrate that ethnolinguistic mobilisations go through three different political paths : the first one consists in putting into practice ethnolinguistic claims through the republican institutions; the second one favours the use of regional languages apart from the state institutions; the third one encompasses the case studies of no-mobilisation. It is argued that such differences are due to the variation of political opportunity structure according to the regions, and to the capability of ethnolinguistic entrepreneurs for establishing territorial networks with the main regional political actors.
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Although language is a fundamental issue in contemporary societies, it remains relatively unaddressed by political scientists. The aim of this special issue—based on the workshop 'Ethnolinguistic Mobilizations and... more
Although language is a fundamental issue in contemporary societies, it remains relatively unaddressed by political scientists. The aim of this special issue—based on the workshop 'Ethnolinguistic Mobilizations and Regional Languages in Europe'organized under the auspices of the Joint Sessions of the European Consortium for Political Research held in Munster, Germany in 2010—is to explore and compare the different strategies used by linguistic movements to defend regional languages in Europe. The title 'Ethnolinguistic ...
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The 2008 crisis has had serious political consequences on the process of devolution in Spain. The rise of public deficit and debt drove the Spanish cabinet to adopt a series of austerity measures. Such decisions have considerably... more
The 2008 crisis has had serious political consequences on the process of devolution in Spain. The rise of public deficit and debt drove the Spanish cabinet to adopt a series of austerity measures. Such decisions have considerably re-centralized the process of territorial decision-making. This paper aims to adopt the hypothesis of convergence among autonomies by comparing the different secondary effects exerted by the crisis on the autonomous communities between 2010 and 2014. Four indicators were used to depict Spanish decentralization in times of crisis: the profile of intergovernmental conflicts, the discourse of regional elites, the legitimacy of the current model of territorial organization, and the evolution of nationalist feelings of belonging. We conclude that the State of Autonomies will survive, but that it faces considerable internal tensions.
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Has the economic crisis modified the political equilibria of Spanish territorial governance? Everything seems to suggest that this system is experiencing two forms of stress: centripetal and centrifugal. The centripetal dynamic is driven... more
Has the economic crisis modified the political equilibria of Spanish territorial governance? Everything seems to suggest that this system is experiencing two forms of stress: centripetal and centrifugal. The centripetal dynamic is driven by the public debt and the necessity with which the central state is confronted to retake control of regional public finances. The centrifugal dynamic, for its part, is reflected in a refusal on the part of some regional executives – first and foremost, those of the Catalan government – to cooperate with this silent recentralization. On the contrary, they demand greater financial autonomy, which may lead to de facto independence. Spain is therefore a state generally tending towards federalism but in which the conjunction of political equilibria (national and regional) and the ups and downs of the economy have provoked major instability. In this respect, the upcoming elections will offer a key moment for understanding the evolution of the politico-territorial system. More than ever, the state of autonomies finds itself at a crossroads. ?
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This study consisted in undertaking a bibliographical search within the Web of Science Core Collection from January 1900 to December 2020. A total of 637 publications were identified and divided into 9 sections tackling successively the... more
This study consisted in undertaking a bibliographical search within the Web of Science Core Collection from January 1900 to December 2020. A total of 637 publications were identified and divided into 9 sections tackling successively the relevance of independence referendums, the biased authorship, the definition of the phenomenon, the technical features of referendums, the elaboration of comparative datasets, the legitimacy of these consultations, the drivers leading to the organisation of independence referendums, the impact of referendums on settling ethnic violence and their capacity to favour state recognition. We affirm that those publications have advanced our knowledge about independence referendums. We also stress the persistence of a high fragmentation of authorship and approaches limiting the adoption of a common vocabulary, validation methods and consistent datasets allowing the accumulation and replication of analyses for establishing robust theories. In conclusion, we i...
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The French state is reluctant to grant any official recognition and protection of minority and regional languages. However, this lack of institutional support from above has been partly compensated by some local institutional... more
The French state is reluctant to grant any official recognition and protection of minority and regional languages. However, this lack of institutional support from above has been partly compensated by some local institutional arrangements, which created new conditions for a certain recognition of regional languages. The French Basque Country illustrates well this paradoxical situation. Since the early 1990s, new institutions were set up at the territorial level for Basque language and culture. In 2005, the process of institutionalization went a step forward with the distinction between cultural and linguistic policy and the foundation of the Public office for the Basque language. These institutions resulted from compromises between the state, local elected officials and linguistic movements. A key factor here was the cross-border influence of the Spanish Basque language policy model, that was used by French Basque language activists in their negotiation with the state and with local...