Bartosz Pieliński

This article explores the growth of the socio-economic strength of the
nonprofit sector in Poland over the past 25 years of post-communist transition and
this sector’s  increasingly strong relations  with government  in the fields of human
service  delivery and  social  policy  formulation.  Among the  factors contributing to
the expanding role of the country’s nonprofit sector examined in the article are the
early post-communist welfare gap, the impact of Poland’s accession to the EU, the
new  legal  framework  for  nonprofits  established  during  this  period,  the  significant
decentralization  of  governmental  authority,  and  the  resulting  expansion  of  gov-
ernmental  support  now  reaching  a  level  close  to  that  in  many  Western  European
countries. At the same time, the article identifies the remaining vulnerabilities that
continue to plague Polish nonprofit organizations as a consequence of its reliance on
short-term contracts, limited access to public procurement procedures, and a general
pull-back of the state from the provision of human services.

Co-production is very common phenomenon in our everyday lives. We are inclined to assist in the production of services that are delivered to us. The work of Elinor Ostrom shows that it is reasonable to consider co-production as an important element in the production of public services. This paper aims to show what co-production is, the kind of implications co-production has for the performance of public administration, and how co-production can influence the political system as a whole. Co-production, on the one hand, could lead to minor changes in the way the welfare state functions; and, on the other hand, co-production could serve as the basis for a new, complex, polycentric political system.
Journal: Polityka Społeczna, No 1 ENG

Artykuł poświęcony jest implikacjom, jakie dla polityki społecznej niosą trzy
główne odmiany nowego instytucjonalizmu: instytucjonalizm racjonalnego wyboru,
instytucjonalizm historyczny oraz instytucjonalizm socjologiczny. Analizie zostaje poddana
kwestia tego, jakie następstwa dla polityki społecznej mają odmienne koncepcje
instytucji tworzone w obrębie każdej z odmian nowego instytucjonalizmu. Autor
artykułu wskazuje na to, że nowy instytucjonalizm stawia przed polityką społeczną
trzy rodzaje wyzwań: funkcjonalności, przygodności i stosowności.

Artykuł poświęcony jest instytucjonalizmowi historycznemu. Przedstawiane jest
w nim to, w jaki sposób w obrębie tej odmiany nowego instytucjonalizmu rozwijały
się badania nad polityką społeczną. Przeprowadzone przez autora analizy sugerują,
że instytucjonalizm historyczny silnie uwypukla polityczność polityki społecznej oraz
wskazuje na trudności, jakie polityka społeczna może mieć z wprowadzaniem intencjonalnej
zmiany społecznej.

Vincent and Elinor Ostrom devoted their entire academic careers to studying polycentric
systems. Their work has influenced mainly research on common-pool resources. The
purpose of this paper is to show how analysis of polycentric systems could be used in
social policy studies. It is done by outlining the new institutional framework for development.
This framework synthesizes Institutional Analysis and Development Framework
created by Elinor Ostrom with Amartya Sen’s capability approach. The application of
the new institutional framework for development is demonstrated through the analysis
of poverty.

Japan has a rapidly growing population of older people. Japanese government has been developing a two sets of policies aimed at coping with this processes — a modern pension system and the Long-term Care Insurance. The purpose of this article is to present the history of both parts of Japanese social security system and to outline challenges laying ahead of them.

The welfare state could be analysed from political or institutional perspective, because it raises
a question about the scope of citizen’s rights as well as a question about the limits of cooperation
between the free market and the government. This assumption is also true in the context of East
Asia. In the present literature devoted to the East Asian welfare state one can find three approaches
to this issue. The first one emphasizes the cultural and the structural dissimilarity of East Asia,
which affect the shape of social policies in each country in the region. The second one shows the
East Asian welfare states as undeveloped forms of the European models of social policy. The third
one tries to demonstrate that each of East Asian countries has its own distinct form of welfare state.
In my opinion, the source of the differences between those approaches lies in the level of analyse.
One can look at the East Asia welfare state focusing only on the instruments of social policy, which
are sometimes very similar to those developed in Europe and USA or one can analyse the cultural
16 Por. Jadwiga Staniszkis, Władza globalizacji, Wydawnictwo Naukowe SCHOLAR, Warszawa 2003.
114 Bartosz Pielinski
and the political background of social policy in East Asia, which is very different than western
experiences. If we examine the East Asian welfare state from the political perspective we find out
that the purpose for developing the whole system of social policy is to legitimise the existence of
the government. The government is obligated to create an environment in which every citizen can
independently work out his or her own welfare. Due to these facts, it is hard to draw from the institutional
perspective a sharp line between the sphere of the free market and the sphere controlled by
the state. Each of East Asian states is interested in having a discreet control over its citizen’s live
and because of it the autonomy of the market is very often illusive in East Asia. To sum up, in my
opinion there is the separate model of the welfare state in East Asia and its particularity comes
down from cultural and political specific of the region.

Tekst ukazał się w nieznacznie zmienionej formie w książce pt. „Nowe priorytety i tendencje w polityce społecznej – wokół integracji i aktywizacji zawodowej” pod redakacją Kazimiera Wodza, Krystyny Faliszek, Arkadiusza Karwackiego i Marka Rymszy.

This paper aims to reflect on heritage diplomacy by analysing the nature of tensions in Global Heritage Regimes (GHRs) built around the World Heritage Convention and the Intangible Heritage Convention. Combining regime theory with Ostroms’ typology of goods, we claim that the process of transforming the abstract idea of ‘Heritage of Humanity’ (HoH) into an outcome in the form of a heritage list needs to mobilise heritage as diplomacy and also is the result of heritage as diplomacy. At the same time, the transformation generates tension based on the experienced delusion of (1) the expectations built upon the inclusive idea of the ‘Heritage of Humanity’ (public good) and (2) the exclusive character of heritage lists (club goods). We claim that this ‘Inclusion-Exclusion Tension’ (IET) is an inherent element of global heritage regime design and as such needs to be managed through diplomatic efforts.

The growing number of AI applications, also for high-stake decisions, increases the interest in Explainable and Interpretable Machine Learning (XI-ML). This trend can be seen both in the increasing number of regulations and strategies for developing trustworthy AI and the growing number of scientific papers dedicated to this topic. To ensure the sustainable development of AI, it is essential to understand the dynamics of the impact of regulation on research papers as well as the impact of scientific discourse on AI-related policies. This paper introduces a novel framework for joint analysis of AI-related policy documents and eXplainable Artificial Intelligence (XAI) research papers. The collected documents are enriched with metadata and interconnections, using various NLP methods combined with a methodology inspired by Institutional Grammar. Based on the information extracted from collected documents, we showcase a series of analyses that help understand interactions, similarities, ...

The welfare state could be analysed from political or institutional perspective, because it raises a question about the scope of citizen’s rights as well as a question about the limits of cooperation between the free market and the government. This assumption is also true in the context of East Asia. In the present literature devoted to the East Asian welfare state one can find three approaches to this issue. The first one emphasizes the cultural and the structural dissimilarity of East Asia, which affect the shape of social policies in each country in the region. The second one shows the East Asian welfare states as undeveloped forms of the European models of social policy. The third one tries to demonstrate that each of East Asian countries has its own distinct form of welfare state. In my opinion, the source of the differences between those approaches lies in the level of analyse. One can look at the East Asia welfare state focusing only on the instruments of social policy, which are sometimes very similar to those developed in Europe and USA or one can analyse the cultural 16 Por. Jadwiga Staniszkis, Władza globalizacji, Wydawnictwo Naukowe SCHOLAR, Warszawa 2003. 114 Bartosz Pielinski and the political background of social policy in East Asia, which is very different than western experiences. If we examine the East Asian welfare state from the political perspective we find out that the purpose for developing the whole system of social policy is to legitimise the existence of the government. The government is obligated to create an environment in which every citizen can independently work out his or her own welfare. Due to these facts, it is hard to draw from the institutional perspective a sharp line between the sphere of the free market and the sphere controlled by the state. Each of East Asian states is interested in having a discreet control over its citizen’s live and because of it the autonomy of the market is very often illusive in East Asia. To sum up, in my opinion there is the separate model of the welfare state in East Asia and its particularity comes down from cultural and political specific of the region.

Celem tego artykułu jest przeanalizowanie sankcji socjalnych, które są częścią polskiej ustawy o pomocy społecznej. W naszych badaniach przeanalizowaliśmy cztery wersje tejże ustawy – projekt ustawy z 1990 roku, przyjętą ustawę z tego samego roku, ustawę z 2004 roku oraz ustawę z 2017 roku. Wykorzystując gramatykę instytucjonalną stworzoną przez S.E.S. Crawford i E. Ostrom byliśmy w stanie określić trwałe cechy sankcji socjalnych, jak też te cechy, które ulegały zmianie z upływem czasu. W wyniku naszych badań okazało się, że sankcje socjalne rozwijają się ze względu na swój charakter, jak i zasięg, jak też osłabieniu ulegają ograniczenia nakładane na stosowanie owych sankcji.

The paper aims to describe how aging society has influenced social policy in Japan, South Korea, Taiwan and Singapore. It analyses a change in demographic structure of Asian societies as well it presents the history of  the development of social policy in East Asia. The last section of the paper shows how much the change in demographic structure has been influencing the conservative welfare state characteristic of the  East Asian countries.

Artykuł poświęcony jest implikacjom, jakie dla polityki społecznej niosą trzy główne odmiany nowego instytucjonalizmu: instytucjonalizm racjonalnego wyboru, instytucjonalizm historyczny oraz instytucjonalizm socjologiczny. Analizie zostaje poddana kwestia tego, jakie następstwa dla polityki społecznej mają odmienne koncepcje instytucji tworzone w obrębie każdej z odmian nowego instytucjonalizmu. Autor artykułu wskazuje na to, że nowy instytucjonalizm stawia przed polityką społeczną trzy rodzaje wyzwań: funkcjonalności, przygodności i stosowności.

Vincent and Elinor Ostrom devoted their entire academic careers to studying polycentric systems. Their work has influenced mainly research on common-pool resources. The purpose of this paper is to show how analysis of polycentric systems could be used in social policy studies. It is done by outlining the new institutional framework for development. This framework synthesizes Institutional Analysis and Development Framework created by Elinor Ostrom with Amartya Sen’s capability approach. The application of the new institutional framework for development is demonstrated through the analysis of poverty.

Co-production is very common phenomenon in our everyday lives. We are inclined to assist in the production of services that are delivered to us. The work of Elinor Ostrom shows that it is reasonable to consider co-production as an important element in the production of public services. This paper aims to show what co-production is, the kind of implications co-production has for the performance of public administration, and how co-production can influence the political system as a whole. Co-production, on the one hand, could lead to minor changes in the way the welfare state functions; and, on the other hand, co-production could serve as the basis for a new, complex, polycentric political system. Journal: Polityka Społeczna, No 1 ENG

Artykuł poświęcony jest instytucjonalizmowi historycznemu. Przedstawiane jest w nim to, w jaki sposób w obrębie tej odmiany nowego instytucjonalizmu rozwijały się badania nad polityką społeczną. Przeprowadzone przez autora analizy sugerują, że instytucjonalizm historyczny silnie uwypukla polityczność polityki społecznej oraz wskazuje na trudności, jakie polityka społeczna może mieć z wprowadzaniem intencjonalnej zmiany społecznej.

This article explores the growth of the socio-economic strength of the nonprofit sector in Poland over the past 25 years of post-communist transition and this sector’s increasingly strong relations with government in the fields of human service delivery and social policy formulation. Among the factors contributing to the expanding role of the country’s nonprofit sector examined in the article are the early post-communist welfare gap, the impact of Poland’s accession to the EU, the new legal framework for nonprofits established during this period, the significant decentralization of governmental authority, and the resulting expansion of governmental support now reaching a level close to that in many Western European countries. At the same time, the article identifies the remaining vulnerabilities that continue to plague Polish nonprofit organizations as a consequence of its reliance on short-term contracts, limited access to public procurement procedures, and a general pull-back of the state from the provision of human services.RésuméCet article explore la croissance de la force socioéconomique du secteur à but non lucratif en Pologne pendant les 25 dernières années de transition postcommuniste, et les relations de plus en plus fortes de ce secteur avec le gouvernement dans les domaines de la prestation de services sociaux et de la formulation de la politique sociale. Parmi les facteurs contribuant à l’expansion du rôle du secteur à but non lucratif du pays examinée dans l’article figurent l’écart récent de bien-être entre les pays postcommunistes, les conséquences de l’adhésion de la Pologne à l’UE, le nouveau cadre juridique pour les organisations à but non lucratif établi au cours de cette période, la décentralisation significative du pouvoir gouvernemental et l’élargissement qui en résulte de l’appui gouvernemental pour atteindre maintenant un niveau proche de celui de nombreux pays d’Europe occidentale. Dans le même temps, l’article identifie les vulnérabilités restantes qui continuent de nuire aux organisations à but non lucratif polonaises en raison de leur dépendance envers les contrats de courte durée, de l’accès limité aux procédures de marchés publics et au retrait général de l’État en matière de prestation de services sociaux.ZusammenfassungDieser Beitrag untersucht die wachsende sozioökonomische Stärke des gemeinnützigen Sektors in Polen in den vergangenen 25 Jahren des post-kommunistischen Wandels und die zunehmend starken Beziehungen des Sektors mit der Regierung bei der Bereitstellung sozialer Dienstleistungen und der Sozialpolitikgestaltung. Zu den Faktoren, die zu der sich ausweitenden Rolle des gemeinnützigen Sektors in diesem Land beitragen und die in dieser Abhandlung betrachtet werden, gehören die frühe post-kommunistische Wohlfahrtskluft, die Auswirkungen von Polens Beitritt zur EU, die in diesem Zeitraum eingeführten neuen rechtlichen Rahmenbedingungen für gemeinnützige Organisationen, die bedeutende Dezentralisierung der Regierungsautorität und die daraus folgende Ausweitung der staatlichen Unterstützung, die nunmehr der in vielen westlichen europäischen Ländern gleichkommt. Gleichzeitig identifiziert der Beitrag die verbleibende Anfälligkeit der polnischen gemeinnützigen Organisationen infolge einer Abhängigkeit von kurzfristigen Verträgen, des beschränkten Zugangs zu Verfahren der öffentlichen Auftragsvergabe und der Tatsache, dass sich der Staat allgemein aus dem Bereich sozialer Dienstleistungen zurückgezogen hat.ResumenEl presente artículo explora el crecimiento de la fortaleza socioeconómica del sector de las organizaciones sin ánimo de lucro en Polonia a lo largo de los últimos 25 años de transición postcomunista y las relaciones cada vez más fuertes de este sector con el gobierno en los campos de la entrega de servicios sociales y la formulación de la política social. Entre los factores que contribuyen al expansivo papel del sector sin ánimo de lucro del país examinados en el presente artículo se encuentra la temprana brecha del bienestar postcomunista, el pacto de adhesión de Polonia a la UE, el nuevo marco legal para las organizaciones sin ánimo de lucro establecidas durante dicho período, y la expansión resultante del apoyo gubernamental que ahora alcanza un nivel próximo al de muchos países europeos occidentales. Al mismo tiempo, el artículo identifica las restantes vulnerabilidades que siguen acosando a las organizaciones polacas sin ánimo de lucro como consecuencia de su dependencia de los contratos a corto plazo, del acceso limitado a los procedimientos de contratación pública y de una retirada general del estado de la provisión de servicios sociales.摘要本文探讨了波兰非盈利领域的社会经济力量在过去25年的后共产主义过渡阶段中的增长以及该领域在人类服务交付和社会政策制订方面与政府之间日渐增加的联系。在本文探讨的促进该国非盈利领域增长的各种因素中,其中一个因素是后共产主义早期阶段的福利空白、波兰加入欧盟的影响、这一期间建立的新的非盈利机构的法律框架、 政府机关大量的去集中化以及带来的政府支持程度的增加,现在政府支持程度已经增加到接近很多西方欧洲国家的支持程度。 同时,文章提出了波兰非盈利领域由于其依赖短期合同、公共采购流程参与有限以及国家总体从提供人类服务中撤出等因素的影响而依然存在的薄弱环节。要約本論文では、過去 25…

Purpose – The context conditions for third sector organizations (TSOs) in Europe have significantly changed as a result of the global economic crisis, including decreasing levels of public funding and changing modes of relations with the state. The effect of economic recession, however, varies across Europe. The purpose of this paper is to understand why this is the case. It analyses the impact of economic recession and related policy changes on third sector development in Europe. The economic effects on TSOs are thereby placed into a broader context of changing third sector policies and welfare state restructuring. Design/methodology/approach – The paper focusses on two research questions: how has the changing policy environment affected the development of the third sector? And what kind of strategies have TSOs adopted to respond to these changes? The paper first investigates general trends in Europe, based on a conceptual model that focusses on economic recession and austerity pol...

PurposeThis paper aims to examine the development of welfare conditionality and especially benefit sanctions in Central and Eastern Europe (the CEE) and to develop a methodology by implementing Institutional Grammar (IG) for studying rules on benefit sanctions relying only on legal text.Design/methodology/approachIG was used as a tool for analyzing legal regulations on benefit sanctions. It was incorporated into a social rights framework that provided a theoretical background for the study.FindingsThe paper shows the dynamic development of rules on benefit sanctions in Poland in social assistance and unemployment services. Both the harshness and strictness of these rules have increased. Simultaneously, the rules of benefit sanctions in social assistance remain more liberal than those associated with unemployment services.Originality/valueThe study presents the first comprehensive and concise overview of benefit sanctions development in the CEE and the first long-term comparison of t...

Praca wypełnia lukę w polskim piśmiennictwie z zakresu porównawczej polityki społecznej dzięki przedstawieniu specyfiki uwarunkowań systemów społecznych w Azji Wschodniej, a także podobieństw i odmienności w porównaniu z zachodnioeuropejskimi rozwiązaniami społecznymi. Bezsporny jest także wkład Autora w rozwój metodologii badań w nauce o polityce społecznej dzięki wykorzystaniu interdyscyplinarnego podejścia do badania ewolucji systemów społecznych i ich uwarunkowań, łączącego perspektywy socjologii polityki, polityki społecznej, nauk politycznych oraz historii gospodarczej"
z recenzji prof. dr hab. Ewy Leś