Colour and Colour Terminology
Author(s): N. B. McNeill
Source: Journal of Linguistics, Vol. 8, No. 1 (Feb., 1972), pp. 21-33
Published by: Cambridge University Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4175133 .
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JL8 (1972)
i-i99
Printed in Great Britain
Colour and colour terminology
N. B. McNEILL
PsycholinguisticLaboratories,The Universityof Chicago
(Received 30 May I97I)
The continuous gradation of colour which exists in nature is represented in
languageby a series of discrete categories.1Athough there is no such thing as a
naturaldivision of the spectrum, every languagehas colour words by which its
speakerscategorizeand structurethe colour continuum. The number of colour
wordsand the mannerin which differentlanguagesclassifythe colourcontinuum
differ. Bassa, a languageof Liberia, has only two terms for classifyingcolours;
hui and ziza (Gleason, I955: 5). Hui corresponds roughly to the cool end of
the spectrum (black, violet, blue, and green) and ziza correspondsto the warm
end of the spectrum (white, yellow, orange and red); in Bambara,one of the
languagesof the Congo area,there are three fundamentalcolour words: dyema,
blema and fima (Zahan, 195I: 52). Dyema includes white, beige, and natural
(cotton) colour; blema denotes reddish, brownish shades; and finally fima
includesdarkgreen,indigo and black.MaerzandPaul (I930) list over3000 colour
names in English, but generallyit is consideredto have eight basic names: black,
white, red, orange, yellow, green, blue and violet.
The question of how many colours there are and how names are related to
colourexperienceshas intriguedmany scholars;much researchhas been done on
the question of the discrepancybetween colour perceptionand colour identification. Woodworthsummarizedthe past researchon this topic in 'The puzzle of
color vocabularies'(i910) and drew two conclusions,one that there is an invariable sequence in the emergence of basic colour terms: 'Color nomenclature
begins, almost always,with red, and spreadsto the other colors in spectralorder,
usually, however, skipping such transitionalcolors as orange, blue-green and
violet' (327) and two, that the emergence of a colour term is based on the
functionalimportanceof the colour and its frequencyof usage: 'Wherethe need
for designatinga certaincolor, or range of colors, is infrequent,the fluid condition of color designationwill be adequate'(328). By 'fluidcondition'Woodworth
means the state where the colour of an objectis said to be like the colour of some
other object but the basis of referenceis not yet fixed so that it varies from one
comparisonto another.If on the other hand such a need is frequent,'fixedusage
begins to emergewhich centersaboutsome one comparisonand all objectswhich
[i]
Thanks are due to Dr Eric P. Hamp and Dr Richard G. Stern of The University of
Chicago for their advice and encouragement, and to my husband, David McNeill, for
his criticisms during the preparation of this paper. The research work leading to this
paper was supported in part by the United States Office of Education and the Early Education Research Center of The University of Chicago,
21
JOURNAL
OF LINGUISTICS
have a certaincolor are groupedtogether and consideredto have the color of one
particularobject'(328). The name of the objectthen graduallybecomesseparated
from the object and becomes the 'name' of a colour.
The first of these conclusions has been developed by Berlin and Kay in their
recent publicationon colour terms.2Among their findings are the following:
i. An exhaustiveand universalinventory of i i basic colour categoriesexists
for all humansfrom which the i i or fewer basic colourterms in any languageare
always drawn.
2. The eleven basic colour categoriesare white,black,red,green,yellow, blue,
brown,purple,pink, orangeand grey.
3. There is a temporal-evolutionarysequence, as follows:
I
Swhite
II
red
LblackILyellow
III*
IV
green
yellow
green
V
VI
bluepurple
~
j
VII
rw1lpink
orange
Lgray
(* At stage III either green or yellow emerges, and at stage IV whichever did
not emerge at stage III emerges.)
4. A given languageat a given point of time can be in one and only one of the
seven evolutionarystages and in any stage must have passed through all prior
stages in the describedorder.
The conclusionsI wish to draware (i) that in contrastto Berlinand Kay there
is no universal sequence in which colour terms arise, because this order is
determinedby the function of colour terms in a culture (the second of Woodworth'sconclusions);(2) that there is a kind of universalityin the humanperception of colour based on the physiologyof vision and it has at times played a role
in the emergenceof colour terms.
In dealingwith this problem,the view will be takenthat a set of colourwords
is a system of structuringthe perceptionof nature. There are two majorfactors
[i] Berlin & Kay, I969. The language types covered range from Jal, a Danian language
of New Guinea which contains colour terms for only black and white, to languages like
English which contains the full complement of eleven colour categories. Of the 98
languages, data were collected first hand on 20 languages from informants who resided
in the San Francisco Bay Area. The materials on the other 78 languages presented have
been drawn from published sources and personal communications with linguists and
ethnographers who have specialized knowledge of the languages in question. In collecting
their own data Berlin and Kay used a set of 320 Munsell colour chips (320 colour chips
of 4o hues and 8 degrees of brightness, and 9 chips of neutral hues (white, black and
greys) ). First the basic colour words of the languages in question were elicited from the
informants. Then each subject was instructed to map both the focal point and the outer
boundary of each of his colour terms on the array of colour stimuli. When the responses
were studied and compared, a surprising uniformity occurred, as described above.
22
COLOUR AND COLOUR TERMINOLOGY
involved in the evolution and use of colour terms: (i) the naturalresourcesand
the availabilityof coloursin the externalworld, and (2) the physiologyof human
vision. The interplay of these two factors can be shown for all languages, but
for this study the linguistic communities of Navaho, Pukapukaand Ainu are
selected as the focal languages.When need arises, various other languageswill
be introduced.
I. COLOUR TERMS AND NATURAL RESOURCES
(i)
The Navaho
Berlin and Kay list the Navaho colour terms as follows:
lagai
lidzin
lichi
dotl'ish
litso
'white'
'black'
'red'
'blue-green'
'yellow'
(Since colournamesin variouslanguagesare not easilytranslatable,non-English
colour names should ideally be expressedin terms of some non-linguisticsystem
of notation; e.g., Munsell colour numbersor spectralwavelengths.However, for
convenienceEnglish colourwords will be used with the understandingthat what
is intended is the spectral loci of the range to which the English colour word
refers and not the English colour name as such. When the colour term itself is
intended, it will be italicized. This convention is used for both English and
non-English colour terms.) Berlin and Kay then place Navaho in Stage IV,
according to their evolutionary scheme, along with such other languages as
Batak(Sumatra)and Eskimo(Canada).However, a study of the religiousrites of
the Navaho will make clear the arbitrarinessof such placement. The above
colour names were originally the names of the minerals and other earth substances commonlyused in the religiousceremonies.The name and focus of each
colour categoryis thereforeuniquely that of the Navaho, and not the result of a
universalevolution of colour terms.
Among the Navaho rituals one of the most importantis the rite of divination.
When a personbecomes ill and is not certainwhich of the many things he should
or should not have done is responsiblefor the sickness, the cause is determined
by the rite of divination.Besidesthe function of diagnosis,divinationis used also
to prescribethe ritual treatmentof the disordersuch as the precise form of the
ceremony,the time when it should be performed,and the selection of the right
practitionerto performthe rite (Kluckhohn & Leighton, I946).
The form most frequentlyused in the rite of divinationis 'hand-trembling'.
The rite of hand-tremblingis of particularinterest from the point of view of
colour study. Jet beads (black), white shells (white), turquoise (blue-green),
pollen (yellow) and white clay (white) play a conspicuous role in this ritual.
23
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OF LINGUISTICS
According to Kluckhohn, this ritual involves the following prayer: 'Black Gila
Monster, I want you to tell me what is wrong with this patient. Do not hide
anything from me. I am giving you a jet bead to tell me what the illness of this
patientis' (I48). The prayeris then repeatedfor each finger,substitutinga different colour of Gila Monster and correspondingbead for each one - a Blue Gila
Monster and a turquoise bead for the index finger, a Yellow Gila Monster and
a Haliotis shell bead for the middle and ring fingers, a White Gila Monster and
a white shell bead for the little finger. Turquoise and white shells are seen in
other contexts also. In every dwelling, buckskinpouches are preparedin which
are found bits of turquoise and white shells along with pollen, herbs and tiny
carved images of animals. In Navaho drypainting,charcoal,local minerals,and
red and yellow ochre which are ground and placed in bark receptaclescompose
the pigments.
An interesting relationshipis found between the colour names and the substances used in the above ceremonials.In Navaho, white shell bead is yo'lagai
(yo' meaning'bead'),turquoiseis dotl'ishor tl'if (H. Landar,personalcommunication), black ochre is 1ez or Iiiin (as le4in it designatesjet or black coal), red
ochre is cih (ci.h also means to redden or dye red), and finally, yellow ochre is
1e-coi(Haile, I951). In other words the five colour names listed earlierand the
names of the earth substancesused for ceremonialsare identical except for the
omission of 1iin the case of red. Even in this case lichi and ci h can be considered
identicalif we accept Durbin's view that the morpheme{i- (and its variousforms
le, lee-, la-) is relatedto leesh,leezhmeaningdirt or earth(Durbin, 1970, in press).
(Durbin states that the differencein phonetic form among those morphemesis
due to phonetic assimilationto the following sounds.)
These observationssuggest that the Navaho colour terms were the common
names of availablenaturalresources,and support the conclusionthat the emergence of colour terms is culture specific. That this is the case is reflectedin the
results obtained by Landar, Ervin and Horowitz in their psychologicalexperiment on Navaho colour categories (I960). They report that when the Navaho
monolingualswere shown colour chips from the blue-green range, the answer
was often 'bluish-greenish,the color of turquoise'. They report also that where
English monolinguals distinguish two categories of blue and green, Navaho
monolingualsproduced only one category of turquoise. This suggests not only
that colour categoriesare structureddifferentlyfrom cultureto culture, but also
that the names of colour categoriesand their foci differsince these have much to
do with the availability of the colours and their function and frequency in
practicallife.
(2) The Pukapukans
A similar relationshipbetween colour terms and natural resources appears in
Pukapuka,the languageof three remote isles northeastof Samoa.
24
COLOUR
AND
COLOUR
TERMINOLOGY
Berlin and Kay provide the following four terms as the basic Pukapukan
colour terms:
kena
uli
kula
yengayengaor yenga
'white'
'black'
'red'
'blue' or 'yellow' or mixture of two colours
and categorizePukapukanas accordinglybelonging to Stage III on their evolutionaryscale. However,a study of the life of the Pukapukansprovidesan explanation for some of these colour names.
Pukapukanslive in isolated conditionsuntouched by the culturaland technological developmentsmade in other parts of the world; they subsist on fish and
plants (McGregor, I935). Among Pukapukans'most valued staple vegetable
food is talo which is an indigenous plant of the South Pacific Islands and grows
starchytubers. A full-growntuber is as largeand as heavy as a largesweet potato,
and just underneaththe outer barkof this tuber is an inner layer, which may be
rose (kula,ula), white (kina),darkgreenishor purplish(uli) in colour, depending
on the variety (MacCaughey& Emerson, I9I3; Beaglehole& Beaglehole,I938).
The names in parenthesesrepresent the variety of talo, and as we notice the
names of talo and the colour names in Pukapukaare representedby the same
terms. I have not been ableto find the sourceforyengayenga.However,according
to MacCaugheyand Emerson, 'the interiorof the raw tuber is usually light grey
with a slight bluish tinge, but in some varietiesmay be yellow, orange, or even
purple' (227). The dual meaning of blue and yellow for yengayengamay, therefore, have something to do with the colour of the interiorof the raw talo tuber.
(3) Japanese
Since i86o when synthetic dyes based on such materialsas coal-tar,petroleum
and others were invented, and the so-called basic colours were imported to
Japan, Japanesehas had the following eleven basic colour words as Berlin and
Kay state:
shiro
'white'
kuro
'black'
'red'
aka
midori
'green'
ki
'yellow'
ao
'blue'
cha
'brown'
murasaki
'purple'
momo
'pink'
daidai
'orange'
hai, nezumi 'grey'
25
JOURNAL
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However, Berlin and Kay do not mention the traditionalsystem of colour names
that has existed for centuriesand is still in use in many partsof Japan.There are
three such basic colour names, aside from black (kuro)and white (shiro),and all
threewere derivedfromindigenousplantsfromwhichnaturaldyes wereextracted
(Uemura& Yamazaki,I943; Uemura,I943).
colournames
plants (source of dyes)
akane(red)
hanada(blue)
kariyasu(yellow)
akane(roots)
hanada(entire plant)
kariyasu(entire plant)
The resulting colours have a characteristicfocus and range of shades which are
uniquely Japanese. An examinationof these colours shows that what ancient
Japaneseclassified as akane would be called orangeand what they classifiedas
hanadawould be called turquoiseby English speakers.In other words, to ancient
Japaneseorange is the representativeexample of the red range which centres
around red in English, and turquoise is the representativeexample of the blue
range which centres around English blue. A given wave of light has the same
length to all humans, but the same wavelengthmay be categorizedas different
colours in different cultures. Conversely, different wavelengths may become
representativecolours of the same spectral range. Returning to the JapaneseEnglish examplesabove, the representativecolours of the red, yellow, and blue
rangein English have wavelengthsof 66o mg, 585 my, and 485 mp, respectively
(Woodworth & Schlosberg, I955: 387-397); and I estimate the representative
colours of the red, yellow and blue range in ancient Japaneseto have had wavelengths of 6io mp, 570 mu and 490 m,u,respectively(based on informationin
Uemura, I943, and Wada, 1954). This reflectsthe extent to which the available
naturalresourcesaffectthe resulting relationshipbetween the colour names and
their referents. The colour names themselves were originally names of actual
objects which gradually became abstract when the usage was frequent and
importantenough in the community,as is the case here.
The tendency to create abstract colour names out of concrete objects is a
common phenomenon of English; emerald,azure (lazuli), topaz from precious
stones; rose,pink, lilac, mauve,lavenderfrom flowers;pomegranate,lemon,olive,
cherry,plum, cerisefrom fruits; salmonfromfish; chartreuseand champagnefrom
liquor. Among the most striking is the term crimsonwhich was derived from a
worm. According to Maerz and Paul, crimson came from medieval Latin
and for a long time it referredonly to a bluish-reddye obtainedfrom
kermesinus,
the Kermes insect. Kermes also was the source of the originalscarlet dye. The
term scarlet came from Persian saqalat, siqalat, suglat, a red cloth dyed with
Kermes. 'Kermes', a red dye, is produced by the female insect kermococcus.
According to Laudermilk (I949), at some point in its development, after a
moulting process, the female kermococcusturns into a sac in which the young
26
COLOUR
AND
COLOUR
TERMINOLOGY
(eggs) are the contents. Before the eggs are hatched, the insects are killed by
vapoursof vinegarand a brilliantred dye is extractedfrom the fully grown eggs.
The term 'kermes' meaning 'worm' exists in many languageswith variations:
krmib(Sanskrit),kirm (Persian), kirmis(Lithuanian),crgivi(Old Slavic), cruim
(Old Irish) (Meillet & Ernout, I967: 724).
Some of what Berlinand Kay call BASIC colourterms such as orangeandpurple
were also derivedfrom actualobjects,purplefrom a shell as discussedbelow and
orangefrom a fruit. We should also note the fact that where need exists, a wide
variety of colour names emerge. In English we have, for the reddish colour, red,
rubicund,russet,auburn,crimson,carmine,scarlet, vermilion,maroonand many
others each of which represents a colour. In languages such as Bassa all the
colours mentioned above can be described by ziza. In other words, from the
point of view of anotherlanguage,each languagemay be arbitraryin classifying
colours; what is expressed by a single colour word in one language may be
characterizedby a series of colour words in another.
This is a common phenomenon in linguistic developmentin general, and it
seems importantat this point to stress the fact that the principlesof classification
are differentfrom languageto language.In Eskimo, for example, there are four
differentwords for snow: aput for 'snow on the ground', qanafor 'fallingsnow',
for 'a snowdrift'(Boas, I9II). English
piqsirpoqfor 'driftingsnow', and qimuqsuq
has only the one term, snow, which describes the four states. The automobile
gives rise to the American English convertible,club coupe',sedan, hardtop,twodoor,four-door,sportscar, station-wagon,runabout,limousineand many others
(Brown, I958). Some other languageshave only one term for these. In Hopi, all
flying things except birds have a single name. In English, there is aviator,butterfly, and aeroplane;in Hopi, there is just masa'ytaka(Whorf, I956). According
to Boas, this tendency of a languageto express a varietyof ideas by a single term
is called 'holophrasis'.
There areexamplesof holophrasisin the case of colour terms. Hanunoocolour
terms provide a good example. In Hanunoo,the languageof a tribe on Mindoro
Island in the Philippines,mararameans 'exhibitingredness' and malatuymeans
'exhibiting greenness' in some contexts, while in other contexts mararameans
'dryness or desiccation' and malatuy means 'wetness or succulence' (Conklin,
I964).
Purple,woadand safflowerin the ancientworld and ao in Japanesepresent the
case where a single colour name designatesa wide varietyof differenthues.
(i)
Purple
Originally,purple derivedfrom shells (Purpura)found on the coast of the eastern
MediterraneanSea. The animals gatheredinto shoals in spring time; abrasion
produced a milky white fluid from which purple dye was obtained. When the
shells were broken,the white substanceoozed out. Upon exposureto the air and
227
JOURNAL
OF LINGUISTICS
light this substance passed through a series of colours: first citron-yellow,then
greenish yellow, then green, and finally, purple or scarlet. The juice obtained
from Murex brandaris,a kind of Purpura,changed photochemicallyinto a deep
blue-violet, but that of Murex trunculus, another kind of Purpura, gave a
scarletredhue (Forbes,1964:
II4-I22;
Gipper,I964). Mixingshellsin various
ratios and stopping the photochemical process at different points produced
yellow, blue, green, red and violet. Accordingto OED, in the middle agespurple
appliedvaguelyto variousshades of red but now it appliesto 'mixtureof red and
blue in various proportions'. The purple dye industry goes back into preclassical period. However, its heyday was reached during the classical period,
and the Greeks appliedthe term -rropcpVpEoS
to cover all these hues.
Woad
According to Forbes (I964: Iio), woad is an ancient source of blue which was
known to both the Egyptians and the people of Mesopotamia.Woad is made
from the leaves of Isatis tinctoria,a herbaceousbiennialwhose essentialconstituent, indigotin, is the same as that of indigo. When the Isatis leavesturnedyellow,
they were groundto a smooth paste which was then formedinto oval balls. The
balls turned darkblue (almost black) on the outside if they were exposed to the
sun. If, on the other hand, they were stored in a closed place, they took on a
yellowish hue which became particularlypronounced when the weather was
rainy. Before the dyer used the material,these balls were ground to powder,
moistened and fermented for several weeks. The dye then gave a strong and
permanentblue. All three hues present in the differentstages were called by the
same name, woad.
(2)
(3) Safflower
The dye called carthameor safflowerwas made from Carthamustinctorius, a
thistle-like herb, which yields large orange coloured flower heads. The flower
heads are picked by hand and pressed into cakes. This flower contained two
colouring substances: saffloweryellow which is a weak yellow and soluble, and
carthamicacid which is red and insoluble. Different shades rangingfrom red to
yellow could thus be attained, and both were called by the same colour name,
saffloweror carthame(Forbes, I964: I22-I23).
(4) Ao in Japanese
Ao (blue) was derived from an indigenous plant, 'ai'. The colour obtainedfrom
this plant ranges from indigo to bluish green. Midori (green) is also obtained
from ai by adding a small amount of kariyasu (a yellow vegetable dye). In
Japaneseall these colours are called ao (Uemura & Yamazaki,I943).
The above studies show that the developmentof colour names and their foci
28
COLOUR AND COLOUR TERMINOLOGY
are specific to the culture in which the name developed and have much to do
with the available natural resources and the range of colours they provide.
Therefore, they cannot be explainedin terms of a universalorder.
II.
COLOUR TERMS AND THE PHYSIOLOGY
OF HUMAN VISION
In the preceding section, I have shown how colour terms are related to the
available natural resources. A similar close relationshipexists between colour
terms and human colour perception and, as we will see, certain limitations
inherent in human colour perceptioncreate an interestingtwist to the development of colour words.
It is generallybelieved that the fact that a certaincolour name does not exist
in a culturedoes not mean that its people are incapableof perceivingthat colour.
Colour discriminationis probably the same for all human populations with
healthy vision. To normal human vision, nature appearsin various degrees of
brightness- ranging from black through a variety of shades of grey to white and in various coloured hues. Among the millions of hues that exist in nature,
red, green, blue and yellow are consideredprimalcolours. Of these primalhues
some are compatiblewith each other and may be sensed in the same place at the
same time; others are incompatibleand will never be simultaneouslypresent in
the colour of an object. For example, red can appear only in a mixture with
yellow producing orange or in a mixture with blue producing violet, magenta,
mauve, purple, etc.; it never appears in a mixture with green (Linskz, 1952:
52-I44, I964). There is no such hue as a greenish red or a reddish green, since
in this mixture if red predominates,we obtain only unsaturatedshades of red,
and if green predominates,we get unsaturatedshades of that same green. Any
of the otherthree primarycolourswill also mix with only two of the otherthree blue with red or green, yellow with red or green and green with yellow or blue.
However, we never sense a combinationof red and green or yellow and blue. In
other words, red and green, blue and yellow have a strong relationshipas pairs
of opposite colours.
The same pairingof red and green, blue and yellow is reflectedin the human
perception of colour in such phenomenaas induced colours, after-images,and
colour blindness. Various experiments have shown that when one member of
the pair is presented, the eye tends to call up the other member. For example,
when one stares for a while at a red surfaceand then switches quickly to a white
one, one will see green instead of white. A similareffect is found between yellow
and blue. If we fixate our eyes on the sun and then switch to a white surface,we
see a circle of 'robin's egg blue' (Goethe, I840; Krech, Crutchfield& Livson,
I969:
II4-I47).
Combinationsof red-greenand blue-yellow are seen also in colour blindness.
Among the symptoms of colour blindness, deuteranopiainvolves an inability to
differentiatered and green and protanopiainvolves the same inability plus a
29
JOURNAL
OF LINGUISTICS
weakness in perceiving the red end of the spectrum-.Another form of colour
blindness, tritanopia, involves an inab-ilityto perceive the difference between
blue and yellow. All this shows that red and green on the one hand and blue
and yellow on the other are physiologicallylinked in human perception.These
pairs of colours are complementarycolours, and as Arnheim (I969) states, they
represent'combinationsthat add up to the completewhole of whitenessor, when
subtractedfrom each other, producethe complete nothingnessof black'.
The innate tendency of human vision to combine red and green, or blue and
yellow, is directly reflectedin the colour terms of some contemporarylanguages
in the world. Clearexamplesare found in relativelyunacculturatedand isolated
linguistic communities.
Ainu, the languageof the indigenouscaucasoidpeople of Japan,has four basic
colour terms (Chiri, I953).
kunne 'black'
retar
'white'
hu
'red-green'
siwnin 'blue-yellow'
The terms siwnin and hu are of particularinterest to us. Accordingto Chiri,
siwninmeans both 'yellow' and 'blue' as the following list shows:
siwninus
siwninrit
siwninsame
siwninonkerax
siwninmarewrew
siwninarake
'blue mildew'
'blue line' (veins as on the forehead)
'blue shark'
'yellow phlegm'
'yellow butterfly'
'jaundice'
This phenomenon of categorizingblue and yellow together found in the Ainu
language is seen in other linguistic communities also. According to Le Coeur
(I956), in Daza, a Nilo-Saharanlanguageof east Nigeria, zedo means 'blue' and
zede means 'yellow'. Also, zede to some informantssignified both bright yellow
and violet. A word meaning both 'blue' and 'yellow' appears in a number of
contemporarySlaviclanguages.In Serbo-Croatian,plavi meaning'blue' becomes
'blond' as it applies to human hair, and in Russian,polovyj refers to both blue
and yellow (Vasmer, I955: 395). The same meaning is also shared by plowy in
Polish(Bruckner,
I957:
422)
andplavyin Czech(Machek,I957:
372).
Miklosich
lists a Proto-Slavicterm polvu meaningboth 'blue' and 'yellow' from which the
above terms in Slavoniclanguageswere derived. The languageof the Mechopdo
Indians of Northern Californiahas a term epotiwhich means 'sky-blue','purple'
and 'blue with a yellow tinge', and epotimpapaga means 'the yolk of an egg'
(Gatschet, I879). In Chinese and Japanesethe character refersto the blue of
the sky and the sea and also to a sallow complexion, in particularof old age
30
COLOUR AND COLOUR TERMINOLOGY
(Morohashi, I960). In Latin, fiavus, meaning 'yellow' and 'blond' corresponds
to bldo 'blue' in Old High German, bla 'yellow' in Medieval German and blau
'blue' in Modern German (Andre, I949; Walde & Hofmann, I938: 5I3).
The close relationshipbetween red and green is also seen in many languagesof
the world. In the case of red and green there is an added link between the two
coloursin that they often representthe coloursof two differentstagesof the same
plants or fruits.
In the Ainu languagehu means both 'red' and 'green', and accordingto Chiri,
hu meaning 'fresh' or 'green' appearsin such words as hu-ham'green leaves',
hu-kina'greengrass',and hu-ni 'raw tree'. However,in other contexts hu means
'red' (cf. hu-turex'red fruit'). In Chineseand Japanese,the character meaning
'green' consists of E 'fresh' and Jf 'red' and indicates the colour of young
(immature)plants and fruits (Morohashi, I960: 835-840).
The fact that languagesas widely differentas Serbo-Croatian,the languageof
the Mechopdo Indians, Ainu and Chinese show the same phenomena would
lead us to believe that creatingone word meaningboth 'yellow' and 'blue', 'red'
and 'green' is a reflectionof an innate characterof human colour perceptionand
hence may be called a universal tendency of all humans. However, with the
advent of general technological development, which includes the invention of
chemicaldyes and the resultingnecessity to differentiatea large numberof hues
of variousbrightnessand saturation,this universaltendency has left only a faint
trace in the developmentof colour words.
The invention of chemical dyes is very recent, historically,dating only from
the nineteenth century. It is easy to overlookjust how highly disrupting the
availabilityof these dyes has been for the traditionalcolourterminologies,which
have been evolving for many centuries.Not only has there been a great need for
new colour terms, but traditional terms have been recruited to denote new,
artificially-madecolours. The original referents of these colour terms, which
were the colours naturallyavailableto the culture, have generallybeen relegated
to peripheralstatus, and in their place has appeareda vast new set of colours.
Berlin and Kay state, 'It appearsnow that, although differentlanguagesencode in their vocabulariesdifferent number of basic color categories, a total
universal inventory of exactly eleven basic color terms exists from which the
eleven or fewer basic color terms of any given language are always drawn' (2),
and it may indeed be that if we askcontemporaryspeakersof Japaneseto show us
examplesof aka 'red', Germanspeakersexamplesof rot, Hopi speakersexamples
of pala 'red', we will find a high degree of agreementin their responses.Even
so, this universalityof categorieswhich Berlinand Kay believe they have demonstratedis itself an artificialresult of the invention of man-madedyes only a century ago. Because of the ready availabilityof these colours, the precision and
cheapnessof their manufacture,plus a host of other economicfactors,man-made
3'
JOURNAL OF LINGUISTICS
chemicaldyes are in use virtuallyeverywhere.They thereforeprovide a basis for
universal colour terms. The Berlin and Kay set of colours is thus the latest
exampleof how abstractcolourtermsareinfluencedby the availabilityof concrete
sources.Their theory, in other words, has not overturnedthe theory of linguistic
relativity as they claimed. In the developmentof colour words as in any other
linguistic creation, necessity and functional importance are the determining
factors, and as Boas states, such developments seem to depend on the chief
interest of a people.
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