Company Towns

While comprehensively planned company towns became a feature of Australian mining during the second half of the twentieth century, the Isa Mines settlement constructed by Mount Isa Mines from the late 1920s was an early precursor of this phenomenon.

Les colònies industrials són un dels models de poblament característics de la industrialització, en una bona part d'Europa occidental. Les colònies solien estar formades per un establiment on s'hi desenvolupava una activitat econòmica (una fàbrica tèxtil, una mina, una indústria química, etc.) i una sèrie d'elements que afavorien el procés de producció: habitatges per a les persones empleades i les seves famílies, i alguns serveis. A Catalunya, a partir de la segona meitat del segle XIX i fins a començament del segle XX, trobem en uns punts concrets del territori aquest tipus de poblament industrial situat a l'interior del país, enmig de zones rurals. La majoria es localitzen a les comarques del Ripollès, Osona, el Berguedà i el Bages, si bé també en trobem algunes a la comarca del Segrià, el Baix Llobregat, la Garrotxa i la Selva.

Estudi sobre les colònies tèxtils catalanes, la seva evolució històrica, els seus protagonistes i la seva importància patrimonial. El llibre conté ressenyes de les colònies més importants des del punt de vista patrimonial acompanyades de magnifiques fotografies de Lluís Casals.

Les colònies són un fenòmen singular de la industrialització de Catalunya. Van deixar una forta empremta tant en el paisatge com en la societat catalana pel model industrial, empresarial i social que van implantar. Construïdes a la vora dels rius per aprofitar la força de l'aigua, les colònies tèxtils es van caracteritzar per aglutinar en el seu recinte, aïllant-se de l'entorn, la fàbrica, els habitatges pels treballadors i els encarregats, l'església, l'escola, l'economat i tota la resta de serveis. Per a l'empresari, que actuava sovint amb un paternalisme absolut, aquest aïllament minimitzava les reivindicacions dels treballadors i n'afavoria un estricte control tant laboral com social, cultural i religiós. En l'àmbit col·lectiu van desenvolupar-s'hi societats estanques i amb una jerarquia molt rígida, en què tothom tenia un rol establert i no podia sortir-ne.
Amb Vida de colònia Emili Teixidor recupera les seves vivències i repassa, a través de nombroses fotografies inèdites i d'arxius particulars, tots aquells aspectes de la societat, el treball i l'oci que, malgrat un cert aïllament i una jerarquia social molt estricta, atorgaven un perfum característic, inoblidable a la vida en una colònia.

JUDr. Vladimír Krejčí (November 23, 1908 Prague, Královské Vinohrady - April 25, 1993 Prague) can be described as a member of the First Republic elites without blushing. Krejčí's father Jan (1868–1942) was a literary historian, Germanist, theater critic and university professor of German literature at the Prague, Brno and Bratislava universities. In the academic year 1923–1924 he was dean of the Faculty of Arts and in 1934–1935 the rector of Masaryk University in Brno. Father's brother František (1858–1934), a psychologist, a philosopher and an interwar deputy and a senator, and nephew Karel (1904–1979), a prominent slavist, also took part in the campus. Krejčí's close relatives were also composer Iša Krejčí and painter Emil Filla. The mother of Vladimír Krejčí was Růžena Heřmanová (1888–1966), daughter of a Prague restaurateur, whose friends were František Úprka, a philologist Arne Novák and musicologist Vladimír Helfert. While the eldest son of Jan and Růžena Krejčí Jan (1907) went through the academic career of a professor of physical geography, the youngest Jiří (1915) was looking for application in architecture, design and advertising. Jiří's internment in the Sachsenhausen concentration camp after November 17, 1939 brought him with his brother Jan into the service of the Zlín-based Baťa concern after his release, where Vladimír, the middle of the sons, was employed since 1936.
On 2 September 1936, Vladimír Krejčí entered the services of Zlín's Baťa Group headquarters. He began his career in the Legal Department before taking on the role of Personal Secretary Jan Antonín Baťa, the factory's last Czech secretary before leaving for the US in June 1939, for the next ten months. Krejčí had to follow Baťa across the ocean in the autumn of 1939, but the beginning of World War II forced him to stay in the Protectorate. At the turn of 1939 and 1940, he worked in the Prague office of Baťa, from where he was called back to Zlín in spring 1940, where he remained in company services until mid-1945. Protectorate leadership of the company counted with him before the end of the war as head of the personal department. The liberation of Czechoslovakia and the establishment of the new communist leadership of Baťa company forced him to leave Zlín after not completed 9 years in corporate services (1936-1945). Krejčí found a new job in the Czechoslovak Film Society. The post-February establishment detested Krejčí's past with Baťa and lack of interest in political partyism, and he therefore alternated his employment before he settled at the Ministry of Heavy Engineering (1950), at the air-conditioning plants in Radotín (1958) and at the company Laboratorní přístroje (Laboratory Instruments) in Prague (1961). August 1968 revived the memories of Krejčí's past with Baťa and contributed to his retirement in 1970.
The core of Krejčí's memoirs maps the events of 1938–1945, a tragic and breakthrough epoch in modern (central) European history and at the same time the peak period of the first half-century of Baťa's history (1894–1945). At the beginning of the 1938–1945 period, a series of strategic decisions by the corporate management stood at how the multinational Baťa concern operating on several continents established itself in the conditions of world conflict and let it benefit from an armed conflict on both sides of the warring world. On the eve of World War II and at the time the most up-to-date problems of corporate strategic decision-making (e.g. planning town factories and constituting so-called units), Krejčí describes the atmosphere on the top floors of the corporate leadership credibly, including the difficult journey of the Baťa family beyond the Protectorate borders in spring and summer 1939. At the end of the 1938–1945 period, there was the collapse of Europe dominated by Nazi Germany, the beginning of the Soviet dominion over its Middle East, and the nationalization of large industrial factories headed by the Bata Group, that took the form of a media-wise billing with the pre-Munich Republic and its economic elites, including Baťa's family.
In Krejčí's memoirs, the post-Munich and wartime period of the group's history comes to life first through the eyes of Jan Antonín Baťa's personal secretary, after Baťa's departure overseas through the eyes of an important corporate official, economic law expert, wage issues and human resources, charged with contact with the central occupation offices in Prague and with the German administration of Baťa. Krejčí's memoirs are not memories of a resistance fighter, but a loyal corporate clerk who tried to fulfil the corporate strategy of tacking among the Protectorate administration, the Reich-German military and economic interests, the domestic and foreign leadership of the Baťa Group and the ideas of the post-war organization of Czechoslovakia and Baťa Group. We cannot deny Krejčí his personal bravery and engagement in favour of war-torn Protectorate citizens, not only among family members and corporate employees. At the beginning of the war he intervened in favour of his brothers affected by the closure of Czech schools, Jiří was even interned in the concentration camp Sachsenhausen. After the war, there í was not forgotten the help Krejčí provided to Czech medical students as an influential clerk of the group, when they had to decide between the unfinished studies or morally and politically problematic continuation at the German universities after the closing of Czech universities in November 1939. The more Krejčí's breadwinner Baťa moved away from the Protectorate reality, the more Krejčí converged with the directors Dominik Čipera and Josef Hlavnička, key players of the Baťa Group during World War II. The decision to make Krejčí the Czech "superintendent" of the German manager of the firm Dr. Albrecht Miesbach, and finally, after the war, an influential head of the Human Resources Department, at the time of billing with the Nazis, collaborators and also innocent employees of German nationality, testifies to Krejčí's influence and trust he enjoyed at the Bata Protectorate leadership. Although Krejčí's memories are a detailed testimony to Baťa company in 1938-1938 and they contain dozens of specific names and events, they cannot be confused with the company's chronicle, let alone the precise and necessary processing of the Group's history during World War II. Despite the many details and frequent exaggeration related to the author's literary talents, Krejčí's language and expression are correct, without the ambition of scandalizing the actors or events.
The key question remains which passages of memoirs are the most valuable testimony to Baťa's Zlín, its backdrops and actors in the years around World War II. Readers of the author rightly expect a precise description of the operation of the Legal Department, which he had been employed since September 1936. The depiction of press disputes, publicized cases of the oil and concrete cartel and the utilitarian approach of the group management to the purchase of the spinning mill in Chrastava near Liberec from the property of the Jewish entrepreneur Schnabel, threatened by the onset of Nazism, does not cover the unscrupulous business strategy of the 1930s. The memoirs take on drama in memories of foreign travels at the turn of 1938 and 1939, an attempt by the Baťa family to leave the Czechoslovakia on the eve of the Protectorate on 14 March 1939 and Baťa's trip to the southeast and western Europe in June 1939 culminating in his departure overseas. Vol. II. of Krejčí´s memoirs is devoted to the School of Art, its teachers and the unique atmosphere in which they worked. Valuable information includes passages dedicated to German director Miesbach, the Germans from Zlín and some clearing with some of Zlín's myths. The highlights of Krejčí’s memoirs are the memories of the last war months and the establishment of post-war national administration in the hands of unscrupulous communists. The stage of the last part of Krejčí's memoirs is not only post-war Prague, but also social contacts created at the time of his work in Zlín.

Els darrers 150 anys d'història de l'extens territori que va des del naixement del riu Llobregat, a Castellar de n'Hug, fins a la seva desembocadura, al Prat de Llobregat, han estat marcats pel ritme de transformació i urbanització de les colònies industrials. Les colònies són uns conjunts que neixen, creixen i es desenvolupen de maneres molt diverses i que han convertit la vall en un espai patrimonial de primer ordre i, alhora, complex: pobles i ciutats, generacions d'empresaris i de famílies treballadores, llargues jornades de treball, reivindicacions, festes, vivendes, esglésies, casinos, teatres, esport, lleure, religiositat, anarquisme, natura i indústria, aigua i carbó, prosperitat, decadència, crisis, reptes... Una història extraordinàriament rica i plural que conforma la personalitat del nostre país.

Ein fl üchtiger Blick auf die historiografi sche Produktion der mit den tschechischen Ländern benachbarten Staaten beweist das ständige Interesse an der Problematik der Arbeitersiedlungen, die immer wieder ein beliebtes Thema der Architekturhistoriker, Kulturanthropologen, Urbanethnologen und Denkmalpfl eger sind. Mit dem aktuellen Stand der Erforschung von Arbeiterkolonien in den tschechischen Ländern, deren Forschungsanfänge in die Zeit um das Jahr 1950 zurückgeht, ermöglicht der Aufsatz den Lesern, als Resultat des langfristigen Interesses des Verfassers an der Problematik der tschechischen Arbeiterschaft in den Arbeitersiedlungen und Arbeitervierteln in den Industriestädten und -gebiete bekannt zu machen. Im neuen Jahrtausend zeigt sich das Interesse an den Arbeiterkolonien in den tschechischen Ländern durch ihre partiellen topografi schen Beschreibungen (Brno/Brünn, Ostrava/Ostrau, Ústí nad Labem/Aussig), ihre Erwähnungen in den Monografi en über die Steinkohlenreviere (Revier Kladno und Bergbaurevier Ostrava/Ostrau) und durch die Publikation einer ganze Reihe kleiner und auch monografi scher Studien, die aus den älteren nach dem Jahr 1989 unveröffentlichten Forschungen verfasst wurden. Immer häufi ger kehren die Arbeitersiedlungen als Themen von Fach- und wissenschaftlichen Tagungen und Zusammenkünften zurück. Eine eindeutig dominante Stellung unter den in der Geschichtsforschung der Arbeiterkolonien vor und nach dem Jahr 1989 führenden Regionen erhielt das Ostrauer Gebiet – einzelne Region tschechischer Länder, die sich mit der Monografi e der konkreten Arbeitersiedlung – der Salomonschacht-Kolonie (Na Šalomouně), wie auch mit der dreibändigen topographischen Abhandlung ungefähr eines Hunderts von Arbeiterkolonien auf dem Gebiet der Stadt Ostrau präsentieren kann. Trotz des nicht nachlassenden Interesses an dieser Problematik sind die aktuellen Forschungen in den tschechischen Ländern von limitierter Interdisziplinarität, heuristischer Unausgewogenheit und unzureichender thematische Innovationsfähigkeit geprägt.

Mary Kathleen was a purpose-built company town located in north west Queensland. It was created to work a rich uranium oxide, or yellow cake, deposit discovered in 1954. The town’s curved streets, modern materials and progressive urban planning scheme contrasted strongly to the red soil, heat and dust of the surrounding countryside. The extensive company records remain untouched at the University of Melbourne Archives. This paper uses the example of Mary Kathleen to explore key themes in post-war Australian history while also considering the example set by prior uranium mining communities in Australia and overseas.

The design of Mary Kathleen represented a strong statement about transplanting a functional, suburban community into the bush (Iwicki & Jones, 2012). It many ways it was emblematic of post-war Australia with the rapid growth of suburbs, all achieved through a mix of public and private investment (Darian–Smith, K and Willis, J 2007). Mary Kathleen however was a pioneer in terms of planning principles with Robert Freestone suggesting that it represented ‘[t]he most decisive break with past traditions’. (Freestone, 2010: 130)  Its large access roads ringing the settlement, its curved interior streets hugging the contours of the hills, and the provision of open parkland would not look out of place in contemporary growth corridor suburbs in Australian cities.

A history of Mary Kathleen is also significant because it can shed light on our complex and changing international relationships in the 1950s and 60s. The US alliance was increasingly important from 1942, further reinforced by the ANZUS Treaty of 1951, yet Australian-British co-operation in specific areas was still vitally important. British power was on the wane in the Far East, but there were still plans to utilize Dominion or Commonwealth resources for the development and maintenance of British military power (Reynolds, 1998). Mary Kathleen played a little known though pivotal role in these wider geopolitical changes. Mary Kathleen would be the source of the raw materials to fuel that British programme, and possibly further evidence that Australia was interested in acquiring nuclear weapons capability (see especially Reynolds, 2000).

The purpose of this paper is to analyze a special industrial space
created by the Cuban sugar industry: the batey, or sugar industrial
town. The batey will be considered as a tourist resource, following
the WTO´s FAS model (Factors, Attractors and Support
Services). The batey can be considered as a historical and artistic
resource, demonstrating part of the island´s heritage and
economic/industrial past. First, this study analyzes the
characteristics that define the batey as a tourist resource. Second,
this study describes the conditions needed to transform a factor
into an attractor, taking into account the socio-cultural and
political context where the process takes place. The Batey Brasil
is located in the Camagüey region. So it is important to take into
consideration the opportunities and potential problems of
developing a tourist product in this region. Finally, this paper
ends with some policy

Jamalpur came into existence as a railway town in 1862 when India's first locomotive workshops were established there. By studying its history until the 1940s, this article provides a description of a small industrial town that arose from colonial capitalist necessity, but which shared many of the features of colonial urban governmentality. Therefore, a call for greater small town studies, as this article modestly makes, is not based on challenging existing studies on bigger cities but for generating a fuller understanding of the link between the policies and the discourses of colonial rule that applied broadly to towns and cities of various descriptions. The diverse population of Europeans, Anglo-Indians, Bengalis and Biharis forged different forms of sociability; the workshop and other civic amenities were both shaped and contested through these forms. The discursive sites of such contestations – race, work, region, identity, sanitation, defence and protest – were as multiple as the physical ones: roads, drainage, workshop, houses, fields, bath and akharas. As a result, Jamalpur seen from the perspective of Europeans and Anglo-Indians was one type of locality that was highly insular and self-fulfilling; from the viewpoint of labour it was an extended space based on the rhythmic circulation of labour.

This essay will study the creation of Ciudad Guayana, and how a small company town became a major growth pole in the southeast of Venezuela. Ciudad Guayana is located in the less populated region of the country since colonial times, and in the crossing of its two most important rivers: the Orinoco and the Caroní. In less than 50 years, it became the sixth most populated city in Venezuela. And it could be argued that no other city has been as influenced by planning like this one in the whole country (with the exception of Caracas, maybe), making it a particularly interesting case study.

This essay will be divided into four chapters, very much related to the history of Ciudad Guayana. The first one will study the creation of a company town called Puerto Ordaz, planned and built by foreign companies with a concession to exploit natural resources in the Guayana region. The second chapter will analyze the plan made by the Joint Center for Urban Studies for the new city of Ciudad Guayana, which aimed to transform a collection of small and dispersed settlements into an integrated city, while developing the industrial potential of the region. The third chapter will focus on the POU (Urban Development Plan), elaborated by the Municipality of Caroní in 1994. This is a particularly interesting chapter in the history of Ciudad Guayana, because it was the first plan made in Venezuela with open public participation. And finally, the last chapter will analyze how a large infrastructural project managed to have a positive impact in the quality of life of the citizens of Ciudad Guayana, even though the project was not part of a plan at all.

Some authors have studied the creation of the company town in the 1950s (Rovira 2003); many have written about the plan made by the Joint Center in the 1960s (Snyder 1963; Rodwin 1969; Appleyard 1976; Almandoz 2016); and very few have analyzed the participatory process of the POU approved in 1994 (Angotti 2001). Research shows that scholars concentrate in specific periods, and it seems that little efforts have been made to study the overall evolution of the city. This essay will try to fill that gap. And it will do so by analyzing how planning and the notion of development have also changed in time, linking these shifts with the history of the city. What is planning for, what (and whose) values
does it pursue, and who benefits from it? These underlying questions will allow to cross the four chapters transversally, and giving an extra layer of
complexity to the evolution of Ciudad Guayana.

La revolución industrial no sólo afectó a la industria como tal, sino que influyó definitivamente a todo lo relacionado con ella: agricultura, comunicación entre ciudades, ideologías políticas, sociales, económicas y al concepto de ciudad tal y como estaba concebido hasta entonces

Esta comunicación tiene un doble objetivo: en primer lugar, el de reconstruir las etapas constructivas de las colonias mineras de Sant Corneli, Sant Josep y la Consolació (Cercs, Berguedà) y, por lo tanto, contribuir a construir la tipología de las viviendas obreras en nuestro país; y en segundo lugar, mostrar las enormes posibilidades que ofrecen los objetos conservados en los museos como fuentes históricas primarias para el análisis y la documentación histórica. En este sentido, esta comunicación se basa en el análisis de tres fuentes primarias excepcionales para la historia de la minería del carbón en la comarca del Berguedà, que a la vez son piezas de la colección del Museo de las Minas de Cercs (por su importancia, se exponen en dos de las salas de exposición permanente del mencionado museo, que forma parte del Sistema del Museu Nacional de la Ciència i la Tècnica de Catalunya). Las piezas son: un plano topográfico sobre tela de la Heredad manso de Capdevila (escala 1:1000), realizado entre 1917 y 1920 por el topógrafo Juan Cabeza; un álbum con 30 fotografías realizadas por el fotógrafo J. Vela en 1911;1 y la escritura de constitución de la empresa Carbones de Berga del año 1999.

El llarg, intens i conflictiu període de la història de Catalunya que va del desastre colonial de 1898 al cop d’estat del general Primo de Rivera es va caracteritzar per una intensa crispació social fruit de la crisi econòmica i política, front la qual polítics, industrials i
moviment obrer tenien actituds i propostes ben diferents. L'article repassa la situació a les colònies tèxtils del Berguedà durant aquest període.

Un resumen de la importancia histórica del poblado cañero de Ensenada en el municipio de Guánica, mostrando la importancia de sus remanentes y la necesidad de salvaguardarlos como testimonio de una era de la historia de Puerto Rico: el monocultivo cañero y la cultura generada por los poblados de centrales.

My dissertation examines the different ways that Mexican-origin farm worker households are racialized and integrated into the U.S. capitalist economy and rural society. There has been an exponential increase of Mexican-origin farm worker households in Washington State since 1976, Mexican populations in rural Washington have doubled and sometimes even tripled between the 1980 and 2010 U.S. Census. This demographic change in the make up of rural society has come with varying effects upon race consciousness for Mexican-origin farm worker households. My findings supported my hypothesis that early generations of Tejano or northern Mexico migrants had a different experience of racialization than migrant workers from central Mexico after the end of the Bracero program, and that these experiences differed from the experiences of indigenous, Triqui and Mixteco-speaking migrant workers from southern Mexico beginning in the 1990s after the implementation of the North American Free Trade Agreement. The settlement of immigrant communities in rural areas in each of these waves of migration has had a profound influence upon each segment of agricultural worker’s experience of race consciousness, racialization, and xenophobic violence as they faced white supremacy of both the U.S. and Latin American varieties. The different degrees of integration of this diaspora into a new racial state has served to maintain a tiered wage system via renewed experiences of racial profiling, hyper-criminalization, surveillance and segregation in particular along the northern border.

Basing my dissertation project upon studies that addressed Mexican farm labor in U.S. capitalist agriculture, primarily in California. I conducted a long-term in situ ethnography, collected oral histories and used archival research methods to systematically document two strategies used by Sakuma Bros. Farms and Broetje Orchards to deal with the increased demand for labor in Washington State: a transnational system used in Berry picking and a company town system used in Apple production. My investigation paid close attention to whether or not these large vertically integrated agricultural firms were able to stabilize their respective labor force, whether they have been successful in reproducing a future labor force, and whether or not each strategy of organization was sustainable for both the growers and the farm worker households. I observed the everyday lived experience of Mexican-origin farm worker households articulated and/or integrated into each of these systems. I was able to document the everyday struggles, losses and triumphs of Mexican-origin labor-power at its conjuncture with capitalist agricultural modes of production in Washington State. One group of workers engaged a series of strikes and a launched a consumer boycott. The second set of workers engaged in more subtle negotiations of power with their employer. For the sake of making farmworker agency more visible I conclude my project with a historical context of farmworker struggles in the region.

During the interwar years, the footwear industry was confronted with similarly revolutionary changes and processes to those in the automobile industry which tend to be associated with the name of Henry Ford. Their major vehicle became the originally very modest enterprise of the Baťa siblings (Zlín, Czechoslovakia, today the Czech Republic), which, during the first half of the twentieth century, grew into a gigantic concern with global reach. From today’s perspective, the Baťa concern can be considered a textbook example of a modern enterprise oriented toward mass production of consumer goods which was constituted based on Fordian principles. In the first three decades of the twentieth century, a progressive model of enterprise took shape there, the substantive components of which included not only production, technological, and managerial elements, but also social rationalization supported by a vision of a new industrial culture which seemed to be inseparably linked to the new concept of organizing human life and labor.

This dissertation explores the production of space and the spatial restructuring of resource regulation in the gold mining enclave of Portovelo and Zaruma, Ecuador, between 1860 and 1980. I use the theoretical tools of critical human geography, regulation theory, and political economy to analyze the spatiality of regulation over time in a dialectical manner. Methodologically, I develop an extended case study with explicit attention to scale as produced through material practices and their associated discourses and power relations. I argue that transnational mining companies, in responding to the international demand for raw materials, do not indiscriminately “penetrate” but, rather, negotiate the conditions for their deployment. Hence, there is an ongoing restructuring and rescaling of regulations that is a product of mediation between extractive capitalism and state formation in Ecuador.

The Cliff Mine, an archaeological site situated on the Keweenaw Peninsula of Michigan, is the location of the first successful attempt to mine native copper in North America. Under the management of the Pittsburgh & Boston Mining Company from
1845-1879, two-third of the Cliff’s mineral output was in the form of mass copper, some pieces of which weighed over 5 tons when removed from the ground. The unique nature of mass copper and the Cliff Mine’s handling of it make it one of the best examples of early mining processes in the Keweenaw District. Mass copper only constituted 2% of the entire product of the Lake Superior copper districts, and the story of early mining on the
Peninsula is generally overshadowed by later, longer running mines such as the Calumet & Helca and Quincy Mining Companies. Operating into the mid-twentieth century, the size and duration of these later mines would come to define the region, though they would not have been possible without the Cliff’s early success. Research on the Cliff Mine has previously focused on social and popular history, neglecting the structural remains. However, these remains are physical clues to the technical processes that defined early mining on the Keweenaw. Through archaeological investigations, these processes and their associated networks were documented as part of the 2010 Michigan Technological Archaeology Field School’s curriculum. The project will create a visual representation of these processes utilizing Geographic Information Systems software. This map will be a useful aid in future research, community engagement and possible future interpretive planning.

La ville de compagnie est un ensemble bâti créé par une entreprise pour loger les travailleurs d’un site industriel qu’elle exploite. Elle devient aussi, souvent, un projet de société.
Au Canada, où la quête des ressources a jalonné l’établissement humain,
les villes de compagnie ont marqué le territoire, la culture et l’imaginaire collectif de générations d’habitants. Elles ont écrit l’histoire moderne du Canada et ont balisé sa présence dans le monde.
Fondé sur l’étude de plus de 200 d’entre elles, cet ouvrage présente leur épopée.

Cal Casas és una fabrica oblidada, una colònia tèxtil desconeguda, probablement perque de totes les del terme municipal de Puig-reig és la que no va desenvolupar al seu entorn una gran colonia tèxtil i avui és difícil destriar-Ia del paisatge urba del poble; també perque I'activitat tèxtil es va aturar I' any 1968, víctima de la primera crisi de la filatura catalana.
Els seus primers anys de vida il·lustren molt bé els orígens de la industrialització comarcal i més concretament, la historia de Puig-reig, tant des del punt de vista de la seva activitat economica com del seu creixement urbanístic.

If Gurgaon epitomizes the maladies of private sector-led urban development, could Jamshedpur provide their cure? Drawing inspiration from the case of Jamshedpur, commentators in recent years have increasingly posited the company town as a viable model for privatized provision of public goods and urban infrastructure. Moreover, over the last decade, in settings such as Special Economic Zones (SEZs) and integrated industrial townships, policymakers have sought to implement key aspects of a deconstructed company town framework through spatially targeted infrastructure provision and specialized governance regimes. Yet, the experience of private and public sector company towns in post-Independence India raises important questions about the provision of basic amenities and infrastructures around these sites. Looking at labour histories and Census data, we ask: who belongs within the ambit of the plan of the company town? Who remains outside?

Preliminary study of built heritage for different settlements of sugar mills towns in the province of Camagüey is presented. Industrial heritage for the sugar industry in Cuba needs another and deeper look than the original one than stayed at the base when it was founded at the boom era of sugar production (the early years 20 th century). This preliminary study covers two parts: the study of the singular building of social use and dwelling repertory of the rest of the settlement from that, it is supposed to obtain a new tool to be used when focusing the complex world of conversation of built heritage. Se presenta un estudio preliminar del patrimonio edificado de los bateyes azucareros de la provincia de Camagüey. El Patrimonio Industrial Azucarero del País, hoy más que nunca necesita de una mirada más allá de sus condicionantes económicas, políticas y sociales; amerita un enfrentamiento al rescate inmediato como parte indisoluble de nuestra identidad nacional. Este estudio de aproximación al reconocimiento del patrimonio arquitectónico presente en los bateyes de la actual provincia de Camagüey fundados antes de 1959 define dos variables: El edificio singular de carácter social y las edificaciones que integran los sectores que definen el tejido del batey, el repertorio habitacional. A partir de este estudio se podrá contar con una herramienta para abordar la complejidad de la conservación de este patrimonio.

While currently many large-scale residential projects are scheduled for demolition, the worldwide housing deficit is constantly increasing. Solutions for this shortage are at the moment a top priority for national governments; however since the post-war modernist utopias social housing has created a bad name for being vulnerable to vandalism and crime. Thus, the question is how to design housing for low-income population groups that will avoid deprivation in the long term.
This paper explores the role of architecture and urban design in the sustainability of social housing, meaning its capability to endure any changes over time. Unlike other approaches that focus solely on the environmental aspects of sustainability, the study adopts a more comprehensive approach in order to retrieve those configurational and morphological characteristics that can contribute to spatial and social sustainability. It brings together different scales of design, from the city scale to the volumetric articulation of the housing units and different disciplines, architectural morphology, space syntax and socio-economic analysis. It also integrates the notion of time into the analysis in an attempt to develop a diachronic description of housing performance.
In order to do so, an early industrial scheme of the 19th century, Cité Ouvrière is explored in the deindustrialised city of Mulhouse in France. The findings suggest that despite certain statistical indices of deprivation, the original design of Cité Ouvrière carries inherent spatial qualities that have enabled it to survive effectively despite any socio-economic upheavals: the embeddedness of its urban layout, the natural spatial ‘area-isation’ (term adopted by Hillier) of its intensified urban grid at all scales and the flexibility in the Skin and Structure (terms adopted by Brand) of its housing typologies.

Criminal Capital explores the relationship between neoliberalism, criminality and the reshaping of class in modern India. It discusses how the political vocabularies of urban industrial workers reflect the processes by which power is distributed across the region. Based upon field research among a ‘casualised’ workforce in the industrial city of Jamshedpur, the book examines the links between the decline of employment security, and criminality in trade unions, corporations and the state.

The volume compares popular discourses of corruption against the ethnography of local labour politics, business enterprise and debt collection, and shows how corruption and criminality consolidate class power in industrial environments. Using an interdisciplinary ethnographic approach, this study explores the relationship between capitalism, corruption, violence and labour politics in contemporary Indian society.

An important intervention in the study of Indian political economy, this work will be of interest to scholars and researchers of Indian politics, social anthropology, economics, labour relations and criminology.

'Criminal Capital' in the Media:
https://www.morningstaronline.co.uk/a-0bf6-The-neoliberal-march-to-casualise-the-workforce#.WKRFs2dviUl

De totes les colònies de Puig-reig, la de Cal Riera, anomenada també amb el nom de Colònia Manen als anys seixanta i setanta del s. XX, és una de les menys coneguda es i reconegudes1. La seva història està estretament vinculada a la de la masia que li dona nom, la Casa Gran de Cal Riera de Merola2, els orígens de la qual es remunta als temps medievals; també a la de la família d’industrials Manent, després Manen, una de les moltes que van fer de Catalunya la fàbrica d’Espanya, i de la industria tèxtil un motor de desenvolupament del país i del Berguedà

El 14 de desembre de 1860, Ramon Alsina i Postius, àlies Metre, va comprar el vell molí fariner de la vila, quan aquest va sortir a subhasta en aplicar-se la llei de desamortització de béns comunals. La intenció d'Alsina era ben clara: reformar el molí i, tot i aprofitant la vella
estructura per a moldre cereals, començar a bastir una fabrica de filats de cotó, als terrenys annexos al molí, adquirits sel 1861.
Un canvi que feia pocs anys que ja s'estava produint molt a prop, a cal Rosal (Berga) i a l'Ametlla de Casserres, i que aviat s'escamparia per tots els pobles berguedans situats al peu del Llobregat.
La iniciativa d'Alsina i Postius donà lloc al naixement de la fàbrica de Cal Metres. Ben aviat Gironella es va convertir en un poble industrial de la mà de les seves fàbriques i colònies: Cal Metre, Cal Bassacs, Viladomiu Vell i Viladomiu Nou

A mitjans dels anys 60 les colònies industrials catalanes començaven el seu declivi. L'any 1968 Teresa Collell, assistent social, realitzà una recerca dirigida pel sociòleg Modest Reixach, sobre 17 colònies on, després de fer un breu inventari de la situació de cadascuna, analitzava un extens qüestionari respost per 85 dels seus veïns. L'article que segueix pren com a base aquest treball, analitza la situació dels serveis i infraestructures existents en aquells moments i la percepció que de la vida a la colònia en tenien els seus habitants, per tal de retratar el moment de l'inici de la decadència de les colònies al nostre país

In the early Fifties Enrico Mattei asked Mario Bacciocchi to realize “Metanopoli”, a company town for the Agip-Snam (later Eni), following the principles of the “rational” design solutions. In order to understand the project motivations, it is necessary to retrace the biographies of its protagonists and the background within which certain choices matured. But, if the life of the founder of the energy corporation and its links with the Catholic world have been the subject of a copious bibliography, the intense “professional journey” of Bacciocchi, a leading architect of the past century, is still to be investigated, also considering the dispersion of a large part of his private archive and the absence of primary sources and personal writings. Bacciocchi was not only Enrico Mattei's architect. Since 1925 he starts an intense activity characterized by the creation of architectures that reflect significantly the climate of the Italian professional culture of the Twentieth Century. Thanks to the study of the few unpublished materials from the archive held by the heirs, the contribution focuses on the figure of Bacciocchi, framing it in the historical context and trying to explain the genesis of some of his projects, developed before, during and after the war, in other words, before, during and after Mattei. This article is the first attempt to articulate a critical reconstruction of the biography of Mario Bacciocchi (1902-1974).

Sanayileşme tarihinde, büyüyen şehirlerin nüfusunun çoğunluğunu oluşturan işçilerin sosyal organizasyonundaki önemli kavramlardan biri de amele köyleridir. Böyle bir modelin Türkiye’de uygulanılmasına dair ilk teklif Ereğli Kömür Havzası için yapılmıştır. Ancak Havza’ya Avusturya’dan davet edilen Profesör Granigg işçilerin toprak ile bağlarının koparılarak bir araya getirilmelerinin sorunlara yol açacağını beyan etmiştir. Bu sebeple de, Granigg, Filyos ve Çaycuma arasında bir köy kurularak işçi ailelerinin buraya yerleştirilmelerini tavsiye etmiştir. Granigg’in projesi hayata geçemese de halihazırdaki literatüre göre amele köyleri kavramı ilk defa Türkiye’deki yazın hayatına bu vesile ile girmiştir. Ancak Doktor Rıza Tevfik 1909’da “İngiltere’de bir Amele Köyü” başlıklı yazısı ile bu kavramı Osmanlı yazın hayatına zaten kazandırmıştır. Bu yazı çerçevesinde öncelikle amele köyü kavramının tarihsel niteliğine değinilecek, ardından bu kavramın Zonguldak Kömür Havzası ile alakası tarihsel süreç ile ortaya konulduktan sonra Rıza Tevfik’in bu kavrama bakış açısı değerlendirilecektir.

Resumo: Este artigo pretende analisar o contexto de formação de uma classe operária industrial na década de 1940 no extremo norte amazônico, atual estado do Amapá, a partir das noções de trabalho, cidadania e sociedade estabelecidas durante o Estado Novo. Partindo dessa realidade específica, pretende-se demonstrar como uma população ainda fora dos ditames de produtividade e regularidade capitalistas foi integrada a tais exigências, associadas aos objetivos de desenvolvi-mento propostos como alternativa ao que era considerada uma região atrasada, econômica e culturalmente, em relação aos grandes centros do país. palavras-chave: Classe operária, mineração industrial, Amazônia, Amapá. Abstract: This article aims to analyze the context of forming an industrial working class in the 1940 sin the far northern Amazon, the current state of Amapá, from the notions of work, citizenship and society established during the Estado Novo. Based on this specific situation, it is intended to demonstrate how a population outside the dictates of capitalist productivity and regularity was integrated to such requirements, associated with development objectives proposed as an alternative to what was considered a backward region, economically and culturally, in relation to major centers of the country.

Ángela Vergara es historiadora y assistant Professor en Historia en la Universidad Estatal de Los Ágeles, ... California. Obtuvo su doctorado en la Universidad de San Diego, California en el 2002. Su libro Cooper ... Ambos espacios fueron propiedad de la empresa norteamericana, Andes Copper Company – a su vez ... El trabajo se extiende desde la segunda posguerra hasta la caída de la dictadura militar de Pinochet.