Diocletian

RESUMEN: Pese a la gran cantidad de sublevaciones militares acontecidas en el Imperio Romano, y muy especialmente en el siglo III, sabemos muy poco de cómo se preparaban y ejecutaban sobre el papel estos complots. Quitando el atípico caso de Procopio, relatado con detalle por Amiano Marcelino, las fuentes literarias, ya en muchos casos problemáticas y/o escasas, dejan bastantes lagunas en los relatos de tales procesos, que la historiografía reciente intenta suplir con hipótesis. Sin entrar a valorar las motivaciones del fenómeno o el grado de responsabilidad de los diferentes involucrados en las denominadas usurpaciones, nos planteamos ofrecer una propuesta explicativa desde el punto de vista meramente técnico, esto es, cómo un determinado grupo de conjurados logra idear, planear y ejecutar un plan o una serie de planes con el objetivo de alcanzar el poder mediante el apoyo de ciertas fuerzas militares para derrocar, casi siempre asesinando, al emperador reinante.
ABSTRACT: Despite the large number of military uprisings that occurred in the Roman Empire, and especially in the Third Century, we know very little about how these conspiracies were prepared and executed on paper. Not counting the atypical case of Procopius, related in detail by Ammianus Marcellinus, the literary sources, already problematic and /or scarce in many cases, leave many gaps in the accounts of such processes, which recent historiography tries to fill with hypotheses. Without assessing the motivations of the phenomenon or the degree of responsibility of the different parties involved in the so-called usurpations, we offer an explanatory proposal from the merely technical point of view, that is, how a certain group of conspirators manages to devise, scheme and execute a plan or series of plans with the aim of attaining power through the support of certain military forces and overthrow, almost always assassinating, the reigning emperor.

Neste artigo, temos por objetivo analisar os fundamentos da reestruturação político-administrativa do Império Romano durante o governo de Diocleciano, considerando as pré-condições do século III, e as características que conformaram o poder imperial romano durante a época de Diocleciano e da Tetrarquia (284-305).

Le but de cet article est d’analyser les fondements de la restructuration politique et administrative de l’Empire Romain sous le règne de Dioclétien, compte tenu des conditions du IIIème siècle, et les
caractéristiques qui ont façonné l’Empire romain à l’époque de  Dioclétien et la Tétrarchie (284-305).

In un'orazione contenuta nel corpus dei Panegyrici Latini il retore Eumenio, dopo aver celebrato la restaurazione della potenza romana dovuta alla tetrarchia, insiste sulla necessità di stimolare la rinascita dell’eloquenza e cita un passo (l’inizio del frammento I.11 Maurenbrecher) delle Historiae di Sallustio, fornendone così una importante testimonianza finora ignorata.
Eumenio sembra non accorgersi della amara riflessione di Sallustio sul contrasto tra la crescita della potenza materiale e la degenerazione morale di Roma dopo la terza guerra punica. Quello che interessa all'oratore è infatti la rinascita delle scuole di retorica e quindi Eumenio non ripropone la complessità ideologica del frammento, bensì lo usa strumentalmente per sottolineare che uno degli aspetti della grandezza romana nel passato era l’eloquenza e auspicarne quindi il rifiorire. Draft of the article published in "Revue de l'Histoire des Textes", n. s. 5 (2010), pp. 281-290.

The consulships offer insights into the collapse of the Diocletianic imperial college and the rise of Constantine. For the year 308 modern reconstructions have Constantine accept the consular appointments of Galerius: Diocletian X, Galerius VII. However, contrary to scholarly consensus, a close reading of the consular fasti reveals that there was disagreement among the sources over whether Diocletian or rather Maximian was regarded as consul for the tenth time in Constantine’s territories. This article aims to demonstrate the existence of this disagreement, to argue that in 308 Constantine did indeed regard Maximian as consul, and to consider how this changes our understanding of the period.

The nummi struck in the Alexandrian mint at the end of the first Tetrarchy obviously break the uniformity of the Tetrarchic coinage while using new reverse legends: HERCVLI - VICTORI for Maximian Herculius Augustus and Constantius Chlorus Caesar, IOVI CO-NS CAES for Diocletian Augustus and Maximianus Galerius Caesar. This aes coinage continued to be struck during the second and the third Tetrarchies, also using new types of reverse, with a restored gold coinage and a short reappearance of silver coinage. This constitutes a specific iconographic program for the time which is certainly to be linked in particular to the political, economic and religious background of the city of Alexandria at the beginning of the 4th Century. Considered as a whole,
this coinage is far more diverse and complex than it is usually thought.

L'émission de nummi de la première Tétrarchie aux revers HERCVLI - VICTORI pour Maximien Hercule Auguste et Constance Chlore César, IOVI CO-NS CAES pour Dioclétien Auguste et Maximien Galère César, marque une rupture manifeste avec l'uniformité tétrarchique. Cette émission qui se poursuit et se complète sous les deuxième et troisième Tétrarchies s'accompagne d'une reprise du monnayage en or et, ponctuellement, en argent. L'ensemble constitue un programme iconographique original pour la période, qui n'est pas étranger au contexte politique, économique et religieux très particulier d'Alexandrie au début du IVe siècle. L'ensemble de ces frappes est bien plus riche et complexe qu'il n'est souvent supposé.

La Crisis del Siglo III en Roma evidenciaba la necesidad de una reforma tanto política como militar. Este escrito coloca en evidencia y analiza el aparato militar romano y como fue cambiando y actualizándose principalmente bajo la autoridad de Diocleciano, permitiendo que la autoridad de Roma se sostenga mismo en una de sus épocas más turbulentas.

This paper has the purpose of contrasting the topics adopted by historiography about society in the lower Roman Empire, which are based on literary, archaeological and artistic sources, with the content of legal sources, in order to to confirm those main assumptions budgets. This aims to follow on the research line opened in 2006 by the Roman law’s area of the University of Murcia, under the direction of Antonio Díaz Bautista, in which we try to make an understandable study of the legislation of Diocletian and the social circumstances of the imperial chancellery.

Les autorités romaines ont toujours sérieusement considéré les manifestations religieuses pendant les périodes de crise. Elles craignaient en effet l'instabilité éventuelle causée par les rites et les croyances sortant du cadre ordonné de la religio. Les mesures politique-religieuses prises par Rome dans les périodes de crise avaient comme fins essentielles de calmer les peurs provoquées par un sentiment d'abandon de la part de la divinité et de restaurer l'équilibre social en unissant les consciences autour des rites religieux traditionnels. Refusant de se soumettre aux rites communs, les chrétiens des trois premiers siècles se retrouvèrent aux marges de la cité antique. En raison de son autonomie, le christianisme était en effet perçu comme superstitio. L'hostilité officielle de l'autorité romaine s'est principalement  exercée contre les chrétiens lors des graves crises que l'Empire a traversé, de l'incendie de Rome en 64 jusqu'à la lutte engagée contre eux par la Tétrarchie, en passant par les désordres politiques et économiques qui agitèrent le IIIe siècle, de Dèce à Aurélien.

Autor prezentira dio svojih istraživanja (proizašlih i iz doktorske disertacije iz 2013.) problema kristijanizacije Dioklecijanove palače i mauzoleja na razmeđu kasne antike i ranoga srednjeg vijeka. Pitanju transformacije carskog mauzoleja u kršćansku crkvu pristupa interdisciplinarno; bavi se pitanjima kronologije i kontekstualizacije tog događaja. Argumentira mišljenje da je carev grobni spomenik prošao kroz podjednake procese aproprijacije i postupnih preinaka, realiziranih u nekoliko različitih etapa, kroz kakve su prošle druge slične građevine unutar Rimskoga Carstva. Rad predstavlja nastojanje da se revidira uobičajeno viđenje kršćanske konverzije Dioklecijanova mauzoleja.

So ein Ausflug in eine Therme ist schon etwas Feinesauch wenn die Römer diese zum Teil anders genutzt haben als wir heute. Darum machen wir heute einen Rundgang durch eine der größten Badeanlagen im Römischen Reich, die Diokletiansthermen, und unterhalten uns dabei unter anderem über Raumtemperaturen, sportliche Aktivitäten (Fußball-EM!), heiße Fußböden und Roman Waxing.

De bouwgrage keizer stichtte niet alleen steden, maar ook een geheel nieuw paleiscomplex. Hij deed troonsafstand en sleet er zijn oude dag. Maar waarom daar, in Split? In dit onderzoek wordt de reden van de vestigingsplaats nagegaan op basis van de beschikbare bronnen.

The emperor who so loved to build new architectural structures and to found cities, voluntarily abdicated and lived his last decade in his own palace. In this article, the reasons for the foundation in Split are carefully teased out on the basis of the extant evidence.

Between the end of the year 284 and the spring of 285 there were two simultaneous usurpations, both to the detriment of the legitimate Augustus, Carinus: the most famous and fortunate one of Diocletian, commander of the protectores of the deceased Numerian, in Nicomedia, and the less known and failed one of Sabinus Iulianus, praetorian prefect of Carinus, in northern Italy. The Excerpta de Insidiis fragment extracted from the Historia chronikè by John of Antioch, taken from Zosimus (Ioh. Ant. fr. 246 Roberto = FHG IV, p. 601, fr. 163 Müller = Zos. I 73, 1-3) describes two independent and simultaneous usurpations (November 284). The geographical and chronological reconstruction of the events makes it possible to establish that the praetorian prefect of Carinus, Sabinus Iulianus, usurped the purple when the news of Numerian’s death, not of Diocletian’s acclamation, arrived in Italy, while Diocletian was elevated by another army probably at the same time by another group of officers in Nicomedia. The weakness of the two armies of the two usurpers, the mutual mistrust, the monocratic nature of the imperial power prevented an effective agreement, even if attempted. Carinus, legitimate Augustus and skilful general, came down from Gaul with a great army and defeated first Sabinus Iulianus in Verona (March/April 285 ?), then Diocletian in Margum in Mesia (June 285 ?). The lack of harmony between the usurpers Sabinus Iulianus and Diocletian favored the victories on the field by Carinus. But the crisis of the political program of Carus and Carinus, based on expensive campaigns and on a rigid family closure, produced the assassination of Carinus, victorious at Margum, and the unexpected affirmation of Diocletian, defeated in the field, and author of an inevitable and significant amnesty. The officers alongside Carinus and those who supported the two usurpers seem to have wanted to oppose the dynastic system. This was the policy of Diocletian and the Tetrarchs: sharing imperial power with skillful experienced commanders, no privilege for blood relatives.

Sauf à leur but administratif et militaire les voyages officiels des représentants de l’empire Romain servaient aussi à la représentation et l’expression du pouvoir central qui se manifestaient entr’autres dans la quantité et la qualité de la nourriture mise à disposition à ce fin. Nourrir les magistrats voire l’empereur représentait un défi logistique énorme pour la commune visitée. L’approvisionnement était préparé des mois ou même des années en avance vu que l’entourage d’un magistrat Romain consistait de jusqu’à une centaine de membres et que l’empereur se faisait accompagner même de plusieurs milliers de personnes. En outre les représentants du pouvoir central les élites régionales des provinces dominées participaient aux repas autant comme organisateurs que comme hôtes.
Tandis que ce phénomène est passé sous silence dans les textes littéraires des papyri égyptiens le mettent en évidence à l’exemple des voyages de quelques préfets et des empereurs Hadrien, Caracalla, Sévère Alexandre et Dioclétien. Ils offrent d’un part des listes parfois détaillées des denrées à fournier dont une quantité spécifiée impressionnante de bétail de boucherie dans une qualité bien définie. D’autre part ils éclaircirent comment les élites locales et régionales étaient impliquées dans les différentes hiérarchies administratives.
Cette communication s’interrogera sur les aspects pratiques du ravitaillement des représentants du pouvoir Romain en voyage tout comme sur les implications symboliques de cette manifestation de puissance.

El presente artículo se centra en la capacidad de las madres viudas para ser tutoras de sus hijos durante el reinado de
Diocleciano (284-305 d.C.).
El creciente número de rescriptos escritos por mujeres en este periodo nos ha llevado a
plantearnos las características de la tutela impuberum (en adelante, tutela) en relación con las madres viudas de esta
época. En este trabajo, se delinearán los elementos que caracterizaban la tutela antes del gobierno de Diocleciano, para
luego describir los rasgos de esta institución durante su mandato, y así evaluar los posibles cambios existentes en la
época. Muchas de las fuentes analizadas constituyen documentos que muestran la interacción entre el sistema legal
romano y otros sistemas prevalentes en algunas áreas del imperio. Estas fuentes nos muestran como sujetos privados
interactuaban con la autoridad romana, pidiendo soluciones a conflictos que surgían del contacto entre sistemas legales
existentes en las diversas zonas de un gran imperio.

This article focuses on the capacity of the widowed mothers too be guardians of their sons during the reign of
Diocletian (284-305 AD). The increasing number of rescripts written by women in this period has led us to consider the
characteristics of tutela impuberum (hereinafter, guardianship) for widowed mothers at this time. This work will outline
the elements that characterized the guardianship before Diocletian, to later describe the features of this institution during
his term, and thus evaluate the possible changes of this at the time. Many of the sources analysed constitute documents
that show the interaction between the Roman and other legal systems prevalent in some areas of the empire. These
sources show us how private subjects interacted with the Roman authority, asking for solutions to conflicts that arose
from the contact between existing legal systems in the various areas of a big empire.

Ανάμεσα στα κινητά ευρήματα που προέρχονται από τις ανασκαφές στην Ευδαίμονα Ρωμυλιανήν (Gamzigrad ΒΑ Σερβίας) συγκαταλέγονται και αρκετές πλίνθοι σφραγισμένες από τους στρατιώτες της 5ης Μακεδονικής Λεγεώνος (Legio V Macedonica) που έκτισε την οχυρή αυτοκρατορική έπαυλη στις αρχές του 4ου αι. Από την μελέτη τους προκύπτουν σημαντικά συμπεράσματα για την οργάνωση του ρωμαϊκού στρατού κατά τον 4ο αι., καθώς φαίνεται ότι οι τετραρχικές λεγεώνες συνέχισαν να συγκροτούνται από 10 κοόρτεις, όπως και στους προηγούμενους αιώνες. Κατά συνέπεια, η μείωση της αριθμητικής δυνάμεως των υστερορρωμαϊκών λεγεώνων δεν είναι φαινόμενο της εποχής της Τετραρχίας, αλλά της δυναστείας του Κωνσταντίνου που την διαδέχθηκε. Τέλος, στο άρθρο γίνονται απόπειρες ερμηνείας της επιλογής της συγκεκριμένης λεγεώνος, αντί άλλων που στάθμευαν πλησιέστερα στον τόπο ανεγέρσεως της αυτοκρατορικής επαύλεως.

In this thesis , we aim to analyze how changes in social and political structures that have ocurred in the Roman Empire, during the Third Century A.D., led to the development of new proposal for representation of imperial power in the era od Diocletian and the Tetrarchy ( AD 284-305) This study integrates the collective research guided by Professor Norma Musco Mendes (Ph.D.), entitled Imperio: teoria e pratica imperialista romana, which aims at the construction of working hypotheses and the obtaining of arguments explaining that let analyze the diversity, plurality and the uniqueness of the processes or practices imperial to investigate how and why the Empires are built, expand, legitimise, consolidate and dissected. Therefore, the problem that guides our collective practice of research allows the construction of arguments explaining to observe comparatively that the maintenance and reproduction of Empires is not exhausted in analyzes of instruments of control and exercise of power, which should be complemented by an analysis of the mechanisms that ensure that the authority is exercised persuasively. In our case, we analyzed the public expressions of Diocletian and tetrarchs - documents of material culture and written documents - as public transcripts, as speeches that had roles in the process of communication and legitimacy, such as affirming a hierarchy, eufemize the image of the emperor and stigmatize opponents. In this regard, we verify how this process of change has engendered new policies representations of Roman imperial power, via the connection between culture and power, since the establishment of the government collegiate by Diocletian was based on the use of rhetorical commonplaces of concord and unity in their relationship with the practices of representation and with the rituals of power during the period between the years 284 and 305. Therefore, we propose to examine how the imperial discourses of Diocletian that showed the imperial public transcript were linked to the series of changes that have occurred in the Roman Empire during the Third Century AD, and that strengthened tendency of legitimisation of imperial power existing since the Early Empire as the support of the army, the construction of an imperial house and the strengthening of the imperial mystic by divine support from deities.

This paper represents the first translation into Russian of the Passion of St. Irenaeus of Sirmium which is a literary monument of Latin hagiography of Late Antiquity. St. Irenaeus had suffered martyrdom in the Roman province of Pannonia Secunda during the Great Persecution. Archaeological finds as well as many manuscripts
containing his Passion and preserved in various parts of the Christian world attest to the widespread popularity of St. Irenaeus’ cult. The Passion is preserved in two ancient versions, Greek and Latin. This corresponds with the bilingualism of Pannonia, which was located on the border of the Western and Eastern parts of the Roman Empire. All subsequent translations are made on the basis of these two versions. The question about which version, Latin or Greek, is earlier, has not been solved yet. Neither the opinion about the dependence of the Greek text on the earlier Latin version (it had been dominating for two centuries) nor the opposing opinion developed in the mid-20th century by Manlio Simonetti are convincing enough. The present translation has been made from the Latin version used according to Dolbeau’s critical edition. The Passion of St. Irenaeus of Sirmium is a literary and theologically elaborate text that goes back to the court interrogation. However, it does not contain a detailed description of the tortures, nor does it mention the miracles, typical of the later hagiographic tradition.
Moreover, this text does not contain such traditional topoi as the support for the martyr by his relatives and the subsequent acquisition of his relics by Christians. This allows us to date the text to the 4th or very early 5th centuries.