Erik Olin Wright

This article explores the patterns of class inequality and capital accumulation in Brazil, showing the drivers and limits of the decline in inequality that occurred during the Workers' Party governments. It proposes that minimum wage hikes and greater social security changed the demand pattern and kick-started a cumulative causation process. Growth and redistribution thus reinforced each other for a period, and then spelled their own limits. As growth accelerated in the 2000s, a Gini decomposition indicates that class inequality decreased, but confined to changes between workers-capitalist income and social stratification were preserved. This also endogenously led to a re-gressive structural change, as low-productivity, labour-intensive services grew and international trade patterns worsened. This created a medium-term dependence on commodity prices for balance-of-trade solvency, and heightened cost-push inflation, which could not be overcome under the limited policy framework in place. The constrained basis for reducing inequality and the regressive structural change underscore that developmental strategies requires broad, multi-dimensional inequality-reducing measures and an encompassing catching-up project.

This book brings together fifty of today’s finest thinkers. They were asked to let their imaginations run free to advance new ideas on a wide range of social and political issues. They did so as friends, on the occasion of Philippe Van Parijs’s sixtieth birthday. Rather than restricting themselves to comments on his numerous writings, the authors engage with the topics on which he has focused his attention over the years, especially with the various dimensions of justice, its scope, and its demands. They discuss issues ranging from the fair distribution of marriage opportunities to the limits of argumentation in a democracy, the deep roots of inequality, the challenges to basic income and the requirements of linguistic justice. They provide ample food for thought for both academic and general readers.

Marksist düşüncede toplumun sınıflar temelinde analizi büyük bir önem taşır. Sınıfların bu önceliği ve önemi, hem toplumun bilimsel analizinin sonucu hem de çıkış noktasıdır. Sınıfları bütünlüklü olarak ele alıp tartışmamış olsa da Marx’ın sınıfların genel çerçevesini güçlü bir biçimde çizdiği söylenebilir. Sınıf, onun tüm yapıtlarının anahtar kavramıdır ve hemen hepsinde merkezi bir yere sahiptir.

The objective of the master thesis presented here is to chart a concept of causality adequate for a historical materialism at pace with the times, uncircumventable for grasping complex social phenomena and relationships, their reproduction and transformation following Marx’s materialist notion of social reality. Thereby the main focus does not lie on Marx’s notion of causality, which is not closer explicated by himself as causality. Rather this in general (systematically) relatively little theorized notion within Marxist discourses will be discussed alongside theoretical approaches which seem to be most fruitful for this enquiry: Structural Marxism, Political Marxism and Critical Realism. By means of a brief outline of the Marxian preface of 1859, which is central to many Marxist approaches, it will be attempted to es-tablish the main field under discussion in terms of a history of theory. With respect to an immanently critical and comparative method, the thesis henceforth expounds the aforementioned theories while taking their respective notions of causality as well as, among other things, the interrelated understanding of social structure in relation to agency, the specific effectivities of the involved entities and the notions of lawfulness into account. What is hereby striven for, is to contour though the critical and comparative exposition of the said theories a non-empiricist, non-teleological and non-determinist notion of causality appropriate to the complexity of social reality, without taking a recourse to theoretically restricted positivist or historico-philosophical patterns of explanation and interpretation. In the end the critical impetus of this thesis is to accentuate the importance of causality in a critical theory of society after Marx.

Questo scritto introduce e presenta un saggio di Michael Burawoy, dove il sociologo di Berkeley traccia un profilo intellettuale del collega e amico Erik Wright. Redatto per la conferenza tenutasi l'1 e il 2 novembre 2019 all'Università del Wisconsin a Madison, dove Wright era stato docente nel Dipartimento di Sociologia e per circa quarant'anni direttore del Havens Center for Social Justice, il saggio di Burawoy Wright presenta le origini e gli sviluppi delle ricerche di Wright, mostrandone infine il potenziale per ricerche future che leghino studio e trasformazione della realtà sociale. Sviluppatosi nell'arco di alcuni decenni come programma di ricerca scientifica neo-marxista che rielabora un'analisi di classe al passo con i tempi, il progetto di Wright muta all'inizio degli anni Novanta, a seguito di aporie scientifiche e mutamenti politici più generali, lasciando il posto al Progetto di utopie reali. Grazie a Erik Wright, il Havens Center è stato non solo un dipartimento universitario di assoluta centralità nel dibattito sociologico americano, ma un'autentica fucina di sociologia critica, crocevia di generazioni di ricercatori e attivisti da tutto il mondo, dove si fondono rigore scientifico e impegno politico. Questo saggio è stato inviato da Michael Burawoy a Officina PrimoMaggio e riproduce il testo pubblicato sul numero 121 della New Left Review, uscito nel febbraio 2020.

This introductory course presents a survey of theoretical, conceptual, and practical approaches to the study of social justice, as well as the study of socio-political systems from a justice-centric framework. Students will have the opportunity to focus on issues both historical and contemporary, and through both ‘traditional’ and ‘alternative’ lenses. The course seeks to critically address a range of topics providing students with a variety of perspectives—for example Marxist, poststructuralist, pacifist, anti-colonial—in order to build their understanding of an inter-disciplinary field. Students will be challenged to interpret issues of social inequality, oppression, and structural violence at numerous levels; from the interpersonal, to the local, and outward towards international conflict. An array of readings will make up the course including scholarly articles, philosophical texts, political texts, primary source documents from perpetrators and survivors of violence, and film.

Within cultural history there is a widespread eschewal of speculative reasoning. This article notes the complicity of the general postmodern avoidance of metanarratives with Anglo-Saxon empiricism and locates the major problem facing cultural history in postmodernism’s conflation of trajectories and teleologies. Any discussion of the directionality of history is imputed to be a full-blown teleology. Using previous discussions from different fields, the difference between a teleology and trajectory is defended and, after clarifying certain confusions, it is argued that trajectories, as following the working of generative mechanisms, are necessary to theorize in order to make interesting progress within the field of cultural history.

Who speaks for the anthropocene? Who is authorized to bring about " the good anthropocene " ? Who gets to decide the path of our hybrid futures? In the last chapter we saw that some of the most influential contemporary manifestations of hybrid politics have been dominated by approaches that stress the central role that technologies and markets will play in " moving us forward. " But where does civil society, politics, social movements or the state fit into this vision? What role and what say should diverse publics not simply conceptualized as " consumers " or " users " but as active citizens and political agents have in constituting hybrid worlds to come? In the final chapter of this book, we will sketch out a rather different set of attempts to imagine a critical hybrid politics beyond business as usual. All the currents we will look at in this chapter argue that if a defining feature of our hybrid worlds is that these are worlds that have to be composed, then the making of this anthropocene is inherently a political act. All the currents we will engage with here believe that questions of equity and justice have to be foregrounded in discussions about hybrid futures. Finally, to one degree or another, all these currents believe that publics have to be closely involved in the composition of our common home, that in short we need something like a public ecology (Luke, 2009). We will see in this chapter though that there is a considerably broad range of ideas as to how we might imagine the flourishing of public ecologies. This chapter identifies four sometimes-overlapping discussions that attempt to think and enact a critical hybrid politics. Perhaps the dominant form that critical hybrid discussions have taken of late has centered on efforts to imagine an ontological politics of democratic experimentalism and an epistemological

“Orta sınıf”, Marksist analiz çerçevesi içinde içeriksiz bir terim olsa da, empirik varlığında ısrarlı bir fenomenler kümesine işaret etmektedir. Bu açıdan bakıldığında, Wright’ın sınıf yapısını empirik çalışmalarda işlemselleştirmeye dönük sosyolojik kaygısı, Marksist sosyal bilim açısından önemli bir imkândır. Gelgelelim Wright’ın kendi teorik çerçevesini analitik Marksizm’in makro-mikro şeması üzerinden temellendirmesi, sınıfsal konumlar ile sınıfsal pratikler arasındaki ilişkinin incelenmesi açısından birtakım sorunlar yaratmaktadır. Bunun temel sebeplerinden biri, Wright’la birlikte çoğu Marksist çerçevede de karşılaştığımız (ve genellikle politik özneyi kavramsallaştırma kaygısının ürünü olan) konumsal sınıf kavrayışıdır. Oysa birey-fâiller sadece bazı sınıfsal konumlara yerleşmekle kalmazlar; bu konumlarla gerilimli bir ilişki içersindeki sınıfsal habitusları aracılığıyla, konumlarını yeniden üretecek, meşrulaştıracak ya da dönüştürecek pratiklere girişirler. Dolayısıyla bu yazının temel önerisi, Wright’ın sınıf yapısıyla ilgili mikro-düzey kavramları ile Bourdieu’nün kavramsal repertuarı arasında kurulacak bir diyalogun empirik araştırmalar açısından dinamik bir çerçeve yaratabileceğidir. Çalışmada önce bu önerinin teorik temellendirmesini yapacak, ardından bu iki sosyologun kavramsal repertuarlarının empirik araştırmaya uygun kesişim noktalarına odaklanacağız.

This paper was presented at the World Association for Political Economy conference in Berlin, July 2018. It critically analyses the theory of Sociological Marxism, developed by Michael Burawoy and Erik Orlin Wright. Sociological Marxism rejects the Marxist thesis that capitalist crises intensify and the explanation for crisis based upon the concepts of the rising organic composition of capital and falling rate of profit. It has also turned away from the labour theory of value and from production and work to exchange and the market. In this paper it is argued that the presumptions of Sociological Marxism cannot be sustained in the light of developments both within capitalism itself and the field of Marxism. It goes on to point to a number of areas where the Marxist theory of crisis may fruitfully be deployed in sociological analysis. It also attempts to show how the explanations for capitalist crisis developed by Marx can be understood as social processes. Finally it proposes that the sociological concept of anomie should be deployed to better comprehend the disequilibria of contemporary capitalism.

Début : Loin de tirer des plans sur la comète, nullement futurologue, André Gorz a fondé son « utopie concrète » sur les possibilités de réalisation qu’offrait, sous ses yeux, notre monde en crise. Cette première biographie intellectuelle a cependant donné lieu à des jugements émerveillés qualifiant André Gorz de « visionnaire » et « décroissant précoce » (Le Magazine littéraire), de « clairvoyant précurseur » (Le Canard enchaîné) ou encore de « prophète de l’écologie et du temps libéré » (Les Inrockuptibles). Il fallait comprendre, rien de moins, que « le penseur de gauche idéal a existé » (L’Obs) et donc se demander si l’on n’avait pas découvert en cet écologiste sans concession, qui assurément « avait tout compris » (Télérama), « le grand penseur du xxie siècle » (Socialter)...

Evrensel temel gelir üzerine. 29 Kasım 2021. İleri Haber. Fırat Çoban. 2020 yılından bu yana deneyimlediğimiz koronavirüs pandemisi ile birlikte, halihazırda çağımızın üzerine en çok tartışılan sosyal politika tasarılarından biri olan evrensel temel gelirin popülerliği ve önemi daha da arttı. Esasen kalıcı hale gelmiş-ilerleyen yıllarda otomasyonla daha da artması beklenen-işsizlik ve çalışan yoksulluğu gibi neoliberal küreselleşmenin derinleştirdiği kurucu sorunlara çözüm olarak önerilen evrensel temel gelir ya da başka bir adlandırmayla vatandaşlık geliri, bir toplumda yaşayan tüm insanlara ödenen koşulsuz nakdi bir geliri ifade ediyor (Buğra ve Keyder, 2007). Kökleri Moore'un Ütopya'sına ve ötesine değin götürülebilecek evrensel temel gelirin bugünkü biçimine en yakın öneriyi on sekizinci yüzyılın sonunda Thomas Paine dile getirmişti. Günümüzde temel gelirin, servet vergisiyle birlikte telaffuz edilmesi gibi, Thomas Paine de büyük toprak sahiplerinden alınacak bir vergiyle yoksullara asgari bir gelir sağlanmasını önermişti.

Une pensée critique se caractérise par une contestation globale de l'ordre établi. Les pensées critiques contemporaines ont évolué : héritées du marxisme et du cycle politique des années 1960-1970, elles sont produites par des auteur.e.s qui ont séparé théorie et pratique, se situent davantage hors de l'Europe et se renouvellent en intégrant de nouveaux objets.

La obra de Erik O. Wright puede entenderse como una renovación del marxismo sociológico, una tradición que ha mantenido un “matrimonio mal avenido” con el feminismo, por usar la conocida expresión de Hartmann. Este artículo se propone examinar el trabajo de Wright desde una perspectiva feminista. En particular, analiza su reflexión teórica en torno a estos dos problemas: por un lado, la intersección de clase y género en el capitalismo contemporáneo y, por el otro, las vías para la emancipación de las mujeres, prestando especial atención a su idea de una sociedad sin género y a los potenciales efectos de “utopías reales” como los permisos parentales iguales e intransferibles. El objetivo del artículo no es sólo revisar la obra de Wright desde un punto de vista feminista, sino explorar el modo en que su contribución entronca con dilemas y debates del feminismo contemporáneo.

Karl Marx characterized the 1848 June Days uprising as a class struggle between proletarians and the bourgeoisie. But modern investigations have shown that the insurgents actually consisted primarily of artisans and not proletarians. They have also undermined Marx's claim that one of the primary forces used to defeat the insurgency, the Mobile Guard, was recruited from the lumpenproletariat, when in fact they shared the same social background as the insurgents. As a result of these findings, critics have questioned the adequacy of Marx's class analysis and concluded that he was wrong to describe the June Days as a class struggle. I argue that the empirical findings represent serious shortcomings in Marx's account and need to be properly incorporated into our understanding of the uprising. However, I challenge the characterisation of Marx's class analysis and show that though the June Days were not the class struggle that Marx presented, they were still a class struggle in his understanding of what class struggle means.

This article explores Erik Olin Wright's theoretical reflections on the possibilities of a socialist alternative and their transformation from the early days of the Kapitalistate circle and its neo-marxist theories of the state to analytical marxism and its institutional perspective. .

Katsausartikkelissa tarkastellaan yhdysvaltalaisen marxilaissosiologi Erik Olin Wrightin niin sanottuihin todellisiin utopioihin kohdistunutta tutkimusta. Artikkelissa avataan sekä sitä, kuinka Wrightin todellisen utopian käsite tulisi ymmärtää, että sitä, kuinka hänen oma utopiansa eli ”sosiaalinen sosialismi” voisi olla mahdollinen ja millaiset tosimaailman kokeilut hänen mukaansa ennakoivat ja prefiguroivat tätä utopiaa. Lisäksi artikkelissa eritellään Wrightin käsityksiä antikapitalismin strategioista ja näiden myötä siitä, millä tavalla sosiaalisen sosialismin utopia olisi saavutettavissa. Artikkeli keskittyy erityisesti kahteen Wrightin myöhäistuotannon teokseen – Envisioning Real Utopias (2010) ja How to be an Anticapitalist in the the 21st century (2019) – ja vuonna 2017 Wrightin Suomen-vierailun yhteydessä tehtyyn haastatteluun.

La  obra  de  Erik  O.  Wright  puede  entenderse 
como    una    renovación    del    marxismo   
sociológico,  una  tradición  que  ha  mantenido 
un    “matrimonio    mal    avenido”    con    el   
feminismo, por usar la conocida expresión de
Hartmann. Este artículo se propone examinar
el  trabajo  de  Wright  desde  una  perspectiva 
feminista.  En  particular,  analiza  su  reflexión 
teórica  en  torno  a  estos  dos  problemas:  por 
un lado, la intersección de clase y género en
el  capitalismo  contemporáneo  y,  por  el  otro, 
las vías para la emancipación de las mujeres,
prestando  especial  atención  a  su  idea  de 
una  sociedad  sin  género  y  a  los  potenciales 
efectos    de    “utopías    reales”    como    los   
permisos parentales iguales e intransferibles.
El  objetivo  del  artículo  no  es  sólo  revisar 
la  obra  de  Wright  desde  un  punto  de  vista 
feminista,  sino  explorar  el  modo  en  que  su 
contribución entronca con dilemas y debates
del feminismo contemporáneo.

Poulantzas took a critical step towards post-Marxism, which severed all connections between politics-ideology and the economic base of classes, when he considered the “ideological-political criteria” as a central element in determining classes instead of the relations of production. The post-Marxists who marched on the path Poulantzas had opened argued that social classes are groups which are established independently of the economic base and with use of ideological and political discourse.  Although Poulantzas did not go that far, he opened the path to post-Marxism and post-modernism by replacing objective class structures with ideological and political elements, and set the route.

The present article establishes an alternative reading of Weber that pays closer attention to his materialist understanding of how bureaucratic forms of power become legitimized through their being embodied in the habitus of social agents socialized in bureaucratic institutions.

Forthcoming in the McNair Scholars Journal, 2015, University of Wisconsin- Superior

Faculty Mentor: Dr. Marshall Johnson (Sociology)

*** Please contact me for permission to use this work if you are using it for academic/scholarly work***

La presente ponencia reflexiona acerca de las representaciones sociales que se construyen en el seno de la sociedad civil respecto de los migrantes externos. Específicamente, trabajaremos con migrantes bolivianos y paraguayos. Para ello proponemos atenernos a dos dimensiones de análisis que se encuentran íntimamente relacionadas: la clase social y la cuestión étnica e intercultural.
Pueden señalarse dos factores interrelacionados que motivan y justifican dicho estudio. En primer lugar, el hecho fundamental de que la Argentina ha sido y continúa siendo un país atravesado por las múltiples aristas del fenómeno migratorio, fundamentalmente como país receptor de población migrante. Es decir, desde su origen como Estado Nación, la sociedad argentina ha sido una sociedad intercultural. Por otro lado, la relevancia que las problemáticas interculturales han adquirido luego de la década de 1960, momento en el cual fueron visibilizadas, principalmente en relación a conflictos sociales vinculados al mercado de trabajo. Estos hechos, en consecuencia, imprimen un carácter particular a la identidad nacional; la misma se fue consolidando a lo largo de la historia tomando en cuenta el fenómeno migratorio.
Cuando nos referimos al factor histórico, nos focalizamos principalmente en dos oleadas de migrantes externos. La primera, desde fines del siglo XIX y hasta la década de 1930, compuesta de migrantes europeos. La segunda, a partir de la década de 1960, en la que los migrantes sudamericanos empiezan a ser visibilizados, y comienzan a ser considerados un factor de amenaza y conflicto social.
En relación al impacto que han tenido las migraciones en los imaginarios de la población nativa, puede decirse que, tanto los vínculos interculturales como las representaciones sociales presentes en los discursos de la sociedad receptora - en el ámbito de la sociedad civil pero también en ámbitos institucionales - se configuraron en base a patrones culturales dominantes de forma tal que aún hoy tienden a perpetuarse reproduciendo relaciones caracterizadas por el antagonismo y la asimetría.
Las representaciones que los nativos producen sobre los migrantes externos en la actualidad no se producen en el vacío, sino que tienen un componente histórico e ideológico de larga data que da lugar a un código moral y hegemónico -que en la Argentina fue constituyéndose a la par de la conformación del Estado Nación- que establece los criterios de normalidad/desviación, ciudadano/extraño, etc. y que resulta funcional al polo dominante de la sociedad, pues lo legitima como tal. La idea de código moral hegemónico refiere a la supuesta existencia de una comunidad nacional integrada, homogénea y homogeneizante, portadora de una “naturaleza moral unificada” (Benhabib, 2005). Este código, entendido como estrategia que desde la sociedad receptora se emplea para licuar la diversidad, funciona como criterio de inclusión/exclusión, como frontera delimitadora de un “nosotros nacional” y un “otros” excluido, extraño, o al menos, peligroso.

Who speaks for the anthropocene? Who is authorized to bring about " the good anthropocene " ? Who gets to decide the path of our hybrid futures? In the last chapter we saw that some of the most influential contemporary manifestations of hybrid politics have been dominated by approaches that stress the central role that technologies and markets will play in " moving us forward. " But where does civil society, politics, social movements or the state fit into this vision? What role and what say should diverse publics not simply conceptualized as " consumers " or " users " but as active citizens and political agents have in constituting hybrid worlds to come? In the final chapter of this book, we will sketch out a rather different set of attempts to imagine a critical hybrid politics beyond business as usual. All the currents we will look at in this chapter argue that if a defining feature of our hybrid worlds is that these are worlds that have to be composed, then the making of this anthropocene is inherently a political act. All the currents we will engage with here believe that questions of equity and justice have to be foregrounded in discussions about hybrid futures. Finally, to one degree or another, all these currents believe that publics have to be closely involved in the composition of our common home, that in short we need something like a public ecology (Luke, 2009). We will see in this chapter though that there is a considerably broad range of ideas as to how we might imagine the flourishing of public ecologies. This chapter identifies four sometimes-overlapping discussions that attempt to think and enact a critical hybrid politics. Perhaps the dominant form that critical hybrid discussions have taken of late has centered on efforts to imagine an ontological politics of democratic experimentalism and an epistemological

En el presente artículo se realiza un balance de la obra del sociólogo norteamericano Erik Olin Wright. Se aborda su trayectoria como investigador prestando especial atención a los principios metodológicos (analíticos y normativos) que guían su producción teórica. Se ofrece un estudio genea-lógico de sus principales problemáticas a partir de los elementos que se consideran más determinantes: su enfoque estructural sobre el concepto de clase, su particular lectura de Marx, su encaje sui generis en la tradición del marxismo analítico y el legado althusseriano que late de fondo en su obra. Finalmente se evalúan las implicaciones políticas de dichos principios metodológicos y de dichas vinculaciones. Palabras clave: clase social; estructura de clase; marxismo analítico; método ahistórico.

[en] Erik Olin Wright as a rara avis case. A review of the "last" analytical marxist Abstract. The present article put forward a review of the work of the American sociologist Erik Olin Wright. His trajectory will be critically approached as a researcher paying special attention to the me-thodological principles (analytical and normative) that guide all his theoretical production. A genealogic research of his main problematic is offered: his structural approach to class, his particular interpretation of K. Marx, his links (but in a sui generis way) to the intellectual tradition of "analytical Marxism", and the theoretical inheritances of the "althusserian school". Finally, the political implications of these methodological principles and of these linkages are evaluated.

Sumario: 1. Introducción. 2. El punto de partida: el concepto estructural de clase. 3. Poner a prueba el método: discusiones del siglo XXI. 4. La estrategia de integración teórica y el Marx sin Marx. 5. El legado del marxismo analítico. 6. Todos los caminos conducen a… ¡Althusser! 7. De la razón teórica a la razón práctica. ¿Un revival de "rawlsismo metodológico"? 8. Conclusiones

Erik Olin Wright’s recent new book, Envisioning Real Utopias is an important contribution to an expanding literature that attempts to articulate both a vision for a radical egalitarian and democratic society and a strategy for achieving it. The cooperative movement is often given an important role in this literature, although it is rarely considered in a thorough or critical manner. Wright’s book is no exception to this. This essay seeks to deepen the discussion of the cooperative movement by historicizing it, so as to reveal its ideological foundations, and providing both a fuller and a more critical account of the contemporary movement than Wright provides.

Farklı siyasal görüşlere yakınlığı ile bilinen 17 ulusal gazetedeki Suriyeli mülteci temsillerini inceleyen bu içerik analizinde, medyada öne çıkan ‘yardıma muhtaç’ ve ‘ucuz emek’ temsilleri arasındaki sınıfsal farklar ortaya konur. Birisi tüketim diğeri üretim aşamasına ilişkin olan temsiller farklı eşitsizlik kaynakları ve sınıfsal ilişkiler önerir. Yardıma muhtaç temsili ‘zengin’ ve ‘fakirler’ olarak görünen sınıflar arasında barışçıl bir yardım ilişkisi kurarken ucuz emek temsilinde ‘işçi’ ve ‘burjuva’ sınıfları çatışan çıkarlar ve mücadele içinde görünür. Medyanın, yeterli sayıdaki tekrarlarla genel geçer klişeler yarattığı ve temsil mücadelesinin bir anlamda “normal” olanı belirleme mücadelesi olduğu kabul edildiğinde sınıfsal temsil farklarının sınıfsal bölünmeler ve ilişkiler üzerine farklı klişe ve normlar önererek mücadele ettiği düşünülmelidir.

O ano de 2016 assinala a passagem dos 500 anos desde a publicação da famosa Utopia de Thomas More, livro que é, a justo título, considerado como sendo um dos que maior influência tiveram em todo o pensamento
posterior. Poucos são os livros que inauguram um género literário ou que se podem arrogar ter popularizado um método – o qual hoje talvez tendêssemos a identificar com o da “experiência de pensamento” – com verdadeiro alcance político e transformador.
Hoje, as boas utopias seriam talvez aquelas que podemos capturar através do oxímoro da expressão “utopias realistas”, tornada famosa por Erik Olin Wright. Uma utopia realista será aquela que nos mostra que existem
opções que, à partida, até podem parecer descabidas mas que podem ser reconduzidas à nossa realidade concreta. Que, por vezes, mais não fazem que propor soluções práticas e inovadoras para ideais antigos, sejam eles a realização no trabalho ou a concretização da democracia.

이 글은 먼저 현대 맑스주의와 베버주의 계급론이 수렴하는 경향 속에 통합적 전망으로서 부르디외를 위치시키면서, 부르디외가 이들과 공명하는(또는 영향을 받은) 지점들을 탐구한다(2장). 방법론적으로 재구성된 계급 개념을 논하고(3장), 부르디외의 장 개념이 계급투쟁의 계급 행동을 과잉결정하는 다차원적인 공간임을 주장한다(4장). 이후 부르디외의 문제의식에서 맑스주의 계급론의 몇 가지 의의를 찾아볼 것이다. 이는 부르디외가 맑스(주의)에게서 배운 것일 수 있다(5장). 이러한 의의는 결론적으로 부르디외의 계급사회학이 이전 계급투쟁의 산물로서 계급 범주를 해체하는 지식사회학이며, 동시에 계급투쟁적 전망과 학문적 실천을 통해 계급 범주를 재구성하려는 계급정치학에 다름 아님을 주장하는 데에 도달할 것이다(6장).