Exiles

Il primo numero di Viaggiatori affronta uno dei temi chiave del recente dibattito storiografico, l’esilio. Esso vuole essere tuttavia una nuova occasione di confronto su tale questione cruciale considerando un ampio arco cronologico, dall’età antica a quella contemporanea, analizzando in particolare le pratiche amministrative, nonché giuridiche messe in atto dai governi e dalle società che accolsero gli esuli, mettendo in evidenza le interazioni che si instaurarono tra la comunità degli emigrati forzati e quella d'accoglienza, riflettendo infine sulle categorie che permettano di designare e di definire l'esilio.

A más de cuarenta años del último golpe de Estado cívico-militar en
Argentina (1976-1983), el tema de las violaciones a los derechos humanos
perpetradas por la dictadura continúa vigente. Si bien el exilio
tuvo amplia presencia en el debate público durante la década del
ochenta, luego fue perdiendo peso y se transformó en uno de los tópicos
menos visibilizados y problematizados en los años noventa. No
obstante, en los últimos años los estudios sobre exilios han ocupado
un lugar cada vez más destacado en las agendas a partir de la apertura
a nuevas escalas y problemáticas, y del reconocimiento de sujetos
exiliares hasta ahora invisibilizados como los niños que compartieron
junto a sus familias la experiencia del destierro (Jensen y Lastra,
2014). En este artículo nos proponemos dar cuenta de la emergencia
en los últimos doce años, de una nueva voz en el espacio público: la de
los exiliadxs hijxs. Voz que pone sobre el tapete la cruda realidad del
exilio infantil de los años setenta.

In 1553, the religious exile Michelangelo Florio published in London the Italian translation of the Catechism of the bishop John Ponet, which had been published in Latin and English in the same year. This essay investigates the reasons that led Florio to publish his translation, of which, apparently, only a single printed copy, currently preserved in the British Library of London, is still existent. It also reconstructs the biography of Michelangelo Florio (formerly a Franciscan friar with the name of Paolo Antonio da Figline).
Florio, then in disgrace, made this translation not to educate the young members of the small Italian Protestant congregation in London (as hinted in the title page), but to gain the favor of the Duke of Northumberland, to whom the book was dedicated, hoping  that his daughter-in-law, Jane Grey, would become queen of England. The Catholic restoration of Mary Tudor doomed this project and forced him into exile.

ABSTRACT
After the defeat in the War of the Spanish Succession (1702–1714), between 25.000
and 30.000 people, most of them Catalans, went into exile. The article analyses the behaviour
of the exiled Spanish soldiers especially during the campaigns of 1716 and 1717
of the Ottoman-Venetian War. In that contest, three Spanish cavalry regiments and two
infantry regiments took part actively. On the other hand, from 1735 onward, an important
part of the Hispanic exile was moved to the Banat of Temeswar, territory incorporated
into the Habsburg Monarchy by the Treaty of Passarowitz (1718). They set up a colony
there, called New Barcelona, of ephemeral life.
Keywords: War of the Spanish Succession, Ottoman-Venetian War (1714–1718), Spanish
Exile, Banat of Temeswar, Habsburg Monarchy, Treaty of Passarowitz
DA

Por quase meio século eles viveram à sombra do exílio como “fantasmas” de um dos regimes mais controversos da história da América Latina: o inaugurado por Fidel Castro em Cuba com o triunfo da revolução, em 1959. Impedidos de retornar à terra natal, de rever amigos e parentes, ou mesmo, de verem publicados seus livros na Ilha, os escritores e jornalistas cubanos Guillermo Cabrera Infante (1929-2005) e Carlos Franqui (1921-2010) empreenderam in exilium duras batalhas. Primeiro, emergindo por entre as escumas da Guerra Fria como porta-vozes de ácidas críticas e denúncias contra os mandos e desmandos do castrismo. Segundo, resistindo às intempestivas torrentes de críticas que, à esquerda ou à direita da topologia política, partiram não somente dos defensores apaixonados do “socialismo ilhado” como também das comunidades de cubanos espalhadas mundo afora. Mas, quais razões levaram Guillermo e Carlos do apoio incondicional à luta revolucionária em Cuba, nos anos 1950, ao rompimento com Fidel Castro, e, consequentemente, ao exílio? E mais. O que os fez exilados do próprio Exílio cubano? Foi justamente buscando respostas a tais perguntas que o historiador Barthon Favatto Jr. dedicou quase uma década de sua vida a uma pesquisa apaixonante, cujos resultados surpreendentes chegam a público neste livro.

In his letter to Æthelheard (archbishop of Canterbury) and Ceolwulf (bishop of Lindsey) about Hringstan, an Anglo-Saxon exile in Francia, written at the close of the 8th century, Charlemagne briefly summarised the motivations for a contemporary noble person to flee: “It is better to live in exile than to perish, to serve in a foreign land than to die in one’s own” (Whitelock 1979. P. 849). Two centuries later, driving political and familial rivals into exile appears to have remained a viable method in the contest for power throughout Northern and Eastern Europe. Among others, two English expatriates in particular have attracted interest from historians: Edward the Exile (d. 1057) and Gytha (d. 1098/1107), daughter of Harold son of Godwine, who found themselves temporarily or permanently at the Russian court.

Este artículo propone un cruce, a través del exilio, entre dos campos que hasta la actualidad no han dialogado en profundidad: el de las investigaciones sobre las organizaciones armadas y el de los estudios sobre el movimiento de denuncia de las violaciones a los derechos humanos de la última dictadura argentina. Por eso, profundiza en los vínculos que se establecieron entre la organización armada Montoneros y la Comisión Argentina de Derechos Humanos (CADHU) desde el comienzo de su “exilio orgánico”, entre fines de 1976 y principios de 1977, hasta la realización del “testimonio de París” y la última disidencia montonera, entre fines de 1979 y principios de 1980. A través de un mosaico de fuentes que incluye documentos partidarios, entrevistas a los protagonistas e informes desclasificados de la inteligencia militar, el trabajo aborda el rol desempeñado por las organizaciones armadas en la constitución de las redes que motorizaron inicialmente la denuncia transnacional de las violaciones a los derechos humanos cometidas por la dictadura en la Argentina.

The War of the Spanish Succession pushed a part of the Neapolitan pro-Bourbon nobility to leave the peninsula seeking shelter from Philip V. In Madrid the exiles placed themselves at the service of the king and assumed at the court increasing roles of power. The paper exposes the first reflections of a research in nuce on the Neapolitan exiles, giving an example that testifies how the exile was a successful choice for their personal career and for the future of their family.

Several recent works in political theory argue that exit, rather than being a coward's choice, is a potent mode of resistance that is particularly well suited to the current political era. These works reclaim exit, seeing it as a method of political opposition. While innovative and illuminating, these accounts are limited because they tend to treat all exits as resistance, regardless of context or content, and they are inclined to over-saturate exit with oppositional political meaning. I argue that resistant exit should be more narrowly defined. By examining a range of empirical cases, I identify and explore three distinctive characteristics of this particular type of opposition. In addition to clarifying a recently developed idea in current scholarship, this article provides a systematic way for scholars to understand and interpret the intersection between resistance and exit.

eing an émigré, exiled tabloid publisher and editor and other media outlets for the Hispanic community in the US, give me a unique insight into the personality and political views of Father Félix Varela y Morales.
Newspapers like El Mensajero Semanal, La Revolución, Patria, El Habanero and La Verdad are clear examples of political expression and the work towards building the cohesion of the Cuban American community in the US at repressing times and the fight for freedom against colonialism.
A great example of his virtue, faith and patriotism is the speech in at only 24 years of age, In 1812 Varela expressed: Do not consider anything other than the good of the nation, and to achieve this, use the word of God to light your way, as said by the Prophet.

During the Late Antiquity the sheltering of refugae by the Vascones and by the dukes of Aquitaine, means that the western Pyrenees’ region must have had some sort of organisation and structure fit for handling their stay. Furthermore, fugitives could offer information, money and the possibility of conferring some political prominence in the international sphere to the community that sheltered them, thus paving the way for the activation of diplomatic overtures. Those refugees might have incited new military campaigns luring those who sheltered them to their cause. However, giving refuge to fugitives could be construed as a casus belli and the community that welcomed them ran the risk of being attacked or coerced by the Merovingian and the Visigoths, and in the 8th century, by the Carolingians, the Muslims and the Asturians. In the Western Pyrenaic area, the diplomatic practice evolved around the numerous military conflicts that rocked the region, thus constituting one of the main elements that fostered the cohesion of the territory while ensuring its integration within the post-Roman political mosaic.

After the millions of wartime displaced citizens had been forcibly returned to the Soviet Union after the Second World War, the Soviet Union inaugurated a new type of campaign in
the mid-1950s to get all the remaining Soviet citizens and former émigrés from Sovietoccupied areas to migrate back. In this campaign, the Soviets used all the means of mass
communication they were able to produce, especially radio combined with the press and direct contact with people. The campaign was not very successful, at least not among the
people it was supposed to lure back: people residing in Europe. However, many people, especially from Latin America, migrated back to the Soviet Union, only to be disappointed, just as the people who had migrated to the Soviet Union in the early 1930s.

Cette étude tente d’examiner les relations culturelles qu’entretenaient les exilés italiens avec l’élite maltaise et corse. Les médias –presse et ouvrages– jouèrent un rôle déterminant dans le développement d’un espace public méditerranéen réticulaire. La liberté de la presse était strictement limitée avant le Risorgimento ; à Malte et en Corse, les exilés italiens, délivrés de toute censure, pouvaient diffuser leurs idées à travers la presse et les livres, trouvant ainsi un terreau fertile à la liberté d’expression. Ils y établirent une communication avec l’élite locale qui tâchait de résister aux tentatives des gouvernements visant à franciser ou angliciser les populations corse et maltaise.

This article aims at investigating and explaining the idea of frontier in one of the most important Spanish republican exile writers, Ramón J. Sender, as it comes out in the analysis of his Relatos fronterizos (1970). Our purpose is to prove that the frontier in a refugee author has mainly a negative meaning of separation boundary, barrier, fracture, whether you consider it from a real, geographical perspective or from a cultural, social and, even more, linguistic point of view.
Keywords: frontiers, exile, linguistic barriers, cultural margination, extraneousness.

An extensive study, part of a trilogy about Cuban immigration to the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent by the Spaniards to the present. The book extends on the sources, motivations and contradictions of the different political and economic fluxes of emigrations from the island to the mainland, taking into consideration, particularly the part of the state of Florida and the leading intellectual figures of different political exiles arrivals, as José Martí.

"Ulysses became part of the literary canon almost from the moment it was published, and it did not take long before it was turned into a literary monument. As such, it is often celebrated and commented upon; it is perhaps less eagerly visited, except maybe in the form of cursory strolls through selected passages and along a certain number of critical avenues. It will therefore not be surprising to claim that Ulysses is not just about Dublin: the book itself is city, world, and world cultural heritage.
Ulysses has long been considered one of the works perfectly embodying the modernist ideal of totality. Even though the claim may sound disputable today, the notion that this novel might constitute a museum of Western civilisation is alluring. James Joyce and Ulysses have spawned several actual museums and ‘historical houses’ in Dublin, as well as inspired a whole gallery of visual works, thus making up an imaginary multimedia museum. What is more, Bloomsday has reached the status of national holiday, and Bloom’s footsteps engraved on the pavement in the distinctive places along his one-day journey are meant to celebrate Joyce’s epic. It could be argued that Joyce has been turned into a national monument at the same time as Dublin has been museified, but I will show that Joyce’s writing also provides the necessary antidote, that is, the profanation of the sacred.
This paper explores the unique way in which Ulysses creates a utopian place in which consciousness can feed on memory and consume the cultural heritage, as well as probe into the past and forget it. In such a space, readers are recreated as flâneurs or nomads wandering aimlessly and egoistically, while provisionally forming an impossible community.
"

Esta obra incluye el caso del escándalo expuesto en el 2006 de periodistas de El Nuevo Herald, mellizo en español de The Miami Herald y otros medios en La Florida, recibiendo simultáneamente retribuciones de los servicios de la Voz de América (VOA), Radio y Televisión Martí.
El libro reúne argumentos de cómo desde 1959, el Gobierno federal de los EEUU ha financiado, no solamente a la prensa de los exiliados cubanos en La Florida, con el pretexto del patriotismo y la lucha contra el comunismo, sino entrenando y bendecido a grupos terroristas activos, en actos criminales de asesinato y violencia contra periodistas y activistas por la democracia.
Basándose en el Modelo de Propaganda de los Cinco Filtros de Herman y Chomsky, surgen pruebas de la colaboración entre los medios de comunicación y las instituciones gubernamentales o grupos de intereses especiales, como el caso de la manipulada cobertura del New York Times durante la invasión estadounidense de Irak en 2003.
Un breve análisis aplicado a los temas de la posible extensión del Modelo a seis filtros, considerado por estudios recientes.

This paper traces Jacques Lacan's theory of jouissance in James Joyce's Exiles. According to Lacan, there are two kinds of jouissance, namely phallic and Other. The former is achievable through desire for different things in the Symbolic order while the latter is beyond the given order and can be attained through particular activities in sinthome. All major characters of the play are involved with jouissance in one way or another. Richard Rowan as the major character in the play has got along with phallic jouissance and he is trying to move toward the Other jouissance via denial of the Symbolic order and dedication of his time to writing. After living in exile for years and experiencing the pleasures of the phallic jouissance, he is back to find a solution to his problem with the Symbolic order. The jouissance beyond the phallic one for Richard lies in writing which turns out to be his sinthome. An untextualized writing is considered to be Richard's sinthome that open up the path toward Other jouissance for him.

The article examines the role played by the Portuguese oppositionist diaspora in the final years of the Estado Novo dictatorship (c. 1968–c.1974). It advances an explanation for the apparent lack of success met by several exile groups when trying to persuade the Western democracies to withdraw (or at least reduce) their support for Lisbon's authoritarian regime during a period in which the public was increasingly aware of human rights abuses. The choice of this particular juncture is justified for several reasons. Firstly, it was a time of renewed expectations regarding a possible liberalisation of the regime in the aftermath of the replacement of the incapacitated Oliveira Salazar by the younger Marcelo Caetano (September 1968), an event that confronted the different sections of the Portuguese opposition with a number of dilemmas, both at home and abroad, and exposed rifts that would take some time to repair. Secondly, this was also an epoch of momentous social and cultural change in Europe, with obvious ramifications for the political orientations and attitudes of those who, for different reasons, had decided to leave Portugal in the 1960s. Finally, the vicissitudes of the East–West détente are seen here as equally important for understanding the opportunities and limitations of the anti-Estado Novo opposition abroad.

Après l'échec du soulèvement des garnisons militaires de Badajoz et de La Seo de Urgel en 1883, plus d'un millier de soldats franchirent les frontières du Portugal et de la France. Plusieurs dizaines d'autres s'enfuirent de Madrid quand échoua le coup d'État du général Villacampa en 1886. L'exil fut pour tous une ruptura vitale: ils laissaient derrière eux leur famille, leur emploi, leur quotidien et leurs perspectives d'aborder un monde inconnu dans lequel le déracinement, la pauvreté, les difficultés de travail et d'intégration comme destin commun portaient la marque d'une existence précaire. Tout ceci produsait un doublé lien de dépendance. La vie en commun et la coopération étaient par ailleurs une condition de survie des réfugiés qui, en même temps avaient besoin de la reconnaisance et de la solidarité des militants républicains d'Espagne.