Funeral oration

Les oraisons funèbres voient au cours du XVIIe siècle s’affirmer une inflexion élégiaque à la dimension religieuse de plus en plus marquée. Pourtant, la plainte est entourée d’une rhétorique du soupçon dans laquelle se rejoue le dialogue polémique que l’oraison funèbre chrétienne entretient avec son ancêtre païenne. Mon article examine les modalités selon lesquelles la plainte est à la fois formulée et mise à distance – en un double mouvement d’impuissance devant ce qui dépasse infiniment et d’épiphanie réflexive et heureuse. Or cette consolation est bien souvent assumée – fictivement – par le défunt lui-même : par la parole sublime qui lui est prêtée, l’oraison funèbre offre l’occasion de revivre ensemble le trauma de l’anéantissement des grandeurs terrestres, pour mieux le resituer, non seulement dans la finitude de l’humaine condition, mais dans un appel collectif à se conformer à des valeurs communes.

本书是《亚洲高原视角(AHP)》期刊的首次汉语翻译版，是很多有意者合作的结果，也体现了我们团队合作的力量。书中前言 "AHP期刊及其鸣谢" 由才项多杰撰写（第5页）； 第一章 "对《拉卜楞寺》一书的评述"由Christina Kilby Robinson 著（6-9页）； 第二章 "豆后漏藏族村——改发与婚姻" 由周毛吉, CK Stuart和Steve Frediani 著，由周毛吉 译 （10-48页）； 第三章 "循化撒拉族婚礼" 由马伟, 马建忠和CK Stuart著，由赵琳 译 （49-101页）； 第四章 "被遗弃的山神" 由立穆斯什典 著， 由旦箭花和尼道斯让 译 （102-123页）； 第五章 "青藏高原上的传销" 由Devin Gonier和Rgyal yum sgrol ma 著，由朵达拉 译（124-144页）； 第六章 "青海东部农村傩祭仪式——民和土族纳顿歌" 由朱永忠和CK Stuart 著， 由朱永忠 译 （145-158页）； 第七章 "民和土族祝酒歌" 由朱永忠和 CK Stuart 著， 由朱永忠 译 （159-167页）； 第八章 "情牵相守：三川土族库咕笳歌" 由朱永忠, 祁慧民和CK Stuart 著， 由朱永忠 译 （168-198页）。

Free download available at

https://tibetanplateau.wikischolars.columbia.edu/VOLUME+49

At-cost hardback available at http://bit.ly/2vx5rKo

Abridged English Translation
This is the first AHP volume in the Chinese language, containing the following articles translated from English to Chinese:

1 AHP Preface <5> by Caixiangduojie
2  Review: Labrang Monastery <6-9> by Christina Kilby Robinson
3 Stag rig Tibetan Village: Hair Changing and Marriage <10-48> by 'Brug mo skyid, CK Stuart, Alexandru Anton-Luca and Steve Frediani ('Brug mo skyid, translator)
4 The Xunhua Salar Wedding <49-101> by Ma Wei, Ma Jianzhong, and CK Stuart (Zhao Ling, translator)
5  An Abandoned Mountain Deity <102-123> by Limusishiden (Dan Jianua and Nidaosirang, translators)
6  Pyramid Schemes on the Tibetan Plateau <124-144> by Devin Gonier and Rgyal yum sgrol ma (Duodala, translator)
7  'Two Bodhisattvas From the East': Minhe Monguor Funeral Orations <145-158> by Zhu Yongzhong and CK Stuart (Zhu Yongzhong, translator)

All AHP volumes are available as free downloads at
https://tibetanplateau.wikischolars.columbia.edu/Asian+Highlands+Perspectives

The paper is a funeral oration of General Robert Adeyinka Adebayo (1928-2017).

Pericles son of Xanthippus (428-494 B.C.) was the 1st known orator who celebrated the deeds of great men at public funeral where they were laid to rest. He spoke of the attributes of great rulers and Generals who took charge of the affairs of men in times of war and of peace, just as we here pay our last respect to this great man, our great leader and a great old boy. At the funeral of a great General and a Ruler of that age, Pericles rambles thus: 'Just because you do not take an interest in politics doesn't mean politics won't take an interest in you. What you leave behind is not what is engraved in stone monuments, but what is woven into the lives of others. Time is the wisest counsellor of all...For famous men have the whole earth as their memorial. Trees, though they are cut and lopped, grow up again quickly, but if men are destroyed, it is not easy to get them again.'

The oration speaks for itself. It was composed for Christ's School ALumni Association and presented by Jadesola Tai Babatola

Questo saggio esamina il ruolo degli agraphoi nomoi nellʼorazione funebre di Pericle, in particolare nellʼambito della riflessione rivolta alla politeia degli Ateniesi. La scelta di Pericle di accentuare positivamente gli agraphoi nomoi e sottolineare la complementarità del rapporto fra i nomoi scritti e non scritti si discosta sia dalle regole del logos epitaphios sia dalle posizioni riconoscibili nel contesto del dibattito contemporaneo sul nomos, che tendenzialmente afferma la superiorità dellʼagraphos nomos come espressione di un diritto universale e/o naturale. Diversamente, Pericle afferma che la politeia degli Ateniesi assegna uguale rilievo alle leggi scritte e non scritte e che gli agraphoi nomoi non hanno minore efficacia di quelle scritte relativamente al controllo sui comportamenti pubblici degli Ateniesi, particolarmente riguardo ai comportamenti irrispettosi di ciò che gli Ateniesi consideravano meritevole di rispetto (eusebeia). Gli agraphoi nomoi, secondo quanto qui si argomenta, individuano gli ethe intesi come norme consuetudinarie e regole appartenenti al campo del diritto sacrale. PDF Pubblicato 2020-10-05 Fascicolo V. 22 (2019) Sezione Articoli a. Gli autori mantengono i diritti sulla loro opera e cedono alla rivista il diritto di prima pubblicazione dell'opera, contemporaneamente licenziata sotto una Licenza Creative Commons-Attribuzioneche permette ad altri di condividere l'opera indicando la paternità intellettuale e la prima pubblicazione su questa rivista. b. Gli autori possono aderire ad altri accordi di licenza non esclusiva per la distribuzione della versione dell'opera pubblicata (es. depositarla in un archivio istituzionale o pubblicarla in una monografia), a patto di indicare che la prima pubblicazione è avvenuta su questa rivista. c. Gli autori possono diffondere la loro opera online (es. in repository istituzionali o nel loro sito web) prima e durante il processo di submission, poichè può portare a scambi produttivi e aumentare le citazioni dell'opera pubblicata (Vedi The Effect of Open Access).

Nicole Loraux’s seminal book L’invention d’Athènes (1981) opened a new way of understanding the Athenian funeral oration. It is a well-known fact that the Athenians exploited the annual logos epitaphios in honor of the war dead to convey a patriotic image of the Athenian past, centered on a canonical list of glorious mythic-historical deeds. This list –the so called Tatenkatalog- has been so far investigated in terms of either ‘political propaganda’ or ‘official polis tradition’, where both definitions involve a high degree of historical simplification and, to some extent, falsification. This view, if somehow true as for the 4th century literary version of the list, must be reassessed as for the 5th century catalogue, which in fact is to be considered as a prominent example of ‘intentional history’ (in H.-J. Gehrke’s definition), produced by -and at the same time turned to- the political community itself, as the result of complex identity needs.
Come è noto, L’invention d’Athènes di Nicole Loraux (1981) ha inaugurato una nuova interpretazione dell’orazione funebre ateniese. Ogni anno il logos epitaphios trasmetteva una immagine patriottica degli Ateniesi, incentrata su una lista canonica di eventi gloriosi di natura miti-storica. Questa lista, il cosiddetto Tatenkatalog, è stato sinora indagato in termini di propaganda politica o di ‘official polis tradition’, dunque sulla scorta di paradigmi che implicano una semplificazione, talora falsificazione, della realtà storica. Questa lettura, se in una certa misura valida per la versione trasmessa dalle fonti letterarie di IV secolo, deve essere invece rivista a proposito del catalogo di V secolo, che deve essere invece inteso come un esempio calzante di ‘storia intenzionale’ (secondo la definizione di H.-J. Gehrke), prodotto da –e allo stesso tempo rivolta a- la comunità politica stessa, alla luce di una complessa trama di esigenze identitarie.

Democracy plays a complex, controversial and ironic role in Thucydides’ history of the Peloponnesian War. Understanding its significance depends to a large extent on the Periclean Funeral Oration and especially on one difficult passage, 2.37.1. This article argues that four ostensibly minor and often neglected features of the passage reflect a positive but carefully defined assessment of Athenian democracy. The passage is structured to embed its treatment of democracy in a wider discussion of Athenian mores and character. These have ironic consequences, resulting in Athens’ remarkable endurance and resilience but also in increased loss and suffering as the war continued through its protracted course.

The aim of this paper is to study the funeral oration given by Demosthenes in 338 BC, to better understand the role of the past as a source of resilience during the Athenian identity crisis after the defeat by Macedon at Chaironeia.

The funeral oration or epitaphios has often been offhandedly treated as an uninventive and repetitive genre, employing stock themes to reach a never-changing goal: to praise the war dead by promoting polis identity. In 1981 however, Nicole Loraux published a groundbreaking work on the Athenian funeral oration, L’invention d’Athènes. In this book, she focused on the shared mythical and historical past as an important theme in the genre. This type of ‘memory study’ has become immensely popular in the past two decades, but where the ancient world is concerned it has mostly focused on classical fifth-century Athens. I would however like to shed more light on the function of memories of a shared past at the end of the fourth century BC, in what is now known as the Lycurgan period.

Ushered in by the battle of Chaironeia in 338 BC, at which Athens suffered a terrible defeat at the hands of Philip II of Macedon, the Lycurgan period was a time of identity crisis for the Athenians. This sense of desperation and loss of identity inspired a series of reforms aimed at reinforcing not only military strength, but also civic pride. New insights into the mechanics of the shaping of civic identity have greatly increased interest in this turbulent episode of Athenian history in the past five years, coinciding with the current ‘boom’ in memory studies. The funeral oration, even though two of the six extant samples are dated to this period, has however not received much attention in this light.

Indeed, after Loraux, the only one to devote serious attention to the epitaphios was Rosalind Thomas in her 1989 Oral Tradition & Written Record in Classical Athens. The funeral oration is however still only rarely seen as a useful source from which we can learn more about a specific moment in time. The goal here is to bring the funeral oration by Demosthenes into narrower focus, relating it to its specific historical circumstances and focusing on its evocation of social memory to show its unique and inventive character. Contrasting this epitaphios with that of Hypereides, which was held in 322 BC after Athens had booked several victories over Macedonian armies, will especially highlight its importance as an instrument of resilience in the city’s time of crisis.

Summary. Death and  Jester. On the Death and Life of the Jesters: Hans Mieske (circa 1540-1619) and Michael Neuber (1596-1648).
The ritual of dying and the funeral rites of a court jester are a special case of curt ceremonies. An insight into tchem, as well as the theological, pastoral and social problem that were caused by the jesters' deaths, is possible thanks to funeral seremons (Leichenpredigten). Two such seremons have been analysed: the one at the funeral of Hans Mieske (circa 1540-1619), who was a member of the court of Philip II and Francis I, the Szczecin Dukes, and the other at the funeral of Michael Neuber (1596-1648), born in Myślibórz and a member of the court of the Saxon Dukes from Altenburg. The rituals accompanying the dying of jesters, describet by the Reverend Philip Cradelis and the Reverend Martin Caselius, are examples of the ceremonies of rites de passage. A special attention was paid to the rites concerning the preparations of the jesters for their last moments, as well as their position in the socjety, which emerges from the analysed sources, especially in the context of the efforts undertaken by Duke Francis to commemorate his jester Mieszko (Mieske) through a ceremonial funeral in a church, which ended up in confict with Szczecin inhabitants.

A Venezia, nel 1572, venne pubblicata una "Oratione funebre" per i patrizi veneziani morti durante la Battaglia di Lepanto. Il suo autore, Paolo Paruta (1540-1598), era in quel momento pressoché sconosciuto; tale testo continua a rivelare tratti misteriosi, per almeno due motivi: 1) la sua storia editoriale; 2) il suo status diamesico.
1) Nel 1584 l’opera venne ripubblicata da Altobello Salicato, probabilmente senza il consenso dell’autore.
2) Molto probabilmente l’orazione non venne mai pronunciata (come invece hanno pensato quasi tutti i critici, fino a questo momento): come già ipotizzato da Marazzini nel 1998, una grande molte di prove storiche e retoriche fanno credere che al contrario l’"Oratione Funebre" parutiana un testo intrinsecamente scritto, e non orale. Tale la conclusione di un’approfondita analisi delle fonti storiche riguardanti i festeggiamenti a Venezia in occasione della vittoria di Lepanto (1571).
* * *
In 1572, an "Oratione funebre" for the Venetian noblemen fallen in the Battle of Lepanto (1571) was published in Venice. At that time its author, Paolo Paruta (1540-1598), was an unknown writer, and this text is still problematic, for almost two reasons: 1) its editorial history; 2) its diamesic status.
1) In 1584 a second edition of "Oratione Funebre" was published by Altobello Salicato, probably without Paruta’s consent.
2) Up to now, the most part of scholars believed that the oration was delivered, yet most likely it wasn’t: as assumed by Marazzini 1998, a lot of historical and rhetorical evidences proof that Paruta’s "Oratione Funebre" is just a written text, not an oral one. This is the final result of a thorough examination of the historical sources about the Venetian celebration for the victory of Lepanto (1571).

Cet article met en lumière la tension, à l'oeuvre dans les oraisons funèbres catholiques du XVIIe siècle français (Fléchier, Bossuet, Bourdaloue, Fromentières, G. de Roquette, J.B. de Beauvais, G. Buhot, P. de Fénolliet...), entre l'idéal stoïcien de la mort impassible et l'idéal catholique de la mort pénitentielle, impliquant de vives émotions.

This paper explores the ways early modern French Catholic funeral orations (Fléchier, Bossuet, Bourdaloue, Fromentières, G. de Roquette, J.B. de Beauvais, G. Buhot, P. de Fénolliet...) deal with a specific generic tension between the Stoic role-model of serene death, and the Catholic role-model of (highly emotional) penitential death.

Plato's Menexenus plays with parody and pastiche, not only of the Funeral Orations of Pericles/Thucydides or Lysias, but also with Athenian comedy. The anachronism of the dramatic date of the Menexenus, around 387 BC, when both Aspasia, who allegedly composed the funeral oration which is the core of the dialogue, and Socrates, who presents it, were dead, is an essential feature of the text. Imagined as a message from the dead, the Menexenus may be explained in relation to the dramatic theatre of the fifth century BC, where revenants - from Aeschylus’ Darius to Aristophanes’ Aeschylus - play an important role as saviours of their people. We may confront the Menexenus with Eupolis’ Demoi, where Pericles is called from the underworld to save the city. In Plato’s dialogue, which stands against Pericles’ Funeral Oration as reported by Thucydides – Pericles is disqualified, and it is Socrates, the spiritual leader of the ideal city, who comes back to life to deliver the moral lesson which may save Athens from corruption and death.

L’article met en évidence le lien qui s’établit entre les détournements railleurs (ludiques, grivois, satiriques, libertins) dont fait l’objet l’oraison funèbre du XVIe au XVIIIe siècle, et la littérarisation de ce genre, qui viendra par excellence représenter le vaste massif de l’éloquence de la chaire dans le panthéon littéraire naissant. Si les oraisons funèbres parodiques de Louis XIV ou de la « monarchie universelle » donnent à lire une « mythistoire à l’envers », d’autres pastiches peuvent produire, au travers du détournement ludique, un véritable éloge du sujet : c’est le cas de l’oraison funèbre de Molière publiée dans Le Mercure galant. Un dernier exemple, celui d’une oraison funèbre manuscrite consacrée au Cardinal Fleury et parodiant le véritable discours dont il fit l’objet, accomplit en quelque sorte au carré la vocation épidictique du genre : le discours s’y montre en train de « se montrer montrant », portant ainsi à incandescence, dans le geste subversif lui-même, le malaise métadiscursif que trahit constamment l’oraison funèbre « sérieuse », tout en l’associant à une vive conscience de sa proche péremption.

This article argues that Cassandra’s speeches in Euripides’ Trojan Women critique and revise the rhetoric of Athenian funeral oration by drawing upon the themes and tropes of lament. In making her seemingly paradoxical claim that the Trojans are more fortunate than the Greeks, Cassandra combines funeral oration’s emphasis on dying gloriously for the homeland with lament’s consciousness of the suffering that the masculine pursuit of such glorious death in war causes for women and other non-combatants. By synthesizing these two viewpoints, she formulates a new code of conduct for warriors that grants glory only in wars that do not damage the stability of the oikos.

This is a work on two genres undertaken by Spanish Baroque writer Mateo Alemán while in Mexico, known then as the Viceroyalty of New Spain:1) The genre called "relación de sucesos," apparent in  "Los Sucesos de don fray García Guerra," and 2) the consolation monody, as seen in his "Oración fúnebre." My analysis is formal and rhetorical.

In der althistorischen Forschung gilt die Gefallenenrede des Perikles als wichtige Quelle für die Bürgeridentität in der athenischen Demokratie des 5. Jh.s v. Chr., auch wenn Stilisierungen durch Thukydides nicht auszuschließen sind. Mit archäologischen und epigraphischen Zeugnissen zum Kontext der Rede sowie zum Ritual der öffentlichen Gefallenenbestattung eröffnet Alexandra Eckert eine Perspektive auf den Charakter der Athener Polisgemeinschaft, die bisher in Forschungen zur Gefallenenrede wenig Beachtung fand: die Teilhabe von Personengruppen an der Polis jenseits der citizen community.

The production of brochures became an increasingly popular activity during the eighteenth century. Although they were for the most part occasional publications comprising only a few pages, they nevertheless represented a valuable source of income for their publishers. This article illuminates the world of eighteenth-century Capuchin libraries in the Ticino canton by analysing the typography of a funeral oration for the bishop, Bernardino Ignazio Roero. It also shows how librarians tended to create composite collections by gathering brochures on various topics – and how this ensured the survival of the aforementioned funeral oration as well as some otherwise very rare publications.

L’article met en évidence le lien qui s’établit entre les détournements railleurs (ludiques, grivois, satiriques, libertins) dont fait l’objet l’oraison funèbre du XVIe au XVIIIe siècle, et la littérarisation de ce genre, qui viendra par excellence représenter le vaste massif de l’éloquence de la chaire dans le panthéon littéraire naissant. Si les oraisons funèbres parodiques de Louis XIV ou de la « monarchie universelle » donnent à lire une « mythistoire à l’envers », d’autres pastiches peuvent produire, au travers du détournement ludique, un véritable éloge du sujet : c’est le cas de l’oraison funèbre de Molière publiée dans Le Mercure galant. Un dernier exemple, celui d’une oraison funèbre manuscrite consacrée au Cardinal Fleury et parodiant le véritable discours dont il fit l’objet, accomplit en quelque sorte au carré la vocation épidictique du genre : le discours s’y montre en train de « se montrer montrant », portant ainsi à incandescence, dans le geste subversif lui-même, le malaise métadiscursif que trahit constamment l’oraison funèbre « sérieuse », tout en l’associant à une vive conscience de sa proche péremption.

When Nicole Loraux published L’invention d’Athènes in 1981, it seemed plausible to include parts of Isocratesʼ Panegyricus among the sources for the genre’s structure and content, since the author explicitly links them to the Athenian funeral oration. Isocrates was considered a pamphleteer whose discourse represented common sense ethics and ideologies of 4th century Athens. For Loraux, the Panegyricus contained obvious plagiarism of the Lysianic epitaphios inconsistently embedded in a panhellenic framework. 40 years later, however, Isocratesʼ discourses are read either as rhetorical declamations or as philosophical treatises, and the controversial idea (first suggested by Yun Lee Too) that these texts represent a coherent corpus instead of ad hoc-pamphlets has posed some crucial methodical questions for their interpretation. In my paper I will analyse Isocrates’ general remarks on the epitaphios festival throughout his work. I will demonstrate that he takes a critical if not averse stance towards the institution. While he acknowledges the worth of myth as a moral canon for contemporary politics, he repeatedly judges all history since the Persian Wars as proof for the moral decadence of both Athens and Sparta. Since the epitaphios festival commemorates the dead of those wars that represent the decline of the Hellenic world, Isocrates describes it as a display of Athensʼ moral and political failure. In his own appropriation of the genre, Isocrates deliberately disintegrates its typical continuum of myth and history by use of different types of arguments and contradictory moral standards that are not all presented as persuasive.
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Quand Nicole Loraux publiait « L’invention d’Athènes » en 1981, il semblait plausible d’inclure des parties du « Panegyricus » d’Isocrate dans les sources qui manifestent la structure et le contenue du genre parce que l’auteur lui-même les lie à l’oraison funèbre d’Athènes. Isocrate était considéré comme publiciste dont les discours représentent l’éthique de l’opinion publique et les idéologies de l’Athène du 4e siècle. Selon Loraux, le « Panegyricus » contenait apparemment des plagiats du « epitaphios » de Lysias encastrés incompatiblement dans un référentiel panhellénique. Mais 40 ans plus tard, les discours d’Isocrate sont considérés soit comme discours didactiques soit comme traités philosophiques, et l’idée contestée – premièrement suggérée par Yun Lee Too – que ces textes représentent un corpus cohérent au lieu des pamphlets journaliers a posé quelques questions méthodiques cruciales pour l’interprétation. Dans mon discours, je vais analyser les remarques générales que fait Isocrate sur la fête d’epitaphios dans son oeuvre. Je vais montrer qu’il critique, qu’il refuse même cette institution. Il apprécie la valeur des mythes étant le canon morale de la politique contemporaine, mais en même temps il réprouve à répétition tous l’Histoire depuis les guerres médiques pour preuve de la décadence morale des deux, Athènes et Sparte. Comme la fête epitaphios commémore les morts de ces guerres qui représentent la descente du monde hellénique, Isocrate les peint comme représentant l’échec moral et politique d’Athènes. Isocrate utilise ce genre pour casser intentionnellement le continuum typique du mythe et de l’Histoire en utilisant des différents types d’arguments et des standards de moralité contradictoires qui ne sont pas tous présentés persuasivement.

The article takes up the issue of funeral eulogy of 17th century russian rhetorics. It briefly analysis the first Russian "Rhetoric", Kiev 17th century rhetorics and "Brief science of writing a sermon" by loanniki Galyatovsky.

Актуальные вопросы изучения мировой культуры в контексте диалога цивилизаций: Россия – Запад – Восток: Материалы Международной научно-практической конференции «Славянская культура: истоки, традиции, взаимодействие. XVII Кирилло-Мефодиевские чтения», 24 мая 2016 года. – М.; Ярославль: Ремдер, 2016. – С. 334-338.