Government transparency

Nas últimas quatro décadas de regime democrático a representatividade política das mulheres tem sofrido uma evolução positiva. A partir de uma perspetiva histórica, esta comunicação oferece uma resenha da legislação e uma avaliação sociológica da classe política portuguesa com o objetivo de abordar a questão do género. Centrando-se no poder local entre 1974 e 2017, analisa a participação ativa das mulheres nas primeiras comissões administrativas nomeadas em 1974 e que funcionaram até às primeiras eleições autárquicas que se realizaram a 12 de dezembro de 1976, a que se seguiram eleições regulares primeiro com intervalos de três anos e, a partir de 1989, de quatro. Em todos os níveis de governo avaliados ainda se verifica uma sub-representação das mulheres nos cargos de representação política em Portugal.
Em 2006 foi aprovada a Lei da Paridade, que obrigou a um mínimo de 33% para cada género nas listas partidárias de candidatos, a qual foi pela primeira vez aplicada nas eleições legislativas e autárquicas de 2009. Não há dúvida que esta lei produziu resultados imediatos, pelo menos na eleição de mulheres deputadas. Contudo, a nível local, apesar de a lei da paridade ser cumprida com a colocação de mulheres nas listas, estas raramente estão em posições elegíveis para presidente.
Apresentam-se alguns dados comparativos que podem ajudar à compreensão da questão do género a nível local, especialmente nas questões da transparência, e analisam-se os programas eleitorais e mensagens políticas das representantes eleitas.

Th is book explores the activism promoted by organised networks of civil society actors in opening up possibilities for more democratic supranational governance. It examines the positive and negative impact that such networks of civil society actors – named “interlocutory coalitions” – may have on the convergence of principles of administrative governance across the European legal system and other supranational legal systems.
Th e book takes two main controversial aspects into account: the first relates to the convergence between administrative rules pertaining to different supranational regulatory systems. Traditionally, the spread of methods of administrative governance
has been depicted primarily against the background of the interactions between the domestic and the supranational arena, both from a top-down and bottom-up perspective. However, the exploration of interactions occurring at the supranational
level between legal regimes is still not grounded on adequate empirical evidence.
The second controversial aspect considered in this book consists of the role of civil society actors operating at the supranational level. In its discussion of the first aspect, the book focuses on the relations between the European administrative law and the
administrative principles of law pertaining to other supranational regulatory regimes and regulators, including the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, the World Trade Organization, the United Nations, the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, the Asian Development Bank, and the Council of
Europe. The examination of the second aspect involves the exploration of the still little examined, but crucial, role of civil society organised networks in shaping global administrative law. These “interlocutory coalitions” include NGOs, think tanks,
foundations, universities, and occasionally activists with no formal connections to civil society organisations. Th e book describes such interlocutory coalitions as drivers of harmonized principles of participatory democracy at the European and global levels.
However, interlocutory coalitions show a number of tensions (e.g. the governability of coalitions, the competition among them) that may hamper the impact they have on the reconfi guration of individuals’ rights, entitlements and responsibilities in the global arena.

Transparency is a complex phenomenon characterised by aspects that can be linked and interpreted differently. In
particular transparency is associated with information and participation. In order to better understand how to
manage transparency in a municipality, the paper analyses the case of Venice that adopted a strong policy to
increase citizen participation through information and communications technology (ICT). Starting with the idea that
transparency is achieved only when perception of transparency between management and citizens (users) is aligned,
the author has verified this alignment administering the same questionnaire separately to managers/officers and
citizens. The author also analyses the alignment of perception for the different elements (motivation, issues, tools
and relation) that administration has to manage to achieve transparency. The results show that for managing
administration’s transparency it is necessary to manage the “transparency triangle”, i.e., addressing the information
to a specific necessity of access to services or to citizen participation, with a different mix of high relational tools.
Keywords: transparency, information, access, citizen participation

Introduction: Actions taken at the level of the European Union and related to the implementation of the European governance model are based on the assumptions of the theory of good governance. The research problem is the analysis of the process of implementation of this model in the decision-making mechanisms in the EU. Purpose: to analyse the theoretical framework for the application of the concept of good governance in the European Union, to assess the principles and to diagnose the actors responsible for the efficient functioning of the European governance model. The article verifies the hypothesis that the implementation of the concept of good governance in the European Union leads to the strengthening the elements that democratise and increase the transparency of the principles of its functioning for citizens. Methods: The study of these issues is conducted using actor-centred approach and metatheoretical research. The general scientific methods of cognition is used (analysis, synthesis, induction, deduction, description, etc.), as well as theoretical methods of formal and dialectic logic, supplemented by the specific juridical methods (juridical-dogmatic method, system and structure revealing method, and the method of legal norms interpretation). The analysis covers the normative basis of the good governance concept, with particular emphasis on actors involved in the procedures of applying and protecting the civil rights resulting from this concept. Results: The networks of individual actors, thematic platforms and transnational associations are active in numerous consultations with the European Commission. Тhis way, they are the main representatives of opinions of the EU Member States’ societies and the inspirers to take the necessary decisions. They play a similar role in the implementation phase of decisions, when the national administrations is obliged to implement the European standards into national legal acts. Then, the actors participate in consultations with the national authorities and monitor the implementation of EU programmes. Conclusions: The conducted analysis proved the functioning of civil participation in the European Union, which also means the existence of a civil control mechanisms. However, it is small, in comparison with local governments and business structures. Representatives of civic organisations submit postulates to the European Commission that it is necessary to modify the existing rules. The governments and national officials have better support – both technical, organisational and financial – to participate in monitoring the decision-making process, but representatives of civil society are deprived of any support. These conclusions lead to a reflection that the European governance model is not functioning entirely well. There must be connections between the elements of the good governance system. The presented analysis demonstrates that only some of its fragments are functioning: legal regulations, law, public consultations of several policies. These are the lonely elements of society's influence on decision-making process. The lack of strong systemic connections not only results in instability of the entire structure of EU governance, but also weakens the effectiveness of the law. // FULL TEXT --> http://metodol59.ru/images/2021/2021-perm-metodolog.pdf

Статья на Fergananews.com о докладе «Хлопковый сектор Узбекистана: Финансовые потоки и распределение ресурсов», который проливает свет на политическую экономию производства хлопка в Узбекистане, показывая финансовый интерес политической элиты Узбекистана в сохранении системы принудительного труда в этом секторе экономики.

Este artigo descreve uma proposta de criação de token dentro de uma infraestrutura de blockchain para rastrear o caminho dos recursos do BNDES (Banco Nacional de Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social). Além de transparência para a sociedade ao longo do repasse de recursos entre as pessoas jurídicas apoiadas, a proposta pode gerar insumos para criação de novos produtos de financiamento, simplificar o acompanhamento das operações e produzir dados para subsidiar análise agregada dos benefícios originados pelos empréstimos do banco.

This paper proposes the creation of a token within a blockchain structure to track the flow of funding disbursements of the Brazilian Development Bank (BNDES). Besides bringing transparency to society regarding disbursements for the supported corporations, the proposal may generate inputs for the creation of new financing products; simplify the operations monitoring, and produce data to subsidze aggregated analysis of the benefits originated by BNDES loans.

The article, presented here in Russian and English, is about major institutional factors that played a role in the breakdown of Sardoba reservoir, that was followed by a flood in the massive and densely populated area in Uzbekistan’s Syrdarya oblast and Kazakhstan’s Maktaaral district on May 1, 2020. The author highlights the lack of transparency in how the reservoir was built and the practice of extortions targeting local businesses which that usually accompanies such investment projects in Uzbekistan. 

The original Russian version was published by Ozodlik version. Its English translation was published by Uzbek Forum for Human Rights.

Cameras are ubiquitous and increasingly mobile. While CCTV has captured considerable attention by surveillance researchers, the new visibility of police activities is increasingly produced by incidental sousveillance and wearable on-officer camera systems. This article considers advocacy for policing’s new visibility, contrasting that of police accountability activists who film police with designers and early adopters of on-officer cameras. In both accounts, these devices promise accountability by virtue of their mechanical objectivity. However, to each party, accountability functions rather differently. By attending to the social and legal privileging of police officers’ perspectives, the article provides an explanation for design decisions that produced Taser’s AXON Flex on-officer cameras and for why police are embracing these new technologies. Critics of these cameras cite privacy concerns, officer discretion in operating cameras, and department disclosure of footage. Nonetheles...

תקנות מקיפות את כל תחומי החיים, ויש להן תפקיד מרכזי בהכוונת התנהגות. הן אינן מתייחדות לנושאים איזוטריים, טכניים או שוליים, אלא יוצקות תוכן ממשי לחובות, זכויות וכשירויות של ציבורים שלמים. במהלך משבר הקורונה הן תפסו מקום של בכורה בהסדרת ההתנהלות האזרחית. בעוד שתקנות הקורונה ספגו ביקורת נוקבת בזירה הציבורית, האקדמית והמשפטית על פגיעתן הקשה בעקרון שלטון החוק, הן דמוקרטיות יותר מכפי שמקובל לסבור, נוכח נגישותן המוגברת לציבור, בהשוואה לחקיקה מנהלית רגילה. נגישות גבוהה זו מושגת תוך שימוש נרחב בכלי משפט חזותי ומדיה חדשים. לעומת זאת, תקנות רגילות המותקנות בשגרה הן דמוקרטיות פחות מכפי שמקובל לסבור, בהשוואה לחקיקה ראשית ואף בהשוואה לתקנות הקורונה, נוכח בעיות נגישות ייחודיות המאפיינות אותן. הפרדוקס הדמוקרטי של תקנות הקורונה מלמד על האופנים שבהם יש לבסס את הנגישות לחקיקת משנה בישראל בשגרה ובחירום.

O paradigma dos dados abertos vem ganhando espaço na gestão pública, tendo sido incorporado ao direito de acesso à informação, componente fundamental das poliarquias. O artigo objetiva analisar as possibilidades e os desafios institucionais à implementação desse paradigma no Brasil, com base na Lei de Acesso à Informação. Além da análise normativa, realiza-se um estudo de caso do Governo Federal, aplicando-se técnicas de análise de conteúdo para verificar empiricamente o tratamento dispensado em primeira e última instância a solicitações de abertura de dados protocoladas junto ao Sistema Eletrônico do Serviço de Informações ao Cidadão (e-SIC) em períodos anteriores e posteriores à edição da Política de Dados Abertos, em 2016. Os resultados demonstram amparo legal para solicitações de dados abertos governamentais, dificultadas, contudo, por espaço “cinzento” criado pelas hipóteses infralegais de restrição de acesso à informação, o que impõem alerta quanto à efetividade da nova Política.

The first phase of the Scaling-up Action Research Project was undertaken to determine whether the current framework for community-driven development (CDD) projects can create the right conditions for such projects to evolve into programs that are sustained through normal resource transfer systems, so that poverty reduction activities are not forever dependent on government borrowing and NGOs. The concern with the donor/NGO approach is that it does not lead to sustainable change in how national poverty programs are implemented, and does nothing to promote the efficient use of public resources. CDD, by contrast, has been shown to be up to 40 percent more efficient in the use of public resources, while at the same time fostering community empowerment and building the social capital necessary for poor communities to take an active part in their own development. In this context, scaling up refers to the incorporation of CDD principles into national poverty programs, and to CDD activities being made sustainable through permanent resource transfer mechanisms. This synthesis paper compares the scaling up experiences of a total of 15 community-driven development projects in six countries in four regions—Benin, Uganda, and Zambia in the Africa Region; India in South Asia; Indonesia in East Asia and the Pacific; and Mexico in Latin America and the Caribbean. Weighing the strengths, weaknesses, and findings of each case was an inherently imperfect exercise, given the vastly different institutional, social, and political environment in which each CDD project was designed and carried out; and considering, as well, the newness of the analytical framework and assessment tools. One purpose of the research was, in fact, to test the usefulness of this framework and these tools for evaluating CDD – to determine whether the concepts, questions, and hypotheses that guided the reviewers' work were both precise enough and flexible enough to capture the complexities of scaling up in different cultural and institutional contexts, while providing a basis for comparability across all the studies. The questions at the heart of this exercise were whether: • the five basic principles that make up the CDD framework—community empowerment, local government empowerment, decentralization, accountability/transparency, and learning by doing—adequately define the necessary conditions for scaling up;

This paper provides a summary of data about requests, complaints and appeals published by central reporting bodies in eight countries. It examines available data from the most recent year of aggregated data—ranging between 2011 and 2013. It assessed these statistics for Brazil, India, Jordan, Mexico, South Africa, Thailand, The United Kingdom, and the United States. Through this assessment it provides trends in how countries are collecting and publishing these data and finds that practices are far from standardized and data are often unavailable or incomplete.

The purpose of this Article is to analyze the U.S. federal Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) in light of the FOIA Improvement Act of 2016. The Article starts by looking over the FOIA as a model for other legal systems in administrative transparency. After outlining the history of the enactment of the FOIA, the inspection deals with possible reasons for the widespread success of the FOIA abroad. Furthermore, it leads to pinpointing some paradoxes deriving from the implementation of this model in other countries. Subsequently, the Article addresses the FOIA Improvement Act. Firstly, it overviews the amendments. Secondly, it renders an assessment of their implications for the FOIA. However, only the amendments more closely related to the disclosure of records and information are considered. Special attention is devoted to disclosure, meant as a general category encompassing both proactive disclosure-thus, a subcategory-and access upon request. The Article argues that it is incumbent on scholars to make sure that there be no confusion between those concepts. Finally, the codification of the presumption of openness and the amendment brought to Exemption 5 to the FOIA are also addressed. While the former issue appears to be less problematic from a theoretical perspective, the latter raises some issues especially as for the scope of the time limit to applying the exemption.

The normative concept of transparency, along with the open government laws that purport to create a transparent public system of governance promise the world—a democratic and accountable state above all, and a peaceful, prosperous, and efficient one as well.  But transparency, in its role as the theoretical justification for a set of legal commands, frustrates all parties affected by its ambiguities and abstractions.  The public’s engagement with transparency in practice yields denials of reasonable requests for essential government information, as well as government meetings that occur behind closed doors.  Meanwhile, state officials bemoan the significantly impaired decision-making processes that result from complying with transparency’s sweeping and powerful legal mandates, and complain about transparency’s enormous compliance costs.   

This article argues that the frustrations with creating an open government originate in the concept of “transparency” itself, which fails to consider the tensions it conceals.  The easy embrace of transparency as a basis for normative and utilitarian ends evades more difficult questions:  When is transparency most important as an administrative norm? To what extent should an agency be held to that norm?  Open government laws fall short in answering these questions because, relying on the assumptions of “transparency,” they typically operate at exceptionally high levels of abstraction.  As a result, they establish both broad mandates for disclosure and broad authority for the exercise of a state privilege of non-disclosure, and they ultimately fail to produce an effective, mutually acceptable level of administrative openness.  Transparency theory’s flaws result from a simplistic model of linear communication which assumes that information, once set free from the state that creates it, will produce an informed, engaged public that will hold officials accountable.  To the extent that this model fails to describe accurately the state, government information, and the public, as well as the communications process of which they are component parts, it provides a flawed basis for open government laws.

The article critiques the assumptions embedded in transparency theory and suggests an alternative approach to open government laws that would allow a more flexible, sensitive means to evaluate the costs and benefits of information disclosure.  It also proposes institutional alternatives to the current default regime in open government laws, which relies on weak judicial enforcement of disclosure mandates, and offers substantive suggestions that would improve efforts to establish a more accountable state and informed public.

Full paper available here: https://www.chathamhouse.org/2022/03/forest-sector-revenues-ghana-liberia-and-republic-congo/acknowledgments

Good fiscal management is of critical importance if the forest sector is to fulfil its potential to contribute to sustainable development. In recognition of this, fiscal management has been the focus of much attention from the international community, including through the EU’s Forest Law Enforcement, Governance and Trade (FLEGT) Action Plan and the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI).
This paper assesses whether fiscal management in the forest sector has improved as a result of these reform efforts, focusing on three African countries: Ghana, Liberia and the Republic of the Congo. Two questions are considered: whether the efficiency of forest revenue collection has improved over the last decade, and whether revenues are being disbursed to subnational governments and to forest communities as is legally required.
While some improvements have been seen over the last decade, neither governments nor rural communities in those three countries are receiving the amount of revenues they are entitled to from the forest sector.
With respect to the efficiency of forest sector revenue collection – the proportion of revenues collected compared to those invoiced – the available evidence in Ghana suggests that this is mostly good, while in Liberia and the Congo, efficiency is poor with arrears in the millions of dollars.
There are limited data in all three countries on the revenues that are being disbursed from central to subnational governments. More information is available on benefit-sharing arrangements with communities. In the Congo, compliance remains weak while in Ghana and Liberia there is some evidence of improvements in compliance on the part of both government and companies. However, communities are still owed significant revenues.
For all three countries, access to robust data on forest sector revenues remains inadequate. Given that enhanced transparency has been an important factor underlying the progress seen in fiscal management, further reforms in this area should be prioritized.

Este artículo describe cómo se adaptó la metodología Infoparticipa (España) al caso de Colombia. El procedimiento tiene en cuenta la legislación sobre transparencia, el Régimen Municipal y de Distritos, así como la Estrategia de Gobierno en Línea. Infoparticipa evalúa el nivel de transparencia y la calidad de información de las sedes electrónicas de las administraciones locales. Evalúa si se informa sobre: quiénes son los representantes políticos, la gestión de los recursos, la información sobre gobierno y gestión, y sobre los mecanismos de participación ciudadana.

Public organizations around the world are embarking on open government initiatives, pursuing transparency, public participation and collaboration, and are working to redefine their relationships with citizens and with each other. In this endeavor, they are more and more using social media as public information tools that may have an impact in terms of transparency, accountability and legitimacy. This paper presents the first results of the project “Social media, transparency, and open government in Catalonia”, aimed at assessing the social media strategy of Catalan public administrations. Our main research question is exploratory in nature: how are Catalan public administrations using social media in order to become more transparent? We preliminary conclude that, although more information is usually perceived as more openness and transparency, social media is mainly used as an extra channel for delivering messages, instead of as a means of empowering citizens.

This book critically engages with the idea of transparency whose ubiquitous demand stands in stark contrast to its lack of conceptual clarity. The book carefully examines this notion in its own right, traces its emergence in Early Modernity and analyzes its omnipresence in contemporary rhetoric. Today, transparency has become a catchword outplaying other Enlightenment values like empowerment, sincerity and the notion of a public sphere. In a suspicious manner, transparency is entangled in the discourses on power, surveillance, and self-exposure. Bringing together prominent scholars from the emerging field of Critical Transparency Studies, the book offers a map of the various sites at which transparency has become virulent and connects the dots between past and present. By studying its appearances in today’s hyper-mediated economies of information and by linking it back to its historical roots, the book analyzes transparency and its discontents, and scrutinizes the reasons why it has become the imperative of a supposedly post-ideological age.

“Incessantly invoked as a necessary condition of all aspects of democratic life, transparency is being hailed as a top priority in public management, corporate business, and international relations. But the more we critically examine what transparency actually means, the more it emerges as an opaque, and perhaps even occluding, concept. By offering a bold and comprehensive picture of the new field of Critical Transparency Studies, this collection of essays is certain to become the standard reference for years to come.” (Giovanna Borradori, Professor of Philosophy at Vassar College, USA)

“This important collection historicizes and criticizes transparency, one of neoliberalism’s most ubiquitous norms. As the contributors draw out the normative presumptions of the concept, they alert us to its regulatory effects, its implications for surveillance and subjectivation. Rather than an ideal of democratic freedom, transparency mobilizes distrust and commands exposure. Crucial reading for anyone interested in critical assessment of our present values. ” (Jodi Dean, Hobart and William Smith Colleges, USA, and author of Publicity's Secret: How Technoculture Capitalizes on Democracy, 2002)

In the last few years we have had a number of infamous national security leaks and prosecutions. Many have argued that these people have done a great service for our nation by revealing the wrongdoings of the defense agencies. However, the law is quite clearthose national security employees who leak classified information are subject to lengthy prison sentences or in some cases, even execution as a traitor. In response to the draconian national security laws, this article proposes a new policy which fosters the free flow of information. First, the article outlines the recent history of national security leaks and the government response to the perpetrators. Next, the article outlines the information policy of the defense industry including the document classification system, the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA), whistleblower laws and the Espionage Act. Finally, the article outlines a new policy that will advance government transparency by promoting whistleblowing that serves the p...

As the police move further into areas of traditional journalistic practice, the ‘unhappy marriage’ between the police and the media becomes more complex. To what extent this symbiotic relationship has allowed for transparency has varied over time, subject to political, operational and technological change. While acknowledging the police premium on access to information, this relationship is further challenged by police oversight bodies, the spread of corporate mangerialism and media decentralisation. Through qualitative interviews with Australian police, crime, court and investigative journalists, we provide a fresh perspective on this relationship from the journalists’ point of view. In particular we explore the impact of digital media, social media and mobile technology on this relationship integral to maintaining public confidence in the police. This research serves as the basis for further interrogation into police perceptions of the role of the media and how an increasingly mediated public sphere is influencing public confidence in the police.

This paper maps the background to a new Australian Research Council (ARC) funded cultural historical sociology of childhood and child maltreatment. The project takes as its central focus public inquiries from the 1970s to the present, which either explicitly examine child abuse and neglect, or consider this within a broader remit. Employing a comparative historical approach, informed by cultural sociological perspectives, the research examines the unfolding Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse alongside past inquiries. The central aim of the project is to explore how changing understandings of children’s development, vulnerability and rights have shaped social policy, educational responses and public attitudes towards safeguarding children and promoting their wellbeing. In particular, it investigates how concepts of childhood and policy approaches are changing as a result of broader societal imperatives for openness and disclosure about matters that until recently were not publicly discussed, most notably, child sexual abuse. In this paper, I explicate the rationale for the focus on official inquiries as a framework for this research, while advancing a broader argument for the value of analysing inquiries as an important feature of late modernity and as a valuable lens through which to examine social change.

En este artículo atendemos al patente desencanto con la democracia en nuestras democracias liberales y señalamos algunas paradojas a las que se enfrentan nuestras democracias. Se concentran en una paradoja intuida por John Stuart Mill y formulada por Karl Popper: es posible democráticamente elegir la tiranía. Esta paradoja, a la que llamamos «paradoja contrademocrática», enfrenta a la democracia a una de sus debilidades internas: un exceso democrático puede eliminar a la propia democracia. Por ende, defendemos, atendiendo a las sugerencias de Pierre Rosanvallon, algunos mecanismos contrademocráticos para hacer frente a la paradoja contrademocrática: vigilancia, transparencia, control de constitucionalidad y coaliciones partidistas.

Public procurement is the acquisition of public goods and services from private sector. The main goal of public procurement is to achieving best value for money. In general, an efficient public procurement system enhances a government’s public welfare role. Competition is the key to ensuring governments and citizens get the maximum value of money in the process of public procurement. Public procurement requires a regulatory framework based on the principle of competition and that submits public spending to  the  adherence  of  competitive  procurement  methods’ and to  increase  the  efficiency  of  public  spending. This research establishes the effect of competition in the regulation of public procurement. The study recommends that Government, in order to optimize the value of money, should adopt draft principles of competition procurement policies that are compatible with procurement regulations.

The following paper explores the way transparency is used and applied, on a performative and symbolic level, as (1) a device for managing the establishment of sociocultural norms and values and (2) an expedient for understanding the boundaries between oneself and the other. A focus is given to the digital online and offline spaces, seen as places of visibility, circulation of information flows and open-data exchange. Drawing on cultural studies, semiotics and information studies, this interdisciplinary project aims to uncover values, rationales and theories behind the use and non-use of authenticity, truth and personality, in social decision-making and public participation. It will be taken account of the possible responsibilities connected to being transparent and visible, and it will be considered the social expectation for a perfect state, which a term like transparency is charged with, while trying to understand if a politics of total transparency is in opposition with democracy.

Oversupply of information, irrelevance, and repetition in political and administrative text and talk have received considerable scholarly attention, but the tendency to date has been to analyse these phenomena separately. In this article, I argue that it would be fruitful to explore these aspects in combination, as constitutive dimensions of calculated overcommunicative behaviour in public administration.

Based on a multidisciplinary review of literature on cognitive manipulation, prolixity, (ir)relevance, discourse repetition, and administrative behaviour, I propose an original ‘overcommunication framework’ for explicating certain discursive macro-strategies of positive self-presentation used by public officeholders. In particular, I discuss how governments may use calculated overcommunication to avoid or deflect blame, to signal democratic openness, and to perform swiftness.

By problematising the notion of ‘overcommunication’ and introducing it into discourse studies, I seek to open up new avenues of understanding and investigating political and organisational communication.

SOMMARIO: 1. Premessa-2. Dagli obblighi di pubblicazione alla li-bertà di informazione?-3. Gli obblighi di pubblicazione dopo il d.lgs. 97/2016-4. L'importanza delle forme di dissemination nei sistemi FOIA-4.1. Il modello statunitense, tra FOIA e "dissemi-nation"-4.2. Il modello britannico, tra FOIA e schemi di pubblica-zione-4.3. La trasparenza proattiva in Spagna e Francia-5. La "forma più moderna" di trasparenza 1 1. Premessa Nel definire la trasparenza, il Memorandum per l'Open government e la trasparenza 2 del Presidente Obama fa ri-ferimento ad una attività di diffusione di informazioni al pubblico attraverso la rete («put information about their operations and decisions online and readily available to the public»); d'altronde, secondo la legge spagnola sulla tra-sparenza questa «se articula a través de obligaciones de publicidad activa para todas las Administraciones» 3 : que-sti riferimenti bastano ad inquadrare, sia pure con prima 1 Il saggio è frutto di un lavoro comune; sono in ogni caso da at-tribuire a. Carloni E. i paragrafi 1, 2, 3 e 5, a Pettinari G. i paragrafi 4, 4.1, 4.2, 4.3. 2 Cfr. President B. Obama, Memorandum for the heads of executive departments and agencies

Il decreto legislativo 14 marzo 2013, n. 33 (c.d. testo unico sulla trasparenza), adottato in attuazione della legge-delega 6 novembre 2012, n. 190 (c.d. legge anti-corruzione), segna il punto di arrivo di una parabola che, avviata nel 2005, pone al centro della disciplina della trasparenza gli obblighi di pubblicazione. Rispetto alla legislazione pregressa, la principale novità è il riconoscimento del diritto di accesso a chiunque: l’accesso fuoriesce dai ristretti confini procedimentali per divenire strumento di promozione della trasparenza in funzione democratica. Al contempo, però, emergono i limiti di un approccio dirigista, nel quale è il legislatore a stabilire ciò che il singolo ha diritto di conoscere. Rispetto al modello ‘‘Foia’’, prevalente nella gran parte delle democrazie liberali, il rapporto di strumentalità tra pubblicazione e accesso è rovesciato: l’accesso non è configurato come un diritto fondamentale, ma come un diritto ‘‘riflesso’’.

... To the past Registrars, Pastor Yemi Nathaniel, Dr. DA Rotimi and the current Acting Registrar Mr. EO Ojo, I say thank you for your ... Finally, I appreciate my wife, Roseline Bolanle Fakile, and my Children, Adebisi, Oluwatobi and Adebola for their love and moral support. ...

China’s Social Credit System (SCS) has captured the imagination and power of big data technology. Launched at the national level in 2014, the system’s aim is to assess the trustworthiness of Chinese citizens in keeping their promises and complying with legal rules, moral norms, and professional and ethical standards. It is essentially a collaborative project between the authorities and the business sectors to rate both individuals and other entities. In certain contexts, each individual will be given a social credit score or rank. Despite the claimed good will to curb escalating dishonesty across societal sectors in China, the worry is that the totality of individuals’ lives will be captured, that citizens will be monitored and that the Orwellian state will become a reality. Individuals risk being reduced to transparent selves before the state in this uneven battle. They are uncertain about what contributes to their social credit scores, how those scores are combined with the state system, and how their data is interpreted and used. In short, the big data-driven SCS is confronting Chinese citizens with major challenges to their privacy and personal data, amongst other interests critical to them.

This article first maps out the background to the construction of China’s big data social laboratory and the SCS, and then summarises the legislative history and evolving concept of social credit. It stresses that apart from the conspicuous SCS policy document introduced by the Chinese central government, pilot legislation has already been implemented at the local levels to regulate the collection and processing of social credit data. The third part critically reviews such local legislation (which often uses the term ‘public credit information’) with reference to personal data protection principles. It also highlights the restrictions on the data subjects’ rights that are placed by the uncoordinated legal framework of personal data and the extra-legal regime of personal archive. It argues that existing legislation and proposed regulations require substantial revisions to mitigate the impacts of the SCS on data privacy. This article hopes to lay the groundwork for further legal study related to social credit and big data in China.

Les secrets se dévoilent rarement d'eux-mêmes. Dans ce contexte, le rôle des journalistes et des lanceurs d'alerte est essentiel pour assurer l'information des citoyens sur des questions qui peuvent les concerner au plus haut point. La présente contribution vise à faire la lumière sur le droit des « journalistes » à la confidentialité de leurs sources d'information et sur la protection des lanceurs d'alerte lorsque ces derniers décident de révéler publiquement les manquements qu'ils dénoncent.

Una de las principales características del Periodismo de datos es la
disponibilidad de bases de datos para la investigación de temas de
interés público, lo que nos ha llevado a estudiar las relaciones entre la
nueva cultura de la transparencia y el auge de las herramientas propias
del Big Data en periodismo. Todo ello, a partir del primer enfoque de
lo que Anderson denominó “sociología del periodismo
computacional: política y políticas públicas” (Anderson 2012: 1011).
Mediante entrevistas en profundidad a cinco periodistas de datos de
Eldiario.es, Elconfidencial.com y el CEPID se ha intentado determinar de
qué manera la Ley de Transparencia y el Portal de Transparencia han
afectado a la producción periodística en el Periodismo de datos.
Como resultado, se observa que, a pesar de existir un buen
Periodismo de datos en España, la insuficiencia de la ley y el portal no
permiten que vaya más allá de ser una disciplina incipiente.

The book analyzes the Italian system of administrative transparency and open government. In particular, the volume focuses on the legal rules on citizen participation in public decisions, access to information, public communication, open data, transparency and eGovernment

Carta Iberoamericana en la que me correspondió ser su redactor y ponente por encargo del Centro Latinoamericano de Administración para el Desarrollo (CLAD), y aprobada por la XVII Conferencia Iberoamericana de Ministras y Ministros de Administración Pública y Reforma del Estado Bogotá, Colombia, 7 y 8 de julio de 2016.
Adoptada por la XXV Cumbre Iberoamericana de Jefes de Estado y de Gobierno Cartagena de Indias, Colombia, 28 y 29 de octubre de 2016

La gestión de riesgos aplicada a la gestión de los documentos es un método que garantiza una rendición de cuentas confiable a partir de la mejora en el sistema de gestión de documentos de la organización. Controlando los riesgos asociados a los documentos se controla a la vez la gestión documental y se garantiza la primera fase del proceso de rendición de cuentas: la fase de información. En este artículo se presentan varias metodologías, válidas tanto para organizaciones públicas como privadas, para llevar a cabo una apreciación del riesgo asociado a los documentos: identificación, análisis y evaluación. Se hace especial hincapié en los enfoques a la hora de identificar riesgos, presentando diferentes perspectivas y metodologías y llegando a la conclusión de que emplearlas conjuntamente aporta mejores resultados.