Indo-European Languages

According to the  prevalent history of Bharata varsha as told by western scholars the Indus valley civilisation belonged to the
Dravida/Munda people and the vedic people(Aryans) reached India around 1900 BCE only . But in reality the Indus civilisation is vedic and the vedic people were in the Indus Valley at least from 6000BCE as seen from the excavations.
If an unknown script can explain the known myth and known history of a nation,what more proof is required to show that the script belongs to the same people.The script of Egypt explains
their myth and history.The script of Sumer,Akkad or Elam does the same.So it is natural for the Indus script to denote the myth
and history of the Hindu/Sindhu / Sarasvati/ vindu/vipra/sura/ bhuusura/bhudeva/bharata/kuru/pancala/Somaka  people.Hence in this article we shall try to understand a bit of Indian history through the Indus script.We shall presently see  a few evidences pointing to the existence of the Aryans in the Indus Valley several millennia prior to the so called Aryan
arrival in the Indus valley.
In the last  article we have looked into the writing of the Harappans in the early Ravi/Kot Diji phases and concluded that they are the same vedic people of the mature Harappan phase.
We have also compared an inscribed  Ravi sherd showing  presence of the Pancalas/ Bharatas in the Indus valley before 3300BCE and a Taxila coin showing their presence in Taxila around 200 BCE confirming the continuity of the vedic civilisation in the Indus Valley from the early Harappan days.We have also seen how an indus seal
portray the story of Ahalya described in later literature.
In this article we are exploring the universal idea of the mount of the dead Concept In The  Worship Of The Sun God -Pancala-Bharata-Somaka-Moksha-Kosala-Kurukshetra-Dharmakshetra concept-in the solar worship as was practised in the IVC and elsewhere. What are the linquistic and ritual logics employed in the practice? Religions are dependent on rituals and rituals are dependent on languages.Hinduism depends on Bharata/pitR/ deva/rava/veda/Sanskrit/Jina-kshetra/pan-caala language.Budhism depends on the Paali/vaaNi /heli language.Judaism depends on Hebrew/bruuhi language.Christianity depends on Greek/Latin Lnaguage.Islam depends on Arabic languge.All the religions of the world were dependent on words formulated by the priests of those religions as linquistics played a key role in formulating the belief and ritual tenets of their followers.All these religions and the languages owe a great deal to one religion and langage which was the religion of Gobekli Tepe and its language which is the pitR/Bharata /deva/veda language.The Bharatas of Pancala Ruled The known Ancient World By Using The Mound Of The Dead Concept In The  Worship Of The Sun God.

The Harappan seals contain several linguistic symbols which have not been properly understood so far.Through my works especially- Indus script decipherment breakthrough, PaNameTa-the troy tower weight  and measure system of Harappa, The Harappan Symbol Of 
Man+ Trident And Its Relation To Kausika Visvamitra  And The Kalinga Malla MeTas( Tower Weights), The Harappan Unicorn And The Kalinga Malla MeTas(Tower Weights) , The Harappan Symbol Of  Intersecting Circles And Its Relation  To Kausika Visvamitra And The Kalinga Malla MeTas( Tower  weights), The Harappan Contest Motif Of Nude Man With Six Locks Of Hair Fighting  Two Tigers And Its Relation To The Kalinga Malla MeTas( Tower Weights), The Harappan symbols of Roots, Nuts And Cocks And Their  Relation    To Kausika Visvamitra And The Kalinga Malla MeTas( Tower  weights), Identification Of KaNva In The Indus Script, Identification Of Troy In The Indus script,Identification Of Barley And Mustard In The Indus Script, Krishna’s Mathura And Dvaraka In The Indus Script, The Pinna In The Indus Script, The Identity Of Vedic Sarasvati And The Location Of Krishna’s Dvaraka, Identification Of Vedic Bharadvaja In The Indus  Script, Krishna’s Dvaraka  In The Indus Script, One Symbol  Of Indus Script Can Tell  A Lot About The Indus Valley Civilisation, The Identity Of Kasyapa In The Indus Valley And Sumeria, Kusa -The Son Of Rama-In Mesopotamia(Sumer),Indus -Sumer Trade, A Few “Copper” Names In The Indus Script, Janaka-King Of Mithila-In The Indus Script,The Vedic Asvins, Yama And Kartikeya In The Indus Script, The Goddess Sarasvati And The Origin Of Brahmi And Kharoshthi, The Origin Of The Roman Aes Grave From The Indus Valley Money, A Solution To The Mystery Of  The Gundestrup  Cauldron, The Eternal Soma Of The Vedas,              Vedic Roots Of Ancient Egyptian Religion, A Veiled Visvamitra Soma Sacrifice  In The New Testament , The Script Of Indus Valley Civilisation-1:The Script Of Indus Valley Civilisation-2,
The Punny Plough,The Bearded Kings Of The Ancient,
Bharata -The Language Of The Indus Valley Civilisation,
The Script Of Indus Valley Civilisation -3,The Script Of Indus Valley Civilisation-4,Harappan Vedic Sacrificial Feasts In Mesopotamian Art And In The Bible,The Script of Indus valley Civilisation-6 :A Vrishni Silver Coin And Its Harappan Source,The Script of Indus valley Civilisation-7: The Conversion Of Makha(Sacrifice) To Tanka(Mint) In The Indus Script,Script Of Indus Valley Civilisation-8:Vedic Root Of Gudea’s Akshayapatra,Three Men In A Boat Seal Evidence Of Indus –Dilmun Trade,The Script Of Indus Valley Civilisation-9: The Goodluck Symbols Of The Indus Script, The script of Indus valley civilisation-10:Identification Of The True Vedic Soma From Harappan Seals  Confirms The Indus Valley Civilisation As Vedic, The Script Of Indus Valley Civilisation-11:
Daksha (Soma) Yaaga-The Vedic Eucharist -In The Indus Script , The Script Of Indus Valley Civilisation-12:
Dāśarājñá And Dasaratha In The Indus Script, The Script Of Indus Valley Civilisation-13:The Silver Palm Seals Are Rosetta Stones Of The Indus Script , Vedic And Sumerian Linguistic Evidences For The Language Of Harappa, The Script Of Indus Valley Civilisation-14:The Difference Of Meluhha And Mlecca,
The Script Of Indus Valley Civilisation-15:The Shift Of The Capital Of The Vrishnis From Mathura( Kalibangan) To Dvaraka( Mohenjodaro) -

I have shown that several seals contain vedic metrological terms,names of vedic ornaments,names of people, places and gods etc. My perception is that only a comprehensive study of ancient vedic  metrology can decipher the script symbols satisfactorily. A significant find herein is the existence of the Kalinga malla mana system during Harappan times challenging  the common perception of its origin from the later  Kalinga kingdom(Orissa).The unicorn is identified as the pala/nishka/soma/agni.Signs of intersecting circles, fish , crab,bud,tower etc. also indicate pala.The six locks of hair indicate  the paNameTa weight of six barley grains.Roots  and nuts indicate viira bhadra/ Drupada/ varaha/pala.We have located Lord Krishna’s Mathura and Dvaraka in the Indus valley scripts.
We have confirmed Mohenjodaro as the first Dvaraka
on the basis of the inscription on the copperplate B7C2 from there and textual evidences from the Rgveda, Mahabharata etc.We have located PadmakuuTa,one of the
palaces of Krishna there.Also we have identified the Sindhu(Indus) as the Vedic Sarasvati river.We have gone through the symbols  identifying the Bharadvajas,the clan of composers of the earliest vedic texts.In Krishna’s Dvaraka we gathered more details from the script on Lord Krishna’s Dvaraka and Sindhu/Sarasvati. We have looked into the
indications of the Harappan jar symbol with three forks on each edge.We have located  the Kasyapas in Hastinapura
trading with Sumeria.We have decoded the Mari Standard,went deeper into the meanings of several Sumerian images and confirmed Meluhha as Vedic Harappa/Indus valley. We have located Janaka,the king of Mithila,father-in-law of Rama, in the Indus script.We have identified the names of copper in the Indus script and located  the Asvins,Yama and Skanda  in the Indus script.In A Model For Indus Script Decipherment
we have identified the deity in the seal M-1181 and built a model for complete decipherment of the Indus script.
We have seen how  Brahmi and Kharoshthi evolved from the Indus Script and how the Indus script was in use along with Brahmi/Kharoshthi even into the  first centuries CE.We have seen how the coins of the ancient world,including the Roman coins evolved from the Indus valley money.
We have looked for  and located a Rosetta Stone for the Indus script, in the varaha/gadyanaka coin form.
We have gone into the relation of the Druids to the Indus valley civilisation and the role of their  Gundestrup cauldron
in the evolution of Christianity.
We have explored the relation of the Anau seal to the Indus Valley Civilisation.
We have gone into the relationship of the Egyptian and Harappan deities.
We have looked into a beautiful story from the New Testament
invoving  the vedic soma sacrifice in A Veiled Visvamitra Soma Sacrifice In The New Testament.
We have studied  the indications of some of the Indus script symbols with particular reference to their use on ancient coins of India .
We have looked into symbolism of the overflowing vase on the Sumerian statue of Gudea and through it we identified the indications of several Indus symbols including the Harischandra vaajapeya sacrifice.
We have seen how the Harappan glyphs served as goodluck symbols .
The identification of the right vedic soma has two important
aspects:First, it ends the long quest for the mysterious soma. Second,it confirms the Indus valley civilisation as vedic ,beyond any doubt.
We have studied the vedic Daksha Yaaga  and its relation to the soma yaaga.Also we have located  Dāśarājñá and  Dasaratha in the Indus seals.
We have explored the application of the palm seals as further rosetta stones of the Indus script .
We have looked into the claim of mlecca as the language of the Indus valley civilation and concluded that Bharata,not mlecca, was the language of the Indus valley civilisation.
We have gone into the shift of the vedic Yadava clans from the Ghaggar-Hakra to the Sarasvati(Sindhu) basin.
In this article we are confirming the river Sindhu as the vedic river Sarasvati.

Proto-Indo-European exhibited an elaborate inflectional aspect system including over twenty specific aspect categories. Many of these aspect categories later were semantically broadened and merged, and their number decreased. The aspect system was “fused” with tense distinctions and was thus remodelled to a tense and aspect system including, among others, a prominent PRESENT IMPERFECTIVE tense and aspect category.
Keywords: Proto-Indo-European verb morphology, aspect, Aktionsart, tense.

Several basic-lexicon etymologies, with regular sound correspondences, suggest Hurro-Urartian (HU) might be derived from (or related to) Proto-Indo-European (PIE). Preliminary evidence suggests North-Caucasian (NC) languages might also be related to PIE – in particular, to Iranian languages and Armenian.

That Old Gutnish is a variant of Old Norse is unmistakeable. The first line of the medieval law text of Gotland–preserved in two manuscripts and comprising the bulk of the Old Gutnish corpus–is easily read by the Old Norse scholar: þitta
ir fyrst upp haf .i. lagum orum: þet wir sculum naicca haiþnu oc iatta crisnu (‘This is the beginning of our law: that we shall deny heathendom and accept Christianity’) which in standardized Old West Norse (Old Icelandic) would read þetta er fyrst upphaf í lo˛gum várum: at vér skulum neka heiðni ok játta kristni.

However, Old Gutnish displays a number of developments which vary from those of Old Icelandic, Old Swedish, and the other Old Norse variants. Alongside unique Gutnish innovations, the medieval insular language remains important for scholars of Old Norse because of the divergent participation in generally-
accepted Common Norse sound changes, namely umlaut and breaking.

This paper presents Old Gutnish from two vantage points: first, as an Old Norse variant with divergence in Common Norse umlaut and breaking; and second, as a unique language variety with its own history and development.

The present study is a TEST run aiming to see if a substantial fraction of the Ancient Egyptian vocabulary is shared with various Indo-European languages. Short of a hundred Ancient Egyptian words were selected on the basis of their phonological similarities with their I.E. equivalents, relying mainly on pillar/stable/root consonants since true vowels are not seen in the Ancient Egyptian hieroglyphic script. These words were compared with their equivalents in about twenty I.E. languages, including Proto Indo-European, so as to confirm that Ancient Egyptian and I.E. languages are related – a linguistic connection suggested by linguists as early as 1836 but never made convincing. Results of the study reveal that despite the relative randomness by which the words were selected, fundamental words of the A.E. language are seemingly and with a varying degree of certitude cognates  of their equivalents in I.E. In view of these recurring phonological similitudes, the test run is considered as sufficiently significant to engage future systematic comparendas of the A.E. vocabulary with the same I.E. languages and others.

Hearing the story of the evolution of the Indus script into Kharoshti and Brahmi from the horse(khara)’s mouth(oshti) is well and good!The vedic sacrificial horse says it has 34 ribs
and a h-igh ear(srava) to h-ear.The h/k is khara.
Brahmins were born from the mukha/mouth of Brahma
according to the Purusha sukta.But mukha/vac/asva is speech.
Thus Brahmi is the pada/nada/foot/word/speech of Uccaisravas the horse of Indra-the king’s speech-the uktha-the suktha- the word from the horse’s mouth-bharata/veda/deva/ rava/lekha/ akshara/khara/arka/ asva/ Asvathama etc.
One of the reasons for the hesitation of scholars  to accept
the Indus valley civilisation as vedic is that the Rg veda has
several passages referring to Asva-the horse and the veda
itself states that its horse has 34 ribs whereas modern horse
usually has 36 ribs.
According to the  prevalent history of Bharata varsha as told by western scholars the Indus valley civilisation belonged to the
Dravida/Munda people and the vedic people(Aryans) reached India around 1900 BCE only . But in reality the Indus civilisation is vedic and the vedic people were in the Indus Valley at least from 6000BCE as seen from the excavations.
If an unknown script can explain the known myth and known history of a nation,what more proof is required to show that the script belongs to the same people.The script of Egypt explains
their myth and history.The script of Sumer,Akkad or Elam does the same.So it is natural for the Indus script to denote the myth
and history of the Hindu/Sindhu / Sarasvati/ vindu/vipra/sura/ bhuusura/bhudeva/bharata/kuru/pancala/Somaka  people.Hence we shall try to understand a bit of Indian history through the Indus script.We shall presently see  evidences pointing to the existence of the Aryans in the Indus Valley several millennia prior to the so called Aryan arrival  in the Indus valley.
In the last  articles we have looked into the writing of the Harappans in the early Ravi/Kot Diji phases and concluded that they are the same vedic people of the mature Harappan phase;we have  compared an inscribed  Ravi sherd showing  presence of the Pancalas/ Bharatas in the Indus valley before 3300BCE and a Taxila coin showing their presence in Taxila around 200 BCE confirming the continuity of the vedic civilisation in the Indus Valley from the early Harappan days;we have seen how an indus seal
portray the story of Ahalya described in later literature;
we have explored the universal idea of the mount of the dead Concept In The  Worship Of The Sun God .
In this article we are going to look into the issue of the vedic
horse and the number of its ribs and the birth of Kharoshti and Brahmi from this horse. This is the asvamedha of the Indus script.

A word-by-word explanation of the translation of the so-called creation hymn of Rigveda. The translation is very different from traditional ones.

As I demonstrate, the hymn has been completely misunderstood by previous translators.

The hymn has nothing to do with the origin or creation of the Universe. It is in fact, simply a prayer to God.

The Vulgar Pre-Indo-European new lengthened grade marking nominative and locative singular forms must be distinguished from a Proto-Indo-European geminate transfix *_VV_ which was realized as a long vowel in the root vowel slot. The new lengthened grade arose by laws of Auslaut and was secondarily employed as an additional marker of nominative singular and locative singular forms. It cannot plausibly be dated to a period prior than the Vulgar Pre-Indo-European dialect or variant cluster. The geminate transfix *_VV_, however, was a proper Proto-Indo-European marker of nominal and verbal PLURATIVITY.

Keywords: Lengthened grade, Szemerényi’s law, Nussbaum’s law.

""Etruscan is an Indo-European language, probably belonging to a sub-branch of Anatolian which does not include Hittite. This claim is based on the following evidence:
• only lexical items for which Etruscologists have proposed a gloss have been used in this research (no attempt has been made at proposing new glosses for currently obscure or highly controversial Etruscan terms);
• 138 of the glosses put forth by Etruscologists belong to basic lexicon, and 97% of such basic lexicon has an IE etymology;
• 19 grammar morphemes have also been assigned a value by Etruscologists: 95% of them have an IE etymology;
• all such etymologies are based on regular sound laws;
• a few notable innovations are shared by Etruscan and Anatolian languages (often excluding Hittite).""

A fresh and original translation from Sanskrit of the dashrajnya hymn (hymn 7.18 of Rig Veda) describing this defining battle between Aryan king Sudas and his Aryan as well as non-Aryan foes. The decisive battle led to the uprooting of many tribes from the Sapta Sindhu area.

Many existing beliefs are shown to be merely due to misunderstandings. Further, it is shown that the existing translations fall well short of the true meaning.
For example, no Matsya tribe was involved in this battle.

This paper presents the results of theoretical analysis and computer modeling, which suggest that two main linguistic populations characterized today as the division of Indo-European languages into the so-called "satem-centum" language ranges could emerge in the model Indo-European language community approximately 3500-4000 years ago. The results of computer modeling show that among the two main hypotheses of the formation of the Proto-Indo-Europeans (the Anatolian and Kurgan hypotheses), the latter corresponds to the time estimates we obtained to a greater extent. Some of the problems of the search for the ancestral homeland of the peoples that were carriers of the Proto-Indo-European language are analyzed.

The grammatical feminine gender was developed by Indo-European in relatively recent times, and was superimposed on an older system of two genders (animate / inanimate). The virtual totality of Indo-Europeanists would agree with this affirmation; but there is no agreement between researchers over the factors which led to the emergence of this new gender.
By analyzing the diverse uses of the suffix * eH2 , Karl Brugmann managed to explain why the feminine grammatical gender includes many words which are not semantically feminine. Brugmann’s perspective is still substantially correct, but, in the exact terms in which he formulated this theory (more than a hundred years ago), it cannot give a satisfactory explanation to three important questions: (1) How did the diversity of uses of the suffix * (e)H2 originate? (2) How did some adjectives develop specific forms for feminine agreement? (3) Why are the ā stems and the thematic declension in complementary distribution?
The different theories that have been proposed since Brugmann can some-times answer one or (at best) two of these questions, but there is not a theory which can resolve the three questions simultaneously. Such a theory is, precisely, the object of the present study.

The aim of this paper was to comparatively analyze some
(Proto)Indo-European and Oromo-Cush phonological, lexical and
grammatical items and roots. It was triggered by competing
debates and models on (Proto-)Indo-European ((P-)IE) origin, one
of which is the Ancient Model pointing to Africa. (P-)IE and closest
relatives, Eurasiatic and Anatolian, data was collected from the
literature. Pertinent Oromo corpora and native speaker data were
collected. They were subjected to the Comparative Model analysis.
Quite intriguing results showing significant level of resemblance,
both in form and meaning, and implications emerged.

Presentation at “The Way We Think: A Research Symposium on Conceptual Integration and the Nature and Origin of Cognitively Modern Humans.” University of Southern Denmark, Odense, Demark, August 19-23,  2002. Document includes Supplemental Materials: Resource Guide and Commentaries
In recent years the relationship between language change and biological evolution has captured the attention of investigators operating in different disciplines, particularly evolutionary biology, AI and A-Life (Zeimke 2001, Hull 2001), as well as linguistics (Croft 2000; Sinha 1999), with each group often bringing radically different conceptualizations of the object under study, namely, “language” itself, to the debate.  Over the centuries, meanings associated with the expression “language” have been influenced by mappings of conceptual frames and inputs from the biological sciences onto the entity referred to as “language”. At the same time the prestige of the “science of linguistics” created a feedback mechanism by which the referentiality of “language”, at each stage, was mapped back into the field of evolutionary biology along with the emergent structure(s) of the resulting “blend”. While significant energy has been spent on identifying ways in which biological evolution has been linked to concepts of language evolution (Dörries 2002), little attention has been directed to the nature of the conceptual integration networks that have been produced in the process. This paper examines the way conceptual integration theory can be brought to bear on the “blends” that have been created, focusing primarily on examples drawn from 19th century debates concerning the “language-species-organism analogy” in the emerging field of comparative-historical philology.

""""This article provides phonetic, lexical and grammatical
evidence that Basque is an Indo-European language. It
provides a brief history of previous research into the
origins of Basque; a short description of the genesis of this
article; a description of the methodology adopted for the
present research; an overview of Michelena’s internal
reconstruction of Pre-Basque; 23 sets of chronologically
arranged sound laws linking Proto-Indo-European to Pre-
Basque; Indo-European etymologies for 75% of the Basque
native basic lexicon, with systematic cross-references to
regular sound laws; Indo-European etymologies of some
Basque bound morphemes, including case markers; a
discussion of the findings; and Indo-European etymologies
of 40 additional, non-basic lexical items.""""

One of the reasons for the hesitation of scholars  to accept
the Indus valley civilisation as vedic is that the Rg veda has
several passages referring to Asva-the horse and the veda
itself states that its horse has 34 ribs whereas modern horse
usually has 36 ribs.
According to the  prevalent history of Bharata varsha as told by western scholars the Indus valley civilisation belonged to the
Dravida/Munda people and the vedic people(Aryans) reached India around 1900 BCE only . But in reality the Indus civilisation is vedic and the vedic people were in the Indus Valley at least from 6000BCE as seen from the excavations.
If an unknown script can explain the known myth and known history of a nation,what more proof is required to show that the script belongs to the same people.The script of Egypt explains
their myth and history.The script of Sumer,Akkad or Elam does the same.So it is natural for the Indus script to denote the myth
and history of the Hindu/Sindhu / Sarasvati/ vindu/vipra/sura/ bhuusura/bhudeva/bharata/Kuru/Pancala/Somaka  people.Hence we shall try to understand a bit of Indian history through the Indus script.We shall presently see  evidences pointing to the existence of the Aryans in the Indus Valley several millennia prior to the so called Aryan arrival  in the Indus valley.
In the last  articles we have looked into the writing of the Harappans in the early Ravi/Kot Diji phases and concluded that they are the same vedic people of the mature Harappan phase;we have  compared an inscribed  Ravi sherd showing  presence of the Pancalas/ Bharatas in the Indus valley before 3300BCE and a Taxila coin showing their presence in Taxila around 200 BCE confirming the continuity of the vedic civilisation in the Indus Valley from the early Harappan days;we have seen how an indus seal
portray the story of Ahalya described in later literature;
we have explored the universal idea of the mount of the dead Concept In The  Worship Of The Sun God .
We have gone into  the issue of the vedic horse and the number of its ribs and the birth of Kharoshti and Brahmi from this horse’s mouth. We have also looked into the relation of the
Iranian supreme god Ahura Mazda to the Harappan Sarasvati.
In this article we are looking into the evidence of animal sacrifices from Harappan times to the present  to show the
continuity of vediccivilisation from Harappan times to the present.

Книга посвящена проблеме происхождения индоевропейских народов. На
основе анализа археологических материалов Евразии рассматриваются
связи евразийских культур от неолита до энеолита. Полученная схема
культурогенеза сопоставляется с лингвистическими теориями, и на этой основе
обосновывается ближневосточное происхождение индоевропейцев.

"Recently, there have been attempts to challenge the status of PIE *-eh2 as a feminine suffix in Tocharian. It has been claimed that there are virtually no traces of *-eh2 in Tocharian nominal morphology and that the instances of *-eh2 that are found do only reflect the continuants of PIE neuter collectives/abstracts. Based on these assumptions, the Tocharian gender system has been interpreted as preserving a more archaic state than the other non-Anatolian languages. I argue that the Tocharian evidence does not permit such far-reaching claims. Based on the Tocharian gender and agreement system, I show that it inherited PIE *-eh2 as a feminine marker just like the other non-Anatolian languages."

According to the  prevalent history of Bharata varsha as told by western scholars the Indus valley civilisation belonged to the
Dravida/Munda people and the vedic people(Aryans) reached India around 1900 BCE only . But in reality the Indus civilisation is vedic and the vedic people were in the Indus Valley at least from 6000BCE as seen from the excavations.
If an unknown script can explain the known myth and known history of a nation,what more proof is required to show that the script belongs to the same people.The script of Egypt explains
their myth and history.The script of Sumer,Akkad or Elam does the same.So it is natural for the Indus script to denote the myth
and history of the Hindu/Sindhu / Sarasvati/ vindu/vipra/sura/ bhuusura/bhudeva/bharata/kuru/pancala/Somaka  people.Hence we shall try to understand a bit of Indian history through the Indus script.We shall presently see  evidences pointing to the existence of the Aryans in the Indus Valley several millennia prior to the so called Aryan arrival  in the Indus valley.
In the last  articles we have looked into the writing of the Harappans in the early Ravi/Kot Diji phases and concluded that they are the same vedic people of the mature Harappan phase;we have  compared an inscribed  Ravi sherd showing  presence of the Pancalas/ Bharatas in the Indus valley before 3300BCE and a Taxila coin showing their presence in Taxila around 200 BCE confirming the continuity of the vedic civilisation in the Indus Valley from the early Harappan days;we have seen how an indus seal
portray the story of Ahalya described in later literature;
we have explored the universal idea of the mount of the dead Concept In The  Worship Of The Sun God .
One of the reasons for the hesitation of scholars  to accept
the Indus valley civilisation as vedic is that the Rg veda has
several passages referring to Asva-the horse and the veda
itself states that its horse has 34 ribs whereas modern horse
usually has 36 ribs.
In the last articles we have gone into the issue of the vedic
horse and the number of its ribs. Interestingly many of the Harappan Inscriptions refer to the Asvamedha itself as we have seen .There was no horse,but they are speaking of asvamedhas!
In this article we are exploring the Harappan connection
to Kodungallur(Kerala) through the temple rituals/festivals at the Kodungallur Bhagavati Temple,one of the oldest south Indian temples,which help us understand the symbols of the
Indus script in a much better way.

In 2013, a detailed research paper by Gianfranco Forni appeared in The Journal of Indo-European Studies, describing a breakthrough finding: the Basque language, whose origins had so far remained obscure, actually is an Indo-European language. The main reason why this fact had escaped previous researchers is that Basque underwent a long chain of phonetic changes, which obscured its ultimate origin.
This dictionary is designed to make the origin of Basque easy to understand for a wider audience. The main sound laws linking Proto-Indo-European to Basque are explained in a simple, terse way. Each etymology of Basque basic, native lexicon is accompanied by intermediate reconstructions, an extensive list of cognates, and detailed references to sources. Several indices make this dictionary easy to use as a reference tool.
If you are eager to understand how the mystery of the origins of Basque can now be unraveled, this dictionary will guide you through this exciting discovery.

The paper argues that the distribution of the two late PSl. reflexes of early PSl. *oi# (namely, *ě2# and *i2#) is governed in a regular fashion by the presence or absence of an original [+acute] feature on the original diphthong. The old "Jagić rule" (which is generally NOT believed to be borne out by the data) should be thought of as an exceptionless (Neogrammarian-style) sound law.

Tocharian employs a number of different “agent formations” that all seem to be semantically and morphologically related. The nt-participle in B -ñca A -nt also belongs to this morphological class. From a comparative and historical point of view three things about these forms are in need of explanation: (1) The root-final palatalization of the nt-participles to thematic verbs, (2) the suffix-final palatalization in Tocharian B, and (3) the inflectional pattern with B -a and A -Ø, as in the other agent formations. I argue that the stem-final palatalization of the nt-participles in is an inner-Tocharian innovation based on analogy with the functionally related gerundives. The difference in suffix-final palatalization between B -ñca and A -nt is best explained by a morphological renewal in the history of Tocharian B that was based on a derivational variant of old *nt-participles. Finally, the ā-inflection of the Tocharian nt-participles can be compared to the inflection of present participles in NE Germanic and goes back to PIE individualizing stems in *-ō̆n-.

The article explores the syntax of Hittite mān “if/when”. It is standardly supposed to be one of the few Hittite subordinators which is clause first/initial. I provide data that it can be clause second, just like virtually any other Hittite subordinator. The issue thereby sheds light on the more general issue of distribution of subordinators in clause initial/first vs clause second positions in Hittite which is argued to be a common ½ position.

This is the fourth “The Source Code 2.x” document stemming from “The Origin of the Indo-European Languages” (2012), where it was shown that each phoneme in PIE roots had its own meaning and that PIE roots actually were descriptions of the concepts that they referred to. As explained in that original document, PIE roots (each one of them with its own lexical meaning) had a CVC basic structure where each phoneme had its own general sense which, for consonants, changed to just the opposite, within the same concept, when placed at the end of the root. The concept that the word referred to was indicated by the initial consonant while the closing one determined the final meaning of the word.

For example, the PIE consonant usually represented as bh indicated “expansion, growth, external addition” as initial element while it meant “absorption, inwards addition” as final consonant. A related phoneme, p, conveyed a sense of “body, physical accumulation” at the beginning of the root which shifted to “physical lack / loss” at the end of the root. The meaning of each phoneme is shown in a simple equivalence table (the “Source Code”) in page 5 of this document.

This new document, focused only on PIE roots, explains the meaning of over 1600 of them, adding more than 300 roots to the previous list and significantly improving the equivalence table included in previous versions.

This is the sixth and final “The Source Code 2.x” document stemming from “The Origin of the Indo-European Languages1” (2012), where it was shown that each phoneme in PIE roots had its own meaning and that PIE roots actually were descriptions of the concepts that they referred to. As explained in that original document, PIE roots (each one of them with its own lexical meaning) had a CVC basic structure where each phoneme had its own general sense which, for consonants, changed to just the opposite, within the same concept, when placed at the end of the root. The concept that the word referred to was indicated by the initial consonant while the closing one determined the final meaning of the word.

For example, the PIE consonant usually represented as bh indicated “expansion, growth, external addition” as initial element while it meant “absorption, inwards addition” as final consonant. A related phoneme, p, conveyed a sense of “body, physical accumulation” at the beginning of the root which shifted to “physical lack / loss” at the end of the root. The meaning of each phoneme is shown in a simple equivalence table (the “Source Code”) in page 5 below.

This new document, focused only on PIE roots, explains the meaning of over 2500 of them, adding more than 400 roots to the previous list and significantly improving the equivalence table included in previous versions.

Section 1 revisits the structure of the PIE words, indicating the meaning of each phoneme while Section 2 includes a list of “deciphered” PIE roots with some of their derivatives in old and modern languages.


Fernando Villamor
atin.belaur@gmail.com

Updated attached exel file only, 3.09.2024. Updated to include corrections of mirrors. One mirror carries the name TIRANAII (Tyrhenni).  It is the oldest extant document containing the name Herodotus referred to and may predate Herodotus' "Histories." The Etruscan Glossary A spreadsheet presents 2,800 individual words from the major extant Etruscan texts. The texts contain a total word count of 6,000+ words, about 4,000 of which are repetitious. The Etruscan Glossary also sheds light on Etruscan declension and conjugation patterns that are similar to Latin, French & Italian. The glossary accounts for all of the 6,000+ words in the texts, including  the Zagreb Mummy wrapping and important grammatical and mythological data contained in Etruscan mirrors. Each word in the glossary has alphanumeric locators showing exactly where they are used in the cited texts.

""On the basis of relevant textual passages and lexicographical research this article focuses on the meaning of purity in everyday life and cult as well as the rules referring to it. Furthermore, it deals with a more complex concept of purity which comprises the physical body as well as the mind and the soul. Apparently, it was understood as a state of social and religious integrity which is endangered by violating social and religious rules and thus be turned into impurity. In order to avert impurity and to restore the state of purity the Hittites had many rituals at their disposal. The fact that some of these rituals contain a rite quite simliar to the biblical scapegoat ritual made some scholars think of a common origin while others refer to these similarities as mere structural paralells. On the basis of a comparative analysis in which also related rituals of the Syro-Mesopotamian area are included several explanations for the similarities are evaluated.

Auf der Grundlage einer Analyse zentraler Textpassagen des hethitischen Schrifttums sowie einer lexikalischen Untersuchung des relevanten Vokabulars thematisiert der Beitrag zunächst die Bedeutung der Reinheit im Alltag und Kult und die diesbezüglichen Normen.
Darüber hinaus wird eine weitere Form der Reinheit behandelt, die komplexer ist und neben dem Äußeren auch das Innere umfasst. Sie kann als Zustand sozialer und religiöser Integrität beschrieben werden, der durch das Übertreten sozialer und religiöser Normen gefährdet wird und Unreinheit zur Folge hat. Zur Abwendung derselben und zur Wiederherstellung von Reinheit standen den Hethitern eine Vielzahl von Ritualen zur Verfügung. Einige von ihnen enthalten einen Ritus, der eine Reihe von Übereinstimmungen mit dem biblischen Sündenbockritus aufweist, die von verschiedenen Forscher als Indiz für einen entstehungsgeschichtlichen Zusammenhangs gewertet wurde, während andere eine rein strukturelle Parallelität für wahrscheinlicher erachten. Auf der Basis einer vergleichenden Analyse, in die auch ähnliche Riten aus dem syromesopotamischen Raum einbezogen werden, werden in dem Beitrag verschiedene Szenarien entstehungsgeschichtlicher Beziehungen diskutiert und auf ihre Plausibilität hin untersucht. ""

Recently the more intensive study of Tocharian nominal morphology has given rise to a fresh look on gender in Tocharian. Kim (2009) claims that Tocharian even shows more archaic features than the so-called inner-Indo-European (“Brugmannian”) languages in terms of female gender. According to Kim, these features contribute to the arguments that Tocharian was the second language to split off the post-Anatolian Indo-European speech community (see Jasanoff 1988, 2003, Ringe 2000, Ringe et al. 2002).

In this paper some arguments of Kim (2009) will be reviewed and the Tocharian evidence for the feminine will be submitted to closer philological and linguistic scrutiny. It is argued that Tocharian inherited the same gender system as the other “Brugmannian” languages and that there is no need to view Tocharian as more archaic than, e. g., Vedic or Greek, when it comes to feminine gender.