Pacification

This article will argue that the concepts of repression and militarization are inadequate tools for a radical critique of the targeted and selective application of coercion and consent in efforts to (re)produce a liberal capitalist order. The article will first of all show how liberal social control is best understood as uneven processes of pacification targeting specific individuals, groups and populations through a combination of coercion and consent. Secondly, the article will examine historical and current efforts to control protest through the lens of pacification. The analytic of pacification will then be applied to broader trends in US social control. Last but not least, the article will show that the apparently technical distinctions that allow for the targeted application of coercion and/or consent frequently reflect and reinforce existing societal divisions along the lines of race, class and gender.

In this article, I make an empirical contribution to the scholarship on education in urban settings that are affected by militarized policing and illicit drug markets. I offer insights into the role education played in the Pacifying Police Units (UPPs), a pacification project in Rio de Janeiro favelas. Rio State authorities began to install UPPs in 2008 in an effort to regain control over favelas dominated by drug-trafficking groups and marked by high levels of violence. In this paper, which is based on an ethnographic case study I conducted between 2008 and 2015, I discuss the UPPs’ struggle to gain the allegiance of favela residents. I focus in particular on police involvement in public primary schools and nonformal education geared toward young children living in the favelas that were part of the UPP project. Looking at one primary question—How does pacification influence education and what does this mean for local perceptions of police?—I reveal how the UPPs brought on the further militarization of education in Rio’s favelas and show how paradoxical police practices in the urban margins may actually perpetuate the violence they are intended to combat.

Neste artigo, articulo diversos momentos de trabalho de campo qualitativo em favelas cariocas para investigar as dinâmicas de negociação entre os dirigentes de associações dessas localidades e os agentes civis e militares do poder público, notadamente durante o Programa de “Pacificação” de Favelas, iniciado em 2008. Argumento que o silenciamento e o rebaixamento da crítica dos moradores são operados através da desqualificação desses, e nessa operação, a criminalização é um elemento fundamental. Concluo discutindo como silenciar, disciplinar e criminalizar compõem o repertório do governo dos pobres nas periferias urbanas e seus efeitos para a democracia.

During the negotiation and implementation of the Havana Peace Agreements in Colombia, a twofold mechanism used to deal with the increasing number of socio-environmental conflicts has remained constant: the strengthening of the anti-riot police forces and certain institutional spatial assumptions underlying the promotion of a particular form of postconflict productivity. This article attempts to undertake a preliminary analysis of the relationship between, one the one hand, the enactment and threat of police power in socio-environmental protests and, on the other, the enforcement and reproduction of a sense of the territory as an object whose elements can be neatly fragmented. In contrast, socio-environmental processes put forward a deeply relational, fluid and interdependent sense of their territories. Increased police intervention in these processes, we will argue, are not only framing socio-environmental conflicts arising from or linked to the continuity of conflict related inequalities as security issues, but also reframing so-called “territorial peace” into a territorial pacification.

This paper reveals the secrets of BlueLeaks, a massive archive of documents hacked from police agencies, and intelligence centers in the United States. A September 2019 Intelligence Assessment by the Virginia Fusion Center cites counterinsurgency expert David Kilcullen to evaluate the 'insurgency tactics and strategies' of environmentalists. What is remarkable about the document is not the domestic application of counterinsurgency but how it reveals the biases of security. Read from an anti-security perspective, this document becomes a cipher to decode the political content of the BlueLeaks archive that is obscured by the deep acceptance of 'security' as an apolitical, unqualified social good. The analysis is grounded in document and network analysis of BlueLeaks documents from the New England region. It finds that practices commonly understood as 'counterinsurgency' span and animate the continuum of pacification. The secret of BlueLeaks is the secret of security: a ceaseless low-intensity class war that envelops and encompasses the continuum of pacification, protects property, administers poverty, depoliticizes social harms, and elicits participation in pacification.

Warfare among the South Fore ceased quickly after first contact in 1949. Three aspects of the process of colonial pacification profoundly changed incentive structures for local warfare: punishment by force of those groups continuing acts of aggression, incentives for giving up warfare and the emergence of hybrid forms of judicial institutions to peacefully settle conflicts. The Fore stress their own agency in ending warfare, mainly through participation in cargo cult movements with promises of valuables and "new things to come," which made it possible for all groups to end war at the same time.

La guerre a pris fin rapidement chez les Fores du Sud, après les premiers contacts en 1949. Trois aspects du processus de pacification coloniale ont profondément modifié les structures d’incitation à la guerre locale : la répression par les autorités des groupes perpétuant des comportements d’agression, des mesures incitatives à l’abandon de l’activité guerrière, et l’émergence de formes hybrides d’institutions judiciaires visant le règlement pacifique des conflits. Les Fores rappellent leur propre rôle d’acteurs dans la cessation de la guerre, particulièrement leur participation dans des mouvements de cultes du cargo, avec leurs promesses de récompenses et « de nouvelles choses à venir », qui ont permis à tous les groupes de mettre fin simultanément aux activités guerrières.

La vie dans le South Bronx est marquée par une série d’expériences qui renvoient à deux types de violences : une violence policière et une violence sociale. Dans cet article, je montrerai que ces formes de violence participent de logiques de pacifi- cation, entendue comme le double processus de contrôle et de fabrication d’un ordre social, qui forgent les conditions de vie des plus pauvres dans les ghettos nord-américains. La pacification ne désigne pas un projet unifié mais est le résultat de plusieurs logiques qui doivent être pensées conjointement. C’est dans cette perspective que j’analyse, à partir d’une ethnographie dans le quartier du South Bronx à New York, l’imbrication de trois logiques de pacification : celle de la police, celle des non profit et celle des gangs. Penser ensemble ces logiques permet de décrire la pénétration récente du marché dans les ghettos nord-américains, articulée à un renfor- cement des politiques publiques sécuritaires.

O objetivo deste artigo é discutir os sentidos das políticas de pacificação a partir dos impactos na Baixada Fluminense no plano das sociabilidades e representações na trajetória de moradores que pertencem a uma igreja evangélica tradicional e uma associação de moradores. Argumento, a partir da pesquisa de campo, que podemos compreender a reconfiguração das práticas do Estado em suas margens e a legibilidade das políticas de controle direcionadas às populações pobres e vulneráveis, não apenas a partir das favelas cariocas e suas representações. Tomar a Baixada Fluminense em sua constituição específica, de entrelaçamento entre mercado político e violência de um lado, e em seu aspecto relacional com o Rio de Janeiro, de outro, nos leva a compreender melhor esses diferentes regimes territoriais ocasionados pelas políticas de pacificação.

Palavras-chave : Pacificação; UPP; Baixada Fluminense; Periferias; Violência.

According to Stephen Graham, cities have become the battlespaces of a new generation of warfare. The «new military urbanism» entails the blurring of military and civilian spheres as it concerns urban security doctrine and practice. This article applies Graham's theory to Rio de Janeiro, a city of the Global South that has recently enhanced its existing urban securitization processes, in particular the militarization of the favelas. This acceleration mirrors the city's «mega event»-oriented strategy to attract global financial capital. By analyzing the uprisings that began in June 2013, this contribution identifies how urban conflicts create popular resistance to the new military urbanism and violent policing activity.

http://www.rivisteweb.it/doi/10.3240/78482

The article seeks to highlight the continuity of inquisitorial and authoritarian practices in the
democratic state in Brazil through the analysis of the public safety program called “Pacifying
Police Units” held by the state government of Rio de Janeiro, which aims to occupy slums
in the state capital. This program reveals aspects which temper some of the state inherent
characteristics – such as the unending war about over the monopoly of violence and the
government of conducts – with some elements from human rights protection and promotion
of democratic practices. At the end, this resizing of state policies updates the punitive power
in practice along with the usual selectiveness towards specific social groups

This article theorizes the relationship of privacy to capital and projects of security and, in doing so, situates privacy in context to pacification. In particular, the article provides an interrogation of the contradictory structuring of privacy as both an object threatened by security and the role of privacy as a means to resist or limit projects of security. Through an analysis of Thomas Hobbes’ writings, this contradictory dual-deployment of privacy is unseated to reveal that far from challenging security, privacy has historically been presupposed and structured by security projects. Moreover, by acclimatizing us to our existence as atomized individuals, alienated from our collective social power, privacy in fact pacifies us. This process is explored through an examination of the Passenger Flight List agreement (PNR) between the United States and EU member states. The article concludes with a brief discussion of the implications of our reliance on privacy has for challenging the logics of security and pacification, especially with the emergent technology of Drones.

Peaceful coexistence has replaced endemic warfare among the Asabano and other Om-Fu River peoples in Papua New Guinea. An Australian patrol making first contact in the 1960s curtailed warfare through threats. A decade later, Christian missionaries successfully communicated a ban on fighting and a mechanism for dispersing the vengeful feelings that had maintained payback cycles through prayer. Institutions forbidding raiding and a ritual engaging a supernatural agent who demands exclusive rights to revenge have defused local warfare for 50 years. This case suggests that peace can be indefinitely sustained through enculturating appropriate beliefs and scripts that are tailored for particular cultural contexts. [pacification; peace; religion; Melanesia; war; world peace] / La coexistence pacifique a remplacé la guerre larvée chez les Asabanos et d'autre peuples de la rivière Om-Fu de Papouasie-Nouvelle-Guinée. Une patrouille australienne qui fit les premiers contacts avec ces peoples dans les années 1960 mit fin à la guerre au moyen de menaces. Une décennie plus tard, des missionnaires chrétiens réussirent à interdire les combats et mettre en place un mécanisme pour désamorcer, par la prière, les sentiments vindicatifs qui nourrissaient les cycles de représailles. Des institutions interdisant les raids et un rituel invoquant un agent surnaturel qui exige le doit exclusif d'exercer une vengeance ont inhibé les guerres locales depuis 50 ans. Ce cas suggère qu'il es possible de maintenir indéfiniment la paix en inscrivant dans la culture des croyances et des scénarios appropriés, conçus pour un contexte culturel spécifique. [pacification, paix, religion, Mélanésie, guerre, paix]

In this article, I try to analyse the neoliberal re-structuration in Turkey with a view to fabrication of official national security discourse and its adaption as common sense among productive classes. Acknowledging pacification as a counter-hegemonic approach to securitization, I offer an alternative framework to study the role of national security in Turkish politics that goes beyond rather traditionalized civil-military dichotomy. I argue that national security is a technique aiming at pacification with both imperial and local targets and that it should be understood with recourse to the neoliberalism-security-pacification axis. The article composes of three sections. First, I explore the history of the term pacification. Second, I look at the discursive continuities on national security between the military regime and the civilian AKP governments. Third, I reflect on the alternative forms of solidarity emerged during the Gezi Resistance that open the possibility of creating a counter-hegemonic common sense.

RESUMO: O presente trabalho tem como objetivo de identificar uma complementaridade entre os conceitos-chave de hegemonia e pacificação para explicar a assistência de segurança dos EUA à Colômbia e ao México no pós-Guerra Fria. Parte-se aqui da hipótese de que tal síntese pode contribuir para um melhor desenvolvimento da tradição crítica da Economia Política Internacional e dos Estudos Críticos de Segurança de duas maneiras principais: por um lado, o conceito de hegemonia proporciona uma importante base de interpretação dos fenômenos de segurança sob uma perspectiva estrutural. Por outro, o conceito de pacificação pode dar conta de suprir a escassez do debate sobre o emprego dos meios coercitivos na reprodução de uma ordem hegemônica. Para a execução desta pesquisa foi feita uma revisão de literatura sobre os conceitos de hegemonia e pacificação. Foram coletados e analisados dados referentes à assistência de segurança dos EUA para Colômbia e México de bases de dados internacionais. Também foram coletadas informações sobre o emprego interno das forças de segurança dos dois países latino-americanos por meio de análise de documentos públicos norte-americanos, colombianos e mexicanos. Informações adicionais foram coletadas em fontes secundárias.
ABSTRACT: The present work has as its objective to identify a complementarity between the key-concepts of hegemony and pacification to explain the security assistance of the USA to Colombia and Mexico in the post-Cold War period. It starts from the hypothesis that this synthesis can contribute for a better development of the critical tradition of International Political Economy and of the Critical Security Studies in two main ways: on the one hand, the concept of hegemony gives an important interpretation basis of the security phenomena under a structural perspective. On the other hand, the concept of pacification can help to provide the scarcity of the discussion about the employment of the coercive means in the reproduction of the hegemonic order. For the execution of this research, there has been done a literature review about both the concepts of hegemony and pacification. There has been collected data about USA security assistance to Colombia and Mexico from international databases. There has also been collected information about the internal employment of the security forces from both Latin American countries through the analysis of North-American, Colombian and Mexican public documents. Additional information was collected from secondary sources.

As the 21st century began, Algeria, Morocco, and North Sudan launched some much-publicised “reconciliation” policies, or, in the case of North Sudan, “pacification” policies. Algeria, following its Clemency policy (1995) and Civil Concord Law (1999), held a referendum in 2005 and subsequently implemented the measures of its Charter for Peace and National Reconciliation. This charter is Algeria’s latest policy aimed at settling the accounts of a murderous decade (1990s) between the state and armed Islamic groups. In Morocco, an arbitration committee was set up in 1999, followed by the Equity and Reconciliation Commission in 2004, to turn the page on the “Years of Lead”—a period during the rule of King Hassan II during which state crimes such as torture, imprisonment, and murder were committed. Finally, in Sudan (North Sudan since 2011), peace negotiations were held in 1989 and a peace process has been ongoing since 2005, with an aim to resolve violent conflicts and war crimes that are shaking Darfur and North Kordofan. At the centre of all these reconciliation and pacification mechanisms lies a practice that has been scarcely studied: (monetary) compensation for the crimes committed.

Nouvelles mobilités entrepreneuriales et touristiques, mobilisations anti-racistes des personnes d'origine asiatique en France: un des enjeux transversaux à ce livre concerne le rôle, possiblement amplificateur, joué par la globalisation chinoise dans ces phénomènes, et l’examen de leurs effets spatiaux. Nous présentons, dans cette introduction et dans les divers chapitres, la cartographie changeante qui en résulte en ce qui concerne les espaces fortement investis par la présence chinoise en France, et des mécanismes par lesquels des quartiers viennent à être identifiés comme « chinois » ; mais aussi, la façon dont la success story économique chinoise influe sur les pratiques et les stratégies des acteurs (chinois et autres) qu’elle vient justifier et légitimer. Si les statuts des personnes se diversifient par conséquence de nouvelles mobilités, les enjeux sociaux que celles-ci soulèvent peuvent ainsi être amenés à se recouper.

A MINUSTAH (Missão das Nações Unidas para estabilização no Haiti) contou com a liderança militar do Exército Brasileiro, de 2004 a 2017, e teve como objetivo restabelecer a segurança e a normalidade institucional no Haiti após sucessivos episódios de turbulência política. Apesar da atuação de instituições, como as Forças Armadas, o Ministério das Relações Exteriores e do Governo Federal chamarem mais a atenção da mídia e dos analistas, a participação brasileira na MINUSTAH vai mais além do que a presença de entidades estatais. O envolvimento brasileiro na missão contou também com atores não estatais, da sociedade civil, que estavam, e ainda estão, presentes na tentativa declarada de pacificar e reconstruir o país caribenho. Um exemplo é caso da ONG brasileira Viva Rio, que desenvolve projetos de pacificação e mediação de conflitos urbanos nas comunidades de Porto Príncipe desde 2006. Apontada como um ator importante e um exemplo de iniciativa singular do modelo brasileiro de construção da paz, a Viva Rio ganhou destaque nas análises que se propuseram a explicar a participação brasileira na tentativa de reconstruir o Haiti. Com efeito, o objetivo deste trabalho é examinar a atuação da ONG Viva Rio no Haiti no contexto de uma missão de paz liderada pelo Exército Brasileiro. Argumentamos que, através da análise do caso da Viva Rio, podemos compreender algumas dinâmicas concretas sobre a participação brasileira na MINUSTAH de maneira mais precisa. A hipótese defendida é de que, por meio dos programas sociais e da prestação de serviços, a Viva Rio colabora para conquistar “mentes e corações”, pacificando a população das comunidades de Porto Príncipe. Os programas sociais e de mediação de conflitos ajudam a construir e aprimorar uma rede de governança que tem como principal objetivo administrar a sociedade civil e controlar as comunidades pobres de Porto Príncipe.

À partir du cas d’Henri Rochefort à la fin du Second Empire, l’article étudie les relations entretenues par le pamphlétaire et un ordre parlementaire alors encore en phase de construction. Il fait ressortir le contraste assez saisissant entre le silence ordinaire de Rochefort dans l’hémicycle et sa fureur habituelle dans les écrits qu’il publie. L’auteur émet l’hypothèse que cette dialectique à l’œuvre entre la véhémence manifestée à l’extérieur de la Chambre et sa maîtrise en son sein peut révéler une voie particulière de pacification des échanges politiques au sein du Parlement

Este artículo analiza las Unidades de Policía Pacificadora (UPPs) de Río de Janei-ro. Las cuales desde diciembre del 2008 se han encargado de tomar el control de algunas de las favelas de la ciudad que eran ocupadas por grupos criminales fuer-temente armados. Mediante el uso de los conceptos de “necropolítica” de Mbembe y de “pacificación” de Neocleous, se demostrará que en estos espacios el control policial está fuertemente marcado por su pasado colonial. En particular, en los úl-timos cuarenta años ha quedado claro que, para quienes han gobernado la ciudad, la vida de los habitantes de las favelas por sí misma no tiene ningún valor y que la decisión de dejarlos vivir o hacerlos morir está subordinada a intereses econó-micos. Antes del proceso de pacificación, las autoridades locales, apoyadas por la opinión  pública,  fomentaban  la  letalidad  policial  en  las  favelas,  mientras  que  la  permanencia de las UPPs se caracterizó por el intento de ocultar el necropoder de la policía en estos territorios y por querer transformar la imagen de los residentes con la intención de apoyar procesos de atracción de capitales internacionales que la ciudad implementó en la última década. En fin, se profundizará sobre los motivos que llevaron los agentes de las UPPs a considerar que su principal misión es la de “civilizar” la población de las favelas. El análisis propuesto en este artículo es el resultado de un estudio etnográfico desarrollado principalmente junto a miembros de tres Unidades de Policía Pacificadora entre el 2013 y el 2015.

This article analyses the Pacifying Police Units (UPPs) of Rio de Janeiro which, sin-ce 2008, have taken control of some of the favelas that were previously dominated by highly armed criminal groups. Through both Mbembe’s concept of “necropolitics” and Neocleous’ one of “pacification”, it will be demonstrated that in these spaces po-lice control is strongly marked by its colonial past. In particular, during the last forty years it has become clear that, for those who have governed the city, the life of the inhabitants of the favelas has no value by itself and that the decision of letting them live or die is subordinated to economic interests. Before the pacification process, local authorities, supported by public opinion, encouraged police lethality within the favelas, while the UPPs’ presence was characterized by an attempt to hide police’s necropower in these territories and by the willingness to transform the image of the residents with the intention of supporting processes of attraction of international ca-pital that the city had implemented in the last decade. To conclude, the article will look into the reasons that brought UPPs’ agents to consider that their main mission is that of “civilizing” the favela population. The analysis proposed in this article is the result of an ethnographic study mainly developed with members of three different Pacifying Police Units between 2013 and 2015.

The transnational (re)making of contemporary urban pacification practices, discourses, and technologies between Brazil and Israel is underpinned by coercive entanglements. The Israeli experience with the occupation of the Palestinian territories has brought the Israel Defense Forces and the country's private security industry international recognition for their urban warfare skills and related security technologies; Brazil has recently gained international recognition for urban pacification efforts that emphasize the country's military's ability to combine "hard" and "soft" skills, thereby foregrounding the nexus of military and humanitarian forms of engagement on urban battlefields. Empirical findings framed by critical scholarship on pacification demonstrate how recent shifts in the military and diplomatic relations between the two countries seek to symbolically capitalize on their own and each other's urban warfare experiences to promote themselves as security experts capable of addressing a range of future urban threat scenarios-from urban warfare to antigang and antiriot policing and peacekeeping. A reorganização transnacional das práticas, discursos e tecnologias de urbanização con-temporânea entre Brasil e Israel são movidas por envolvimento coercitivo. A experiência israelense de ocupação dos territórios palestinos trouxe prestígio internacional às Forças de Defesa Israelense, bem como à indústria de segurança particular do país, em virtude de tec-nologia de combate urbano. Brasil recentemente alcançou reconhecimento internacional pelos esforços de pacificação urbana, que enfatizam a habilidade das forças armadas do país em combinar "soft and hard skills", criando assim um nexo de interação militar e humanitário no campo de batalha urbano. Observações produzidas em moldura crítica acadêmica sobre pacificação demonstram de que modo mudanças recentes nas relações diplomática e militar dos dois países visam capitalizar simbolicamente as experiências respectivas para promoverem a si mesmos como especialistas em segurança capazes de tratar uma variedade de cenários urbanos de risco-desde a guerra urbana contra gangs até o policiamento de manifestações.

A tanulmány alapkérdése, hogy a nyugati modernitás évszázadai során hogyan változott a személyközi erőszak jelentősége az intim szférában, és hogy e változások hogyan magyarázhatók. Elsősorban Norbert Elias főművére, a Civilizáció folyamatára, valamint figurációs szociológiájára támaszkodom. Bemutatom, hogy az utóbbi évtizedekben a történeti kriminológusok a gyilkosságok alakulásának hosszú távú vizsgálata alapján szinte teljes mértékben igazolták az erőszakkontrollal kapcsolatos eliasi téziseket. Elias plasztikusan és meggyőzően tárja föl e folyamat számos kulcselemét, ugyanakkor az intimszféra dzsender rendjének nem tulajdonít kellő jelentőséget. A pszichotörténelmi
megközelítés szakirodalmára támaszkodva amellett érvelek, hogy a 17. századtól a családi élet centruma az atyai autoritástól az anyai gondoskodás, a kölcsönös érzelmek és a pszichológiai egymásra
hangolódás felé tolódik el, és a házasság alapjává a romantikus szerelem ethosza válik. Következésképpen a női ágens hatalma növekszik, míg a maszkulin erőszakmonopólium kizárólagossága és
magától értetődősége gyöngül. E folyamat részeként a férfi az intimszférában is kontrollálni köteles erőszakos impulzusait, vagyis olyan diszpozicionális elemeket kénytelen inkorporálni, amelyek a
korábbi évezredek során a nőkhöz kötődtek. Tehát a társadalom valamennyi szférájának növekvő pszichologizációja és pacifikációja nem függetleníthető az intimszféra dzsender-rendjének radikális átalakulásától.

No contexto do neoliberalismo que propaga uma sociedade regulada pelo mercado e por mecanismos de concorrência, ao mesmo tempo em que se exige um controle de populações e territórios problemáticos, o urbanismo militar e a governança empresarial surgem como duas facetas de um mesmo projeto de cidade. O artigo pretende observar como esse modelo tem sido adotado no Rio de Janeiro nas últimas décadas – tendo seu ápice com os megaeventos nos últimos anos – a partir dessas duas tendências: por um lado, a cidade empresarialista, e, o outro lado da mesma moeda, o urbanismo militar que busca assegurar a " ordem urbana " a partir de modelos de militarização, controle e pacificação.

As neoliberalism engenders a society regulated by the market and by competitiveness, at the same time requiring strict control of problematic populations and territories, corporate governance and militarized urbanism become paradigmatic. This paper explores how that modus operandi was adopted in the city of Rio de Janeiro in the last decades, culminating in the recent urban transformations associated with the hosting of mega-events. Those transformations are interpreted under two different, but interrelated, perspectives: the entrepreneurial city and the military urbanism that seeks to enforce " urban order " by means of militarization, control and pacification.

Caracterisé par l'hégémonie du marché et de la concurrence oligopoliste, le néolibéralisme demande aussi le contrôle de la population et des territoires « problématiques ». Dans ce contexte, l'urbanisme militaire et la gouvernance entrepreneurial sont les deux facettes d'un même projet de ville. Ainsi, notre article vise à comprendre comment ce projet a été adopté à Rio de

Dans cette étude, nous essayons d’appliquer la méthodologie généalogique à l’analyse du discours militaire
français, britannique et américain sur la « pacification de populations » de la fin du xixe siècle jusqu’à nos jours.
L’objectif est en effet de mettre en évidence et de problématiser les continuités coloniales que le leitmotiv « des
coeurs et des esprits » y permet d’observer. Nous portons en particulier l’attention sur les grands « moments »
qui nous paraissent avoir marqué les usages sociaux et les significations de l’énoncé : d’abord le « moment »
de la conquête coloniale ; ensuite le « moment » des guerres de décolonisation ; enfin celui des interventions
occidentales dans les États postcoloniaux. Tout en montrant qu’il y a un phénomène de rémanence coloniale
dans les pratiques militaires, la conclusion à laquelle nous arrivons est que les significations attribuées à ce
leitmotiv sont extrêmement évolutives dans le temps et toujours sujettes à des interprétations contradictoires. La
généalogie de l’énoncé permet alors de montrer quelles en ont été les discontinuités et en particulier comment
la « rupture postcoloniale » est venue en subvertir la signification.