Pacification

A MINUSTAH (Missão das Nações Unidas para estabilização no Haiti) contou com a liderança militar do Exército Brasileiro, de 2004 a 2017, e teve como objetivo restabelecer a segurança e a normalidade institucional no Haiti após sucessivos episódios de turbulência política. Apesar da atuação de instituições, como as Forças Armadas, o Ministério das Relações Exteriores e do Governo Federal chamarem mais a atenção da mídia e dos analistas, a participação brasileira na MINUSTAH vai mais além do que a presença de entidades estatais. O envolvimento brasileiro na missão contou também com atores não estatais, da sociedade civil, que estavam, e ainda estão, presentes na tentativa declarada de pacificar e reconstruir o país caribenho. Um exemplo é caso da ONG brasileira Viva Rio, que desenvolve projetos de pacificação e mediação de conflitos urbanos nas comunidades de Porto Príncipe desde 2006. Apontada como um ator importante e um exemplo de iniciativa singular do modelo brasileiro de construção da paz, a Viva Rio ganhou destaque nas análises que se propuseram a explicar a participação brasileira na tentativa de reconstruir o Haiti. Com efeito, o objetivo deste trabalho é examinar a atuação da ONG Viva Rio no Haiti no contexto de uma missão de paz liderada pelo Exército Brasileiro. Argumentamos que, através da análise do caso da Viva Rio, podemos compreender algumas dinâmicas concretas sobre a participação brasileira na MINUSTAH de maneira mais precisa. A hipótese defendida é de que, por meio dos programas sociais e da prestação de serviços, a Viva Rio colabora para conquistar “mentes e corações”, pacificando a população das comunidades de Porto Príncipe. Os programas sociais e de mediação de conflitos ajudam a construir e aprimorar uma rede de governança que tem como principal objetivo administrar a sociedade civil e controlar as comunidades pobres de Porto Príncipe.

This Master's thesis investigates the UPP or "Policifying Police Unit" public security strategy in Conjunto de Favelas da Maré, Rio de Janeiro. On the basis ethnographic fieldwork, I analyse the situation using concepts of violence, militarisation, social hyper-vigilance (Vigh 2011), and states of exception. Additionally, I situate the current policy historically.

Front-line police operations are deeply entwined with less visible activities – or practices not commonly identified as policing – that are carried out by a wide range of participants as strategies of settler-colonial pacification operating through the organizing logics of security and liberal legalism. Using open source texts and records obtained through access to information requests, this article unmaps some of the contemporary strategies employed by Canadian institutions to pacify Indigenous resistance. As a contribution to the body of work seeking to develop the politics of anti-security, the analysis disrupts the binary categories that animate security logic by examining the public order policing approach of the Ontario Provincial Police, the framing of Indigenous resistance as a security threat, and the integral role of Indian Affairs in securing the settler-state.

http://www.socialiststudies.com/index.php/sss/article/download/23505/17390

Pese a las buenas intenciones, sensibilidad y profesionalidad de los que hemos intentado estudiar y describir desde diferentes perspectivas la compleja realidad social de La Mina, la infeliz consideración de este barrio como un “gueto gitano” de la periferia de Barcelona sigue aun apareciendo no sólo en la prensa o en los discursos políticos, sino también en varios trabajos de corte histórico, urbanístico, geográfico, socio-antropológico, etc. Una visión sin duda distorsionada y, sin embargo, totalmente funcional para que tecnócratas y promotores inmobiliarios puedan justificar la necesidad de redimir social y urbanísticamente La Mina. Sería precisamente este aspecto lo que determinaría la supuesta urgencia para impulsar en el barrio unas “políticas anti-gueto”. Las mismas políticas que –vale la pena recordarlo- tienen en el actual urbanismo de corte neoliberal su principal aliado. En esta dirección, detrás del mito del gitano "naturalmente problemático" se escondería, en realidad, una gobernanza urbana sistemáticamente disfrazada de intervención social, es decir, proporcionada bajo forma de proyectos urbanísticos dirigidos a corregir las actitudes y relaciones conflictivas de la población general de La Mina actuando, directa o indirectamente, sobre su espacio físico para pacificarlo.

Esta dissertação tem como foco as questões sobre a tríade: segurança pública, mídia e violência, relacionada à primeira fase do processo de pacificação de favelas do Complexo do Alemão, na cidade do Rio de Janeiro, realizada em novembro de 2010. A ação policial-militar do Estado teve apoio do governo federal com uso das Forças de Pacificação do Exército e se tornou símbolo do programa de segurança pública denominado Unidade de Polícia Pacificadora (UPP). Através da mídia, a ação agenda a construção discursiva de uma metáfora de paz promotora de novos sentidos para a cidade anfitriã de importantes megaeventos esportivos internacionais como a Copa do Mundo (2014) e Jogos Olímpicos (2016). A pesquisa busca as linhas de conexão e encaixe entre o que é dito, silenciado e o que é compreendido como paz na prática dos operadores do Estado. Por meio de observação participante no conjunto de favelas do Complexo do Alemão e a análise do discurso da cobertura jornalística do periódico O Globo, essa dissertação promove uma reflexão sobre a representação das favelas e a segurança pública na cidade do Rio de Janeiro.

A tanulmány alapkérdése, hogy a nyugati modernitás évszázadai során hogyan változott a személyközi erőszak jelentősége az intim szférában, és hogy e változások hogyan magyarázhatók. Elsősorban Norbert Elias főművére, a Civilizáció folyamatára, valamint figurációs szociológiájára támaszkodom. Bemutatom, hogy az utóbbi évtizedekben a történeti kriminológusok a gyilkosságok alakulásának hosszú távú vizsgálata alapján szinte teljes mértékben igazolták az erőszakkontrollal kapcsolatos eliasi téziseket. Elias plasztikusan és meggyőzően tárja föl e folyamat számos kulcselemét, ugyanakkor az intimszféra dzsender rendjének nem tulajdonít kellő jelentőséget. A pszichotörténelmi
megközelítés szakirodalmára támaszkodva amellett érvelek, hogy a 17. századtól a családi élet centruma az atyai autoritástól az anyai gondoskodás, a kölcsönös érzelmek és a pszichológiai egymásra
hangolódás felé tolódik el, és a házasság alapjává a romantikus szerelem ethosza válik. Következésképpen a női ágens hatalma növekszik, míg a maszkulin erőszakmonopólium kizárólagossága és
magától értetődősége gyöngül. E folyamat részeként a férfi az intimszférában is kontrollálni köteles erőszakos impulzusait, vagyis olyan diszpozicionális elemeket kénytelen inkorporálni, amelyek a
korábbi évezredek során a nőkhöz kötődtek. Tehát a társadalom valamennyi szférájának növekvő pszichologizációja és pacifikációja nem függetleníthető az intimszféra dzsender-rendjének radikális átalakulásától.

La vie dans le South Bronx est marquée par une série d’expériences qui renvoient à deux types de violences : une violence policière et une violence sociale. Dans cet article, je montrerai que ces formes de violence participent de logiques de pacifi- cation, entendue comme le double processus de contrôle et de fabrication d’un ordre social, qui forgent les conditions de vie des plus pauvres dans les ghettos nord-américains. La pacification ne désigne pas un projet unifié mais est le résultat de plusieurs logiques qui doivent être pensées conjointement. C’est dans cette perspective que j’analyse, à partir d’une ethnographie dans le quartier du South Bronx à New York, l’imbrication de trois logiques de pacification : celle de la police, celle des non profit et celle des gangs. Penser ensemble ces logiques permet de décrire la pénétration récente du marché dans les ghettos nord-américains, articulée à un renfor- cement des politiques publiques sécuritaires.

In the last three decades we have witnessed the significant international proliferation of Business Improvement Zones, Districts or Areas (BIDs). The legislative rise of BIDs has taken place alongside an increasing rationalization, centralization and amalgamation of political authority in cities across the globe.  As community governance deficits develop, BIDs have taken on the role of local authorities, defining elements of improvement, threats to security, and leading the charge for urban renewal and revitalization.  In this paper I examine the role of BIDs with specific reference to Toronto - the widely acknowledged birthplace of the modern BID movement.  I argue that BIDs are a form of urban pacification, acting as a proxy for the commercial colonization of the city.  BIDs pacify urban space through the valorization of capital, by acting a gatekeepers of the acceptable, and by mobilizing civic concerns about security. As independent commercial authorities, BIDs have geographically and materially conquered urban space by subsuming non-merchant property and interests, by fabricating an urban social order that ideologically  transforms citizens into denizens, and by reconstructing neighbourhoods into branded zones of consumption.

Dans cette étude, nous essayons d’appliquer la méthodologie généalogique à l’analyse du discours militaire
français, britannique et américain sur la « pacification de populations » de la fin du xixe siècle jusqu’à nos jours.
L’objectif est en effet de mettre en évidence et de problématiser les continuités coloniales que le leitmotiv « des
coeurs et des esprits » y permet d’observer. Nous portons en particulier l’attention sur les grands « moments »
qui nous paraissent avoir marqué les usages sociaux et les significations de l’énoncé : d’abord le « moment »
de la conquête coloniale ; ensuite le « moment » des guerres de décolonisation ; enfin celui des interventions
occidentales dans les États postcoloniaux. Tout en montrant qu’il y a un phénomène de rémanence coloniale
dans les pratiques militaires, la conclusion à laquelle nous arrivons est que les significations attribuées à ce
leitmotiv sont extrêmement évolutives dans le temps et toujours sujettes à des interprétations contradictoires. La
généalogie de l’énoncé permet alors de montrer quelles en ont été les discontinuités et en particulier comment
la « rupture postcoloniale » est venue en subvertir la signification.

Ce court travail constitue une tentative d'articuler la notion de libre-examen avec la proposition de l'écologie des pratiques d'Isabelle Stengers qu'elle détaille dans son ouvrage "La Vierge et le neutrino : les scientifiques dans la tourmente". Ce travail se construit sur une description du système développé par Isabelle Stengers et le rapport au libre examen est "en construction" au fil des pages, non pas exposé dans un après-coup.

Within recent critical debates about the geographies and circulations of counterinsurgency knowledge, scholars have focused primarily on domi- nant centres of power and authority in the global North. Building a framework drawn from critical geography, this article decentres these locations and actors by exploring the global production and circulation of counterinsurgency knowledge from the vantage point of Indian strategic thinkers. Focusing on the work of the Indian think tank the Institute for Conflict Management (ICM), the article traces how Indian counterinsurgency knowledge has been produced, packaged and circulated transnationally since the late 1990s. It argues the power and utility that forms of counter- insurgency knowledge command – Indian or otherwise – are never reduci- ble to the essential features of what actors or texts say. Rather, it suggests that counterinsurgency knowledge is produced through particular relations and locations of power-knowledge that define what they represent and where they fit in. It theorizes forms of counterinsurgency knowledge as positions within broader transnational forces, entwined with colonial his- tories of pacification. In doing so, it illuminates the contestations and forms of work involved in staging or organizing the world through practices that make some forms, actors, and locations important and relegate others to the peripheries of global politics.

With responses to urban violence receiving increasing academic attention, the literature on anti-gang efforts in Latin America has focused mainly on coercive mano dura policies and cooperative gang truces. Yet, there remains a paucity of studies going beyond such carrots-and-sticks approaches towards gangs. To fill this gap, this study investigates the possibilities and limitations of substitutive security governance across Latin America and the Caribbean. More specifically, this article looks at Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) programmes in Medellín, Armed Violence Reduction and Prevention (AVRP) efforts in Haiti and Security Sector Reform (SSR) in Guatemala and Rio de Janeiro. It will be argued that communities are driven to support gangs against the oppressive state when they are indiscriminately targeted through muscular operations. Likewise, engaging gangs in dialogue grants them legitimacy and further weakens the position of the state. Therefore, the only sustainable solution lies in substitutive security govern-ance, which aims to replace the functions gangs fulfil for their members, sponsors, and the community in which they are nested with a modern and accountable state that is bound by the rule of law. Still, substitutive strategies vis-à-vis gangs have their own limitations, which can only be overcome by way of an integrated and coordinated framework.

This paper reveals the secrets of BlueLeaks, a massive archive of documents hacked from police agencies, and intelligence centers in the United States. A September 2019 Intelligence Assessment by the Virginia Fusion Center cites counterinsurgency expert David Kilcullen to evaluate the 'insurgency tactics and strategies' of environmentalists. What is remarkable about the document is not the domestic application of counterinsurgency but how it reveals the biases of security. Read from an anti-security perspective, this document becomes a cipher to decode the political content of the BlueLeaks archive that is obscured by the deep acceptance of 'security' as an apolitical, unqualified social good. The analysis is grounded in document and network analysis of BlueLeaks documents from the New England region. It finds that practices commonly understood as 'counterinsurgency' span and animate the continuum of pacification. The secret of BlueLeaks is the secret of security: a ceaseless low-intensity class war that envelops and encompasses the continuum of pacification, protects property, administers poverty, depoliticizes social harms, and elicits participation in pacification.

Pacification' of a colonized territory is usually seen through the perspective of coercion and police as the tool of that process but this article argues that even the issue of security, a matter of coercive social control can be a space of conciliatory state-society relationship. The 18 th and 19 th century Bengali natives similarly developed a space of state-society conversation centering on the issue of security. This article argues that the Bengali educated elites addressed the issue of security through petition, newspaper articles and satirical literature but as the space of political expression was limited by colonial nature, the target of these political attacks were native policemen who were socially and culturally backward compared to the educated natives. As these native policemen were racially and socially stereotyped as inefficient in both official and native narratives, they remained as voiceless mimics.

La première Unité de Police Pacificatrice (UPP) est apparue à Rio de Janeiro au mois de décembre 2008 dans la favela de Santa Marta. Depuis lors, ce ne sont pas moins de 38 unités qui ont vu le jour au sein de la mégapole brésilienne, hôte de la Coupe du Monde 2014 et des Jeux Olympiques 2016. Après des décennies perdues de « guerre contre le crime », le projet UPP offre un nouvel angle de vue sur la question sécuritaire des favelas, du trafic de drogue et des violences urbaines plus globalement. C'est assez logiquement que ce projet de grande ampleur initié par l'ex-gouverneur Sérgio Cabral Filho s'est directement placé au centre des débats en matière de sécurité publique à Rio. Les plus optimistes voyaient en ces UPP la solution à tous les maux cariocas, le changement de paradigme tant attendu pour en finir une fois pour toutes avec ces décennies perdues. Porteur d'un espoir de renouveau, l'UPP n'a pas réellement su répondre à ces attentes. A l'inverse, le projet a rapidement perdu de sa superbe, pour entrer depuis plusieurs années déjà dans une grave crise existentielle. Ce travail de fin d'études est le fruit d'une enquête de terrain assidue durant six mois, portée sur deux favelas de Rio de Janeiro : Rocinha et Santa Marta.  Au cœur de cette analyse, trenteet-un entretiens qui s'articulent et s'intègrent dans un champs théorique vaste et complexe qu'est l’interactionnisme symbolique. Les concepts de grands sociologues tels que Erving Goffman, Anselm Strauss ou encore Georges H. Mead me serviront à mettre en lumière des jeux d'influences et des rapports de forces qui s'appliquent aux relations entre agents des UPP et habitants des favelas. Une meilleure compréhension des différentes perceptions devrait pouvoir en ressortir.  Malgré les contraintes de temps et d'espace, nous espérons pouvoir amener un éclairage supplémentaire sur ce projet sécuritaire singulier mais aussi, et plus largement, sur la problématique des favelas de Rio de Janeiro. Le contexte particulier de notre enquête, qui s'est déroulée durant les mois qui ont suivi la fin des JO 2016, a permis de souligner la tendance à la disparition des UPP. Crise de légitimité, corruption et factions criminelles font encore bel et bien partie du décor tant à Rocinha qu'à Santa Marta. Si les études statistiques ont tendance à démontrer une légère amélioration de la situation dans les favelas qui comptent une UPP depuis plus longtemps, notre travail qualitatif  aura permis de contre-balancer certains éléments et d'en confirmer d'autres.

From the jacket:
Policing in a capitalist economy is run on both state and private levels. Much existing literature on private policing assumes that the private sector is oriented almost exclusively towards loss prevention, and does not fulfil a crime-control function. In this carefully researched study, George Rigakos considers the increasingly important role of the 'parapolice' in the maintenance of social order. He argues that for-profit policing companies adopt many of the tactics and functions of the public police, and are less distinguishable from the latter than has been previously assumed in the criminological literature.

Rigakos conducted a detailed ethnographic and statistical case study of Intelligarde International - a well-known Canadian security firm - and uses his results to investigate the following: How are discipline and surveillance achieved organizationally and commodified as 'product'? How do security agents themselves, and those they police, resist social control?

This work offers wide-ranging theoretical implications, drawing on Foucauldian concepts such as risk, surveillance, and governmentality, and on Marxian formulations of commodity and aesthetic production. The first criminological ethnography of a contract security firm in Canada, this book will be of interest to criminologists, sociologists, lawyers, and policy-makers and to any non-academic reader with an interest in the experience of those employed in the parapolice.

This article will argue that the concepts of repression and militarization are inadequate tools for a radical critique of the targeted and selective application of coercion and consent in efforts to (re)produce a liberal capitalist order. The article will first of all show how liberal social control is best understood as uneven processes of pacification targeting specific individuals, groups and populations through a combination of coercion and consent. Secondly, the article will examine historical and current efforts to control protest through the lens of pacification. The analytic of pacification will then be applied to broader trends in US social control. Last but not least, the article will show that the apparently technical distinctions that allow for the targeted application of coercion and/or consent frequently reflect and reinforce existing societal divisions along the lines of race, class and gender.

Textbook presentations of U.S. policing name the present as new stage of professionalization: the homeland security era, where the application of “big data” promises “smarter” policing. Within this framework of gradual progress, liberal police scholarship has become the official criticism of big data policing to organize a project of liberal reform. Of course, this scholarship is being in written in the context of both militant social movements within the United States and the terminal decline of U.S. global hegemony. To clarify the stakes of this moment, this paper connects the Marxist anti-security perspective and anti-racist critiques of surveillance and big data policing from within the Black radical tradition. It argues that the emergence of big data policing is the latest development in on-going processes of pacification that have expanded, organized, and reproduced the colonial/modern world-system over the longue durée.  The paper extends and elaborates conceptualizations of hegemonic cycles in relation to work on the maturation of intelligence tradecraft, focusing on two interrelated developments: (1) two information revolutions that reorganized social relations and (2) the police-wars that shaped the rise and decline of the United States as a world hegemonic power. It concludes that big data policing is the latest outgrowth of the imperial epistemology that organized and continues animate the work of pacification and obscure the politics of anti-systemic struggle.

The transnational (re)making of contemporary urban pacification practices, discourses, and technologies between Brazil and Israel is underpinned by coercive entanglements. The Israeli experience with the occupation of the Palestinian territories has brought the Israel Defense Forces and the country’s private security industry international recognition for their urban warfare skills and related security technologies; Brazil has recently gained international recognition for urban pacification efforts that emphasize the country’s military’s ability to combine “hard” and “soft” skills, thereby foregrounding the nexus of military and humanitarian forms of engagement on urban battlefields. Empirical findings framed by critical scholarship on pacification demonstrate how recent shifts in the military and diplomatic relations between the two countries seek to symbolically capitalize on their own and each other’s urban warfare experiences to promote themselves as security experts capable of addressing a range of future urban threat scenarios—from urban warfare to antigang and antiriot policing and peacekeeping.

No contexto do neoliberalismo que propaga uma sociedade regulada pelo mercado e por mecanismos de concorrência, ao mesmo tempo em que se exige um controle de populações e territórios problemáticos, o urbanismo militar e a governança empresarial surgem como duas facetas de um mesmo projeto de cidade. O artigo pretende observar como esse modelo tem sido adotado no Rio de Janeiro nas últimas décadas – tendo seu ápice com os megaeventos nos últimos anos – a partir dessas duas tendências: por um lado, a cidade empresarialista, e, o outro lado da mesma moeda, o urbanismo militar que busca assegurar a " ordem urbana " a partir de modelos de militarização, controle e pacificação.

As neoliberalism engenders a society regulated by the market and by competitiveness, at the same time requiring strict control of problematic populations and territories, corporate governance and militarized urbanism become paradigmatic. This paper explores how that modus operandi was adopted in the city of Rio de Janeiro in the last decades, culminating in the recent urban transformations associated with the hosting of mega-events. Those transformations are interpreted under two different, but interrelated, perspectives: the entrepreneurial city and the military urbanism that seeks to enforce " urban order " by means of militarization, control and pacification.

Caracterisé par l'hégémonie du marché et de la concurrence oligopoliste, le néolibéralisme demande aussi le contrôle de la population et des territoires « problématiques ». Dans ce contexte, l'urbanisme militaire et la gouvernance entrepreneurial sont les deux facettes d'un même projet de ville. Ainsi, notre article vise à comprendre comment ce projet a été adopté à Rio de

english title : . A tumb for the peace. An history of french pacification edicts

Comment sortir d'une guerre civile ? Et comment vivre alors avec l'ennemi de la veille, partager une même ville avec lui, habiter le même quartier, la même rue ? Ces questions d'actualité se posèrent avec une dramatique urgence au roi Charles IX et à sa mère Catherine de Médicis au début des guerres de Religion (1560-1572) et au cours des luttes fratricides qui opposèrent catholiques et protestants.

Ce livre propose de suivre pas à pas, dans les archives, les "commissaires des édits de pacification", ces hommes que la Couronne envoya chevaucher par tout le royaume, de ville en ville, pour tenter d'y restaurer la paix. Quel fut le sens d'une politique royale qui, tout en promouvant l'établissement de la coexistence pacifique entre les confessions, portait avec elle le triomphe du catholicisme et la ruine des espoirs protestants ?


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english :
How to get out of a civil war ? And how to live with the enemy of yesterday , share the same city with him, live in the same neighborhood, the same street ? These topical questions arose with dramatic urgency to King Charles IX and his mother Catherine de Medici in the early Wars of Religion (1560-1572) and during the fratricidal struggles between Catholics and Protestants.

À partir du cas d’Henri Rochefort à la fin du Second Empire, l’article étudie les relations entretenues par le pamphlétaire et un ordre parlementaire alors encore en phase de construction. Il fait ressortir le contraste assez saisissant entre le silence ordinaire de Rochefort dans l’hémicycle et sa fureur habituelle dans les écrits qu’il publie. L’auteur émet l’hypothèse que cette dialectique à l’œuvre entre la véhémence manifestée à l’extérieur de la Chambre et sa maîtrise en son sein peut révéler une voie particulière de pacification des échanges politiques au sein du Parlement

Neste artigo, articulo diversos momentos de trabalho de campo qualitativo em favelas cariocas para investigar as dinâmicas de negociação entre os dirigentes de associações dessas localidades e os agentes civis e militares do poder público, notadamente durante o Programa de “Pacificação” de Favelas, iniciado em 2008. Argumento que o silenciamento e o rebaixamento da crítica dos moradores são operados através da desqualificação desses, e nessa operação, a criminalização é um elemento fundamental. Concluo discutindo como silenciar, disciplinar e criminalizar compõem o repertório do governo dos pobres nas periferias urbanas e seus efeitos para a democracia.

According to Stephen Graham, cities have become the battlespaces of a new generation of warfare. The «new military urbanism» entails the blurring of military and civilian spheres as it concerns urban security doctrine and practice. This article applies Graham's theory to Rio de Janeiro, a city of the Global South that has recently enhanced its existing urban securitization processes, in particular the militarization of the favelas. This acceleration mirrors the city's «mega event»-oriented strategy to attract global financial capital. By analyzing the uprisings that began in June 2013, this contribution identifies how urban conflicts create popular resistance to the new military urbanism and violent policing activity.

http://www.rivisteweb.it/doi/10.3240/78482

While international relations scholars make many claims about violence, they rarely define the concept. This article develops a typology of three distinct kinds of violence: direct, indirect, and pacification. Direct violence occurs when a person or agent inflicts harm on another. Indirect violence manifests through the structures of society. We propose a third understanding of violence: pacification. Using a phenomenological methodology, and drawing on anarchist and postcolonial thought, we show that the violence of pacification is diffuse, inconspicuous, intersubjective, and structured into the fabric of society. This understanding of violence matters for the study of international relations in general and research on the liberal peace in particular. We argue that the spread of liberal institutions does not necessarily decrease violence but instead transforms it. Our phenomenological analysis captures empirical trends in human domination and suffering that liberal peace theories c...

The delimitation of the Ottoman-Iranian frontier accumulated its own historical knowledge. In particular, Ottoman-Iranian frontier commissions were formed in different periods, from the middle of the nineteenth century until the early twentieth century, increased the knowledge along the frontier. The Ottoman-Iranian frontier in the early twentieth century consists of two separate categories: (1) the disputed lands, where a status quo was declared between the two states, and (2) the undisputed lands, where the Ottoman-Iranian boundary had been already shaped. This study concentrates on one of the last Ottoman frontier commissions, led by Tahir Pasha between 1907 and 1908, and illustrates the historical trajectory that shows how Tahir Pasha, as an experienced Ottoman statesman, who lived more than thirty-three years in various eastern frontier provinces, was involved in the boundary making process. The study introduces not only Tahir Pasha to historical studies, but also it exposes the anatomy of the commission that he led, so the study presents insightful data regarding the salaries, previous tasks, and tenures of its officials, and conditions under which Ottoman commissioners served in a limited financial situation that restricted the activities of the Ottoman bureaucratic and military elites. Paradoxically, the expenditures of the commission and the cost of keeping alert the additional Ottoman troops in the frontier zone deteriorated the situation. Providing this data, this study shows how the commission interacted with British, Russian, and Iranian officials diplomatically in a period where the Ottoman military began to occupy parts of the contested lands between 1905 and 1908, and explains the possible reasons for the Ottoman invasion of the lands and beyond by taking into account the international power relations that was strained with the Ottoman intervention to Russian and British spheres of influence in Iran. Considering the impacts of the international conjecture, the study discusses how Ottoman and Iranian governments and commissioners held negotiations, what kind of procedures were applied, how negotiations were conducted, what the results were, and how all developments led both commissions to reach a deadlock regarding the fate of the boundary in 1908. During this process, Tahir Pasha's individual initiatives, research methods, and concluding remarks are analyzed by evaluating official reports he sent to Istanbul.

In Mexico, the sense of freedom and law and order predominance have been erased for the deepening of the militarization strategy, the absence of social control in terms of effective governance from the institutions and powers of the State (either administrative practices or police
and military forces), and the increment of drug trafficking as the main economical resources of various regions of the country. Besides, there is a permanent threat of death or random exposure to extreme violence for the inhabitants, and worn-out and increasingly less State institutions
credibility. All such conditions make necessary to rethink national strategy in terms of just pacification and new processes of social and community dialogue.