Political Scandals

Do Freeport ao Face Oculta, do Monte Branco ao BES, do escândalo dos vistos dourados à prisão preventiva do ex primeiro-ministro. As últimas semanas confirmam que vivemos na era do escândalo, e não apenas em Portugal. No Brasil, o escândalo da Petrobrás revelou um esquema de corrupção envolvendo grandes empreiteiras e políticos importantes, e em Espanha Mariano Rajoy pediu desculpa pelos escândalos que assolam o seu partido. Mas o que é o escândalo político? Qual é o significado da palavra " escândalo " ? Como se configura no debate público?

This book provides a much-needed analysis of the changing representation of gay politicians in UK newspapers. Focusing on the 1950s onwards, a time when the press became more personal and gay politicians/politicians involved in gay scandals came to the forefront of media attention, the text uses case studies and socio-political analysis to develop a frame of representation which shows how a move from intolerance to tolerance to partial recognition of homosexuality has impacted upon the acceptability of homosexuality in 'heterosexual public space', with this then affecting the representation of gay politicians in the press. What was private has now become public, pointing to the fact that gay politicians have mediated personas; their private lives, and sexualities, are lived in/presented through the media.

The book reveals insights about representation and the construction of identity through its focus on sexuality, politicians and the media, with the changing line between the private and public an essential concept. Sensationalism and scandal are key issues in the text, with the press coverage of politicians caught up in gay scandals, as well as gay politicians, explored.

The representation of gay politicians in the UK press has so far been underrepresented in media and political studies. Lack of discussion is strange, considering that gay politicians have been at the forefront of the media’s attention over the last fifty years. "Sex, Lies and Politics" provides a much needed contribution to political, media and social history.

This study aimed to examine empirically whether news stories about political sex scandals could prime people to worry about their own relationships or view sexual betrayal more negatively. An online experiment (N = 231) reveals that reading news stories about political sex scandals does not prime people to worry about the health of their own relationships or sexual betrayal. Rather, relationship dissatisfaction and preexisting attitudes toward sexual infidelity explain how they feel about infidelity more than what they read in the news. Results are discussed in relation to priming theory.

Skandale gehören zum journalistischen Alltagsgeschäft. Fast keine Woche vergeht ohne eine neue Enthüllung oder die Anprangerung skandalösen Verhaltens von Prominenten. Doch manchmal erscheinen Skandale beabsichtigt, beispielsweise wenn Politiker umstrittene Äußerungen tätigen.
Es handelt sich dann um eine Sonderform des Skandals, der von den Skandalisierten angestoßen wird, um bestimmte Ziele zu erreichen. Diese als intendierte Selbstskandalisierung bezeichnete Erscheinung des Skandals wird in diesem Buch theoretisch dargestellt und anhand zweier Wahlkämpfe in Deutschland und der Schweiz veranschaulicht.
Die Theorie der intendierten Selbstskandalisierung stellt erstmals eine ausführliche Grundlage für die Analyse absichtlich provozierter Skandale in der Politik dar. Sie ist außerdem für die kommunikationswissenschaftliche Erforschung weiterer Skandalfelder wie der Literatur oder der Populärkultur anwendbar.

This dissertation reviews the Profumo scandal of 1963 in order to ascertain the factors that turned the affair into a damaging crisis which helped cause the premature resignation of the Prime Minister and contributed towards the Government’s defeat in the 1964 General Election.

Abundant source material is available yet, given the nature of the subject, much has been sensationalised and is clearly inaccurate. The work uses several source categories in order for conclusions to be drawn; these are: biographies and memoirs of contemporary observers of the affair; public records from the National Archives – notably 1963 Cabinet and Prime Ministerial papers; contemporary newspapers and periodicals; published official documents (particularly Lord Denning’s Report and Hansard); public opinion research data retrieved from the Conservative Party Archive. In addition, several early-1960s published reactions to the Profumo scandal have been used – their value lying in the freshness of their observation at a time of turmoil.

The dissertation tries to determine why a personal Ministerial lapse and resignation evolved into a major crisis for the Government and concludes that the accepted general themes of ‘immorality’, ‘deceit’, ‘incompetence’ and ‘security risk’ embraced wider failings of leadership, administration and class-induced complacency – such Government shortcomings being subjected to merciless exposure and criticism. Thus, the work also examines the crucial roles played by the official opposition, the press and the judiciary and contextualises the affair within the volatile political mood of 1963.

Nachdem die Süddeutsche Zeitung  am 16. Februar 2011 als erster medialer Akteur über den  Plagiatsvorwurf  eines  Bremer  Jura-Professors  gegenüber  Karl-Theodor  zu Guttenberg im Kontext seiner Dissertation berichtete und dies den Anfang eines knapp zwei  Wochen  andauernden „deutschen  Psychodramas“  markierte, trat  der  ehemalige
Bundesminister der Verteidigung schließlich am 01. März 2011 von seinen politischen Ämtern zurück. 
Die Prämisse meiner Arbeit ist, dass sämtliche Normverstöße  - unabhängig davon, in welchem  Bereich sie stattfinden  -  auf eine  (massen)-mediale  Verbreitung angewiesen sind, um sich im Zusammenspiel mit weiteren Faktoren, wie der kollektiven Empörung, als Skandal innerhalb einer breiten Öffentlichkeit entfalten zu können. Demnach spielt die spezifische, mediale Vermittlung von skandalträchtigen Ereignissen eine entschei-
dende  Rolle  für  die  Inszenierung und  Entfaltung  von  Skandalen  selbst.  Dies  führt mich  zu  der  Frage,  auf  welche  Art  und  Weise  Skandale  in  den  Medien  geformt  und produziert  werden?  Welche  spezifischen Inszenierungsmuster  spielen  innerhalb  der medialen Berichterstattung für die Skandalisierung eine Rolle? Diese Fragen sollen am  gewählten Fallbeispiel anhand einer vergleichenden  Analyse  der  Berichterstattung  zweier  medialer  Akteure  beantwortet werden.

we argue that there are four ways we both understand and misunderstand fake news as a research concept. This includes seeing fake news as text rather than visual content; as either “true” or “false” information rather than as facts embedded within narratives; as surface level content rather than being produced within institutional processes; and from a “Western-centric” lens rather than from a comparative context. As we will argue in our conclusion, these foci make connecting empirical work on fake news to larger media theories of visibility and surveillance more difficult. In particular, they make it harder to connect questions of fake news to sociologies of scandal and the public sphere. In the second section, we attempt to address each of these critiques by outlining elements of our research on fake news production in the Philippines, which was selected insofar as it provides a non-European case of a phenomenon the discussion of which is usually confined to the industrialized West and which serves as a launching pad for engaging in larger meta-theoretical reflection. In the third and final section, the chapter returns to the initial conversation about the media and scandal and discusses how these different frameworks for considering fake news shed light on the relationship between scandal and the media.

Through an examination of several events dealing with Aids in the 1980’s and 1990’s, the author analyses major transformations which have affected the field of national media during this period. The fact that so much media coverage has been given to Aids shows that events concerning activities within a field as autonomous as that of medecine have a tendency today to become events just like any other.
In the first part, the author shows that the weight of journalistic (and indeed economic and political) consideration is growing in both the selection and the construction of events in the medical domain. These swing between, on the one hand, the regime of « obligatory events » (scientific announcements) and, on the other, the new regime of the « unexpected events » (scandals or polemics).
After demonstrating the slow emergence of media attention to the French « infected blood scandal » cannot be attributed only to the work of a handful of journalists or to the caracteristics of the affair, the author explains in a second part that the specific importance of this affair can be explained by changes in the journalistic field. The « infected blood scandal » enables one to understand the general structure of the field of journalism, which has come to be increasingly dominated by commercial imperatives, as exemplified by the growing role of television in the prioritisation and treatment of events. At a second level, the study of the journalists who covered this affair, analysed, through the changes in recruitment on the one hand and the division of labour in journalism on the other, reveals the effects of professionnal hierarchies on the way the scandal was treated by the press. The form taken by this affair derives substantially from the way in which medical information is treated. Medical information has lost its relatively exceptional status, which is less and less medicalised and more and more competitive. This study shows also that journalistic activity is today less subject to the logic of politics than it is to that of two other logics : those of journalistic value -as recognized by journalists- and of the market, which become ever closer.
The third part shows the growing effect that the journalistic field has on the ordinary working of other relatively autonomous social worlds such as the judicical sphere, when it imposes for example a form of « popular justice ».
A partir de l’étude de plusieurs événements concernant le sida, cette recherche a pour objet l’analyse des grandes transformations qui ont affecté le champ des médias nationaux d’information générale au cours des années 80 et 90. La médiatisation du sida montre que les événements qui portent sur les activités d’un espace aussi autonome que le champ médical tendent aujourd’hui à devenir des événements comme les autres. Dans une première partie, on met en évidence le poids croissant des considérations journalistiques (et par là-même économiques et politiques) dans la sélection et la construction des événements dans le domaine médical. A côté de ce qu’on peut appeler les « événements obligés » (les annonces scientifiques), on voit se multiplier des « événements imprévus » (les « affaires » ou les « polémiques »).
Après avoir montré que la lente émergence médiatique du « scandale du sang contaminé » (1983-199...) ne peut être uniquement rapportée au seul travail de quelques journalistes ou aux propriétés médiatiques de cette affaire, on explique, dans une deuxième partie, que la forme qu’elle a prise en France doit beaucoup aux transformations du champ journalistique. Elle est un révélateur de la structure générale de cet espace qui est de plus en plus dominé par son pôle commercial, incarné par les chaînes de télévision qui ont acquis un poids important dans la hiérarchisation et le traitement des événements. A un second niveau, l’étude des positions des journalistes, analysées à travers les transformations du recrutement d’une part, et la division du travail journalistique d’autre part, fait apparaître les effets des hiérarchies professionnelles sur le traitement du « scandale ». La forme prise par cette affaire doit aussi beaucoup aux transformations de l’information médicale, qui a perdu son relatif statut d’exception, celle-ci étant de plus en plus dé-médicalisée et concurrentielle. Enfin, si l’activité journalistique est toujours fortement dépendante de logiques politiques, elle est de plus en plus soumise à deux logiques, celle des pairs et du marché.
Dans une troisième partie, on met en évidence les effets grandissants que le champ journalistique exerce sur le fonctionnement ordinaire d’autres univers sociaux relativement autonomes comme par exemple le champ judiciaire, dans la mesure où il tend à instaurer une forme de « justice populaire ».

This article explores the ramifications of American actress Dovie Beams’s exposé of her affair with Ferdinand Marcos in 1970. The ensuing scandal provoked subversive laughter and provided ammunition to various anti- Marcos groups; significantly, some believed it enabled Imelda Marcos to accrue greater political power. The competing accounts of this affair raise questions about the politics of sex scandals and the role of First Ladies, but the turning point of Imelda’s rise to power was the declaration of martial law. Still, the Dovie Beams affair is no mere footnote in history because what is often downgraded intellectually as personal, private, or intimate has an important bearing on how politics is conceived, delimited, and played out in real life.

Philippine Studies vol. 67, nos. 3-4 (2019): 595-634

While drawing on theoretical arguments from media studies and cultural sociology, this thesis addresses the role of scandal in postwar Japan. I present an outline of what can be labeled as scandalogy, and introduce the historical background of scandal in Japan and the West. Furthermore, I locate the social phenomena of transgression and scandal in a wider field of social practice, and provide a theoretical package for critical analysis of media scandal as framed narrative and spectacular (pseudo)event. While utilizing the scope of contemporary neofunctionalist thought, I approach the general function of scandal as a social drama and cultural performance, semantically located between ritual (motivated expressive behavior) and strategy (conscious strategic action). After addressing the role of scandal, media and corruption in Japanese postwar society, I closely elaborate on three selected scandals: the Sakai Noriko celebrity scandal (2009), the Ozawa Ichirō political scandal (2009-12), and the corporate scandal of the Olympus Corporation (2011-12). Based on the output from these case studies, I offer theoretical implications for the scandal mediation process in contemporary Japan, while highlighting the modi operandi of the mainstream media, weekly tabloids, and other outside media as the key players in a scandal-network of collusion and collaboration. Furthermore, I develop a model of scandal mediation in Japan, during which the mainstream media, the power elites, the business circles, and other interdependent forces intersect in sociopolitical and journalistic fields of struggle. While approaching media scandal as a commercialized product of the journalistic rituals of objectivity, I also touch upon the performance of scandal as a mediatized ritual of pollution, purification through exclusion, and reintegration. My basic assumption is that scandal is a multifaceted social phenomenon: while simultaneously serving the interests of capitalistic media institutions, the scandal-rituals define social norms, reflect the values of society, and manage social transgression. If exposed, Japanese scandals represent highly popular media commodities, but they do not prevent future elite deviance, and they do not make the collusion of power structures in Japan more transparent.

El período comprendido entre la implementación del Plan de Convertibilidad y la caída de De la Rúa estuvo signado por frecuentes escándalos de corrupción en los medios de comunicación. No sólo el periodismo modificó la forma de percibir la política, sino que también, con el surgimiento del periodismo de investigación y la privatización de los medios de comunicación, se generaron nuevos tipos de relaciones entre los periodistas y los políticos en funciones ejecutivas.
Estos escándalos mediáticos produjeron cambios en la percepción de la opinión pública que influyeron en la legitimidad (poder) de los funcionarios que ocupaban cargos políticos representativos.
Las estrategias de comunicación que los gobiernos llevan a cabo durante los escándalos, en cada una de sus fases, contribuye a circunscribir o a amplificar la duración y gravedad de los mismos, así como el tipo de estigmatización resultante del proceso de escandalización social.
Los escándalos tienen una estructura, un guión común que se inicia con el desvelamiento público de una infracción que los actores preferirían mantenerla en secreto. Pero que sin embargo, llega a ser conocida por los medios y genera reacciones de rechazo que producen una dramatización social, donde hay roles y estrategias discursivas, que son implementadas por los actores políticos.
Estos roles dramaturgicos, estrategias retóricas y fases en las que se desagrega el escándalo, estructuran la trama narrativa. No obstante, el proceso de escandalización, como tipo específico de crisis, tiene un alto componente aleatorio. En este sentido cada caso es único: tiene sus propias normas específicas vulneradas, sus propios atenuantes de la acción desviada, distintas reputaciones en juego, tanto del lado acusador como del lado sospechado, tiene sus propios repertorios discursivos, se dan dentro de un determinado marco político y cultural particular, generan sus propias crisis o escándalos derivados, y se resuelven con estigmatizaciones particulares, en función de las reputaciones, las etiquetaciones y las estrategias en juego. Es decir, cada escándalo político tiene sus propias particularidades que los hacen únicos. A pesar de tener siempre un marco estructurante que nos permite hablar de un fenómeno comunicacional diferenciado.
La reconstrucción de los escándalos como “casos” permite recuperar la estructura del proceso de escandalización y analizar las estrategias comunicativas implementadas por los actores políticos.

Globalizing Race explores how intersections between French antisemitism and imperialism shaped the development of European racial thought. Ranging from the African misadventures of the antisemitic Marquis de Morès to the Parisian novels and newspapers of late nineteenth-century professional antisemites, Dorian Bell argues that France’s colonial expansion helped antisemitism take its modern, racializing form—and that, conversely, antisemitism influenced the elaboration of the imperial project itself.

Globalizing Race radiates from France to place authors like Guy de Maupassant and Émile Zola into sustained relation with thinkers from across the ideological spectrum, including Hannah Arendt, Friedrich Nietzsche, Frantz Fanon, Karl Marx, Max Horkheimer, and Theodor Adorno. Engaging with what has been called the “spatial turn” in social theory, the book offers new tools for thinking about how racisms interact across space and time. Among these is what Bell calls racial scalarity. Race, Bell argues, did not just become globalized when European racism and antisemitism accompanied imperial penetration into the farthest reaches of the world. Rather, race became most thoroughly global as a method for constructing and negotiating the different scales (national, global, etc.) necessary for the development of imperial capitalism.

As France, Europe, and the world confront a rising tide of antisemitism and Islamophobia, Globalizing Race also brings into fascinating focus how present-day French responses to Muslim antisemitism hark back to older, problematic modes of representing the European colonial periphery.

This study analyses the mediation and mediatisation of the Cole Inquiry, formally known as the Inquiry into certain Australian companies in relation to the UN Oil-for-Food Programme, which investigated whether breaches of United Nations’ trade
sanctions by Australia’s monopoly wheat exporter, AWB Limited, broke any Australian law. This thesis explores how a political “framing war” over responsibility for the scandal impacted on media coverage of the Cole Inquiry.
Using news-framing theory and qualitative methods this thesis investigates how the Inquiry was reported, how legal and political communicators influenced news reportage and in turn how the media influenced the presentation of the Inquiry process. The study draws on expert interviews, news-framing and transcript analyses, and a case study to document and analyse interactions between the media, lawyers, and others with a stake in shaping public perceptions of the Cole Inquiry.
The study finds that media representations of the Inquiry were not just accurate accounts of legal process, but a co-production involving legal performers, strategic communications professionals, politicians and journalists. The research illustrates that journalists’ professional practices respond to legal process and are shaped by legal communications. It indicates that lawyers appearing at the Inquiry can be seen as performing for the media and reacting to media coverage. It extends research on the role of court information officers as a “bridge” between lawyers and journalists, indicating how such internal strategic communications professionals might also function as frame sponsors. A case study concludes that externally sponsored source material from politicians and political strategists had a marked impact on news journalists’ framing of the Cole Inquiry.
In analysing the extent of the Cole Inquiry’s mediatisation, this research develops a more nuanced understanding of the differences between legal and media interpretations of public hearings than has previously emerged from journalism and
media studies of political scandals. It presents a complex account of the ways in which legal and political frame sponsors can influence the way journalists shape the
“truth” of legal process for the public.

Παίρνοντας αφορμή από το «σκάνδαλο Simens», το άρθρο επανεξετάζει ένα από τα πλέον αμφιλεγόμενα ζητήματα των ποινικών επιστημών, το δόκιμο θεσμοθέτησης της ποινικής ευθύνης οργανώσεων ή νομικών προσώπων, κατά τη νομική ορολογία. Ειδικότερα, αφού καταγραφούν τα πολιτικά και δικαστικά συγκείμενά του «σκανδάλου Simens», παρουσιάζονται ευσύνοπτα τα βασικά σημεία της αρνητικής θέσης της κλασικής ποινικής δογματικής. Στη συνέχεια επιχειρείται η ανάδειξη του παρωχημένου αυτής της θέσης σε επιστημολογικό και πραγματολογικό επίπεδο αφενός μέσω της αναφοράς στο ρόλο των οργανώσεων στη σύγχρονη κοινωνική δομή και ανάλυση και αφετέρου μέσω της παρουσίασης της εγκληματολογικής θεωρίας για την «οργανωσιακή παρέκκλιση». Υπό το φως αυτών των νεότερων προσεγγίσεων, υποστηρίζεται ότι η απουσία αυτοτελούς αντιμετώπισης των οργανώσεων ως φορέων εγκληματικής δράσης (παράλληλα και σωρευτικά με την πρόβλεψη ατομικής ποινικής ευθύνης των φυσικών προσώπων-δραστών που υλοποιούν την οργανωσιακή δράση) συνεπάγεται την ελλιπή απεικόνιση της κοινωνικής πραγματικότητας στον ποινικό δικανικό λόγο, που με τη σειρά του εκλαμβάνεται πλέον ως δυσβάσταχτο κανονιστικό έλλειμμα.

The aim of this paper is to compare three outstanding media scandals cases produced through two kind of leaks: from official sources and from anonymous citizens. A new leaks journalism has surfaced. Enormous databases are entrusted to the media by anonymous citizens using the technology. It works as a Network Fourth Power opposed to mainstream leaks journalism, which come into media scandals used as a political weapons. The main purpose is to analyze the relevance that one kind of scandal and the other is given by the national presses.

Monumental films strongly shape our image of the ancient world today. Shortly after the emergence of cinematic art, Ancient Egypt also became the subject of cinematic works. As with the Roman film, the decisive story plots and motifs were still being developed in the silent film era and have had a significant influence on subsequent generations of films. The book examines the visual language, plot concepts and costumes of the most expensive film genre. An extensive list of films is analysed and related to contemporary findings on the dress and jewellery of Ancient Egypt.
ASIN: ‎ B0BN4SN21K
https://www.amazon.de/dp/B0BN4SN21K/

First of all we wish to reveal certain universally-structuralist qualities, same as culturally-relative features of scandals and their mediation in a non-Western society. Secondly, we will illuminate how the mass media take active part in processing political issues in Japan, where as anywhere else in the media-saturated modern industrial world politicians significantly depend on the media (and vice versa); where political live shows and news programs – including scandals – became an important force, at times driving public sentiment while eventually generating support for opposition; and where wealth and its surplus is inevitably tied to a higher potential to grasp and secure power. We will then proceed to the main part of the paper, where we focus more closely on Japanese political scandals whereby preparing theoretical ground for a discourse analysis in the scandal case study of Ozawa Ichirō – one of the most powerful political heavyweights, and simultaneously one of the epitomes of political corruption in Japan. 1 In our endeavor we were motivated by the fact that there exists plethora of literature on scandals in the west, but a detailed media discourse analysis of Japanese scandals is still lacking in academia worldwide.

Questo paper esplora tre fra i più famosi e significativi scandali riguardanti la privacy della storia americana: il Watergate, il Sexgate e il Datagate. Di questi fenomeni viene analizzato lo sviluppo, alcune testimonianze dei protagonisti e le ripercussioni che gravano sull’ambiente nel quale questi hanno luogo. La scelta ricade su tale argomento poiché l’intento è quello di dimostrare come un sistema democratico come quello statunitense, dal quale nasce il concetto di privacy stesso attraverso gli scritti di Warren e Brandeis, non sia effettivamente in grado di provvedere alla mera tutela di questo diritto fondamentale. Spesso infatti, le istituzioni e le organizzazioni deputate al controllo ed al rispetto della privacy sono state responsabili di importanti strumentalizzazioni finalizzate ad ottenere informazioni riservate. In questo scenario si delineano aspetti contrapposti: da una parte possono essere portate a galla vicende che, proprio attraverso una prevaricazione della sfera privata, sono diventate di dominio pubblico smascherando gli illeciti (vedi Watergate); mentre, d’altro canto, è opportuno considerare che la continua intrusione nella vita privata della persone rischia di portare ad una perdita di fiducia dei cittadini nei confronti degli organi dello stato.

ENGLISH (French below):
This paper investigates the main features of media scandal in contemporary Japan. This is important because it can add a fresh interdisciplinary direction in the fields of media studies, journalism, and Japanese philology. Furthermore, the sources from the mainstream media, semi-mainstream tabloids and foreign press were examined vie the lens of neofunctionalism where scandal is approached as a social performance between ritual (motivated expressive behavior) and strategy (conscious strategic action). Moreover, this research illuminates the logic behind the scandal mediation process in Japan, including the performances of both the journalists and the non-media actors, who become decisive for the development of every media scandal. In other words, the social drama of a scandal (and its construction as media event) represents a heterogeneous assemblage of various associated actors that together form a complex " scandal network " depending on their ideological and commercial leanings.

Cet article aborde des traits essentiels des affaires médiatiques dans le Japon contemporain. Il s'agit d'une étude interdisciplinaire qui enrichit non seulement le discours des sciences de médias et du journalisme, mais aussi la pholologie japonaise. L'inspiration théorique s'appuie sur la conception néo-fonctionnaliste du scandale en tant que performance sociale située à la limite du « rituel » (la conduite expressive à la motivation socioculturelle) et de la « stratégie » (une action stratégique délibéreée).

Der politische Skandal ist ein mediales Ereignis, das die öffentliche Aufmerksamkeit auf die Politik lenkt. Diese Aufmerksamkeit ist jedoch zwiespältig zu bewerten. Einerseits bezieht der Skandal auch die Bürger/-innen ein, die sonst wenig an der Politik interessiert sind, und bietet ihnen die seltene Gelegenheit der politischen Teilhabe. Andererseits haben die Bürger/-innen jedoch kaum Möglichkeiten, den Verlauf des Skandals tatsächlich zu beeinflussen, weswegen ihre Teilnahme eher symbolisch bleibt (Bösch 2006; Hondrich 1992; Neckel 1989a; Schmitz 1981). Nicht selten wird in der Soziologie auch der Skandal selbst als eine Inszenierung verstanden, die keine politischen Veränderungen bewirkt, sondern ganz im Gegenteil, den auf das politische System gerichteten Zorn auf eine politische Persönlichkeit lenkt oder auf ein einziges Ereignis konzentriert, und damit diesen Zorn kanalisiert und das System stabilisiert (Bredow 1992; Schütze 1992). Die Inszenierung muss jedoch dramatisch dargestellt werden, um alle Bürger/-innen, auch diejenigen, die wenig politisch ausgebildet sind, emotional einzubeziehen (zum Beispiel Käsler 1989: 324). Diese emotionale Vereinnahmung scheint für den Skandal unabdingbar zu sein, bleibt jedoch in der Skandalforschung weitaus untertheoretisiert. Das Ziel dieses Beitrags ist es, die Rolle der Emotionen im politischen Skandal zu präzisieren.

El presente trabajo busca reflexionar sobre el rol de los escándalos en el espacio público político. Analizar las funciones que cumplen los procesos de escandalización en las democracias amplificadas implica discutir la legitimidad del poder y del ethos democrático de las sociedades liberales y representativas.
Los recelos académicos a estudiar fenómenos comunicacionales extra-institucionales no hacen más que ensanchar el desconocimiento sobre los procesos de construcción de la legitimidad institucional. Los escándalos son procesos sociales de corta duración en los medios, pero que sin embargo acarran profundas consecuencias en la formación de la ciudadanía política y en las instituciones democráticas.
En América Latina, han servido de prologo a crisis políticas que llevaron incluso al quiebre institucional. La crisis argentina del 2001 puede ser entendida como el agotamiento de la opinión pública ante múltiples escándalos sin atribución de responsabilidad concreta, que el sistema político no pudo, no quiso o no lo dejaron aprender y reformarse para evitar que volvieran a ocurrir.
Mientras las funciones negativas de los escándalos hacia las reputaciones
individuales y los prestigios institucionales han sido ampliamente estudiadas, no se han analizado las funciones positivas que cumplen los escándalos en el sistema político por medio del reforzamiento de la cohesión social y del restablecimiento del vínculo de reciprocidad entre representantes y representados.
Finalmente, se analizaran las funciones que han cumplido los escándalos en la Argentina, dada la cultura política y la relación de los medios de comunicación masiva con el sistema político desde el gobierno de Carlos Menem hasta el de Cristina Fernández.

Este livro oferece ao leitor uma análise sistemática do fenómeno do escândalo político, ao mesmo tempo que procura realizar um questionamento crítico da esfera pública contemporânea. Apesar da proliferação de escândalos mediáticos marcar a actualidade informativa e a vida pública hodierna, não existem muitos trabalhos aprofundados sobre o tema. Com efeito, intenta-se problematizar o objecto de estudo colocando em relação as peculiaridades do campo dos media com as peculiaridades da esfera política, observando a espectacular mediatização do campo político, a iluminação da sua opacidade, as estratégias de visibilidade e de representação plebiscitária e, inclusive, a invasão da vida pública pela expansão do privado. A ilustração empírica sobre o caso Face Oculta pretende demonstrar como, muitas vezes, o jornalismo converte o acontecimento numa narrativa dramática com personagens, episódios principais e secundários, efeitos de real e efeitos poéticos ou estéticos. Destina-se aos estudiosos das Ciências da Comunicação, particularmente de Jornalismo e Comunicação Política.

This article uses new data to assess the impact of the Office of Congressional Ethics, established in 2009, to investigate ethical misconduct by members of the U.S. House of Representatives. A comparison of the 6 years immediately before reform (2003–2008) and the 6 years immediately after reform (2009–2014) reveals that the number of scandals actually increased by 60% after reform. Although the number of members investigated for malfeasance increased by 220%, the number of members sanctioned remained constant. However well-intentioned the reforms, they failed to stem the tide of scandal because they did not modify members’ incentives. Ironically,
the reforms may have contributed to public dissatisfaction with Congress by publicizing investigations of members of Congress.

Los escándalos tienen la capacidad de modificar la composición del campo político, excluyendo del mismo a aquellos actores que no respetaron las reglas del juego político. En tal sentido, se puede afirmar que los escándalos tendrían la capacidad de activar los mecanismos de accountability, a través de cuyo ejercicio se busca garantizar que los actores encargados de administrar el poder lo ejerzan en respeto de los intereses de los ciudadanos, otorgando herramientas para sancionar a aquellos que transgreden los principios del interés público sobre el cual descansa la legitimidad de su autoridad. La presente tesis analiza la relación entre los escándalos políticos mediáticos y la activación de la accountability, especialmente cuando los mecanismos tradicionales de la misma registran serias debilidades o se resisten a ejercer su función, son laxas ante el abuso de poder o el mal ejercicio del mismo. El análisis, por tanto, se centrará en la acctivación de mecanismos sociales de accountability -también conocido como accountability social-, es decir, de aquellas formas de control vertical no electoral del estado, que se activan a través de la intervención de grupos sociales, colectivos, ONGs y periodistas. El caso estudiado es el de los llamados CNM Audios, el escándalo mediático provocado por la revelación mediática, en julio y agosto de 2018, de más de 200 audios que registraron conversaciones entre jueces supremos y superiores, fiscales, consejeros del CNM, empresarios, congresistas, abogados, entre otros, en las que se negociaba sentencias, se fijaban sobornos, se acordaba reducción de penas y se coordinaba acciones para ratificar magistrados y conseguir que solo 'gente de confianza' ocupen los principales cargos en diversas instancias del sistema judicial, principalmente, en el Consejo Nacional de la Magistratura.

Scandals have the capability of modifying the composition of the political field, excluding those actors who did not respect the rules of the political game. In this sense, it can be stated that scandals would have the ability to activate accountability mechanisms whose exercise guarantee that the actors in charge of administering power exercise it with due regard to the interests of the citizens and granting the tools that would sanction those who violate the principles of public interest upon which the legitimacy of their authority rests. This thesis analyzes the relationship between media coverage of political scandals and the activation of accountability, especially when traditional mechanisms register serious weaknesses or register some resistance in exercising their function, showing 'tolerance' to concrete expressions of power abuse. The analysis will therefore focus on the activation of social accountability mechanisms -also known as social accountability-, which are all forms of vertical non-electoral control of the state that are activated through the intervention of social groups, organizations, NGOs and journalists. The case studied is that of the so-called CNM Audios, the media scandal caused by the media disclosure, in July and August of 2018, of more than 200 audios that recorded conversations between Peruvian supreme and superior judges, prosecutors, counselors of the National Council of the Magistracy (CNM) (Peru's judicial appointment body), businessmen, congressmen, lawyers, among others, in which sentences were negotiated, bribes were fixed, reduction of penalties were agreed on and actions were coordinated to ratify judges and ensure that only 'trusted people' occupied the main positions in various instances of the judicial system, mainly, in the CNM.

O seguinte ensaio procura analisar a reconfiguração e reconstrução social do fenómeno do escândalo político nos media. Procuraremos indagar aspectos da comunicação mediatizada que convertem o escândalo num acontecimento seleccionado, enquadrado e moldado pelo dispositivo mediático de informação. A primeira parte do artigo refere-se a um esforço teórico sobre a conceptualização do escândalo político. Posteriormente, aludimos acerca do papel dos media na reconfiguração narrativa do acontecimento e na utilização de recursos linguísticos, retóricos e expressivos inerentes ao escândalo enquanto artefacto mediático. Palavras-chave: escândalo político; personalização; efeitos de sentido.
Abstract

The following essay seeks to analyze the media reconstruction and the social representation of the political scandal as a media event. We will examine aspects of the media communication that convert scandal into a media event, that is, into a selected event, framed and constructed by the media. The first part of this research amount to a theorizing effort about political scandal. The empirical illustration will seek to assess the use of linguistic, rhetorical and significant resources inherent to scandal as a media artifact.

La comunicación de crisis supone hacer frente a un proceso de incertidumbre y de confrontación sobre la validez de las normas y de los valores que regulan el juego político.
La discusión sobre esas normas y valores es un proceso mediático que adopta la forma del escándalo o de la polémica. Mientras los primeros son un mecanismo de control social hacia los políticos, las polémicas son una propuesta de cambio de los políticos a la sociedad.  En los escándalos se busca restaurar el valor de la norma, mientras que en las polémicas se busca legitimar la transgresión poniendo en evidencia el agotamiento de la normativa y propiciando el cambio social.
Ambos procesos comunicacionales ocupan en la actualidad, un lugar central en la agenda pública mediática. El discurso periodístico tiende a considerarlos como una degradación de la calidad del debate político y centran en ellos sus críticas hacia el sistema político. Tienden de este modo, a generar un clima de sobre-escandalización, potenciando las actitudes anti-políticas, la apatía y la distancia entre la ciudadanía y los políticos (Heredia, Juan  Mora y Rodríguez Guillén, Raúl; 2004).
En el presente trabajo se analizarán las características y funciones que ambos procesos de asignación de valores tienen en la comunicación política; así como las estrategias discursivas que los actores políticos (según estos sean oficialismo u oposición) despliegan para imponen sus propias jerarquía de valores al resto de la sociedad. A partir de ejemplos de  la realidad política argentina contemporánea se analizarán las características de estos procesos comunicacionales en la agenda público – política.

All political scandals trigger discussions of trust, but in a competitive commercial media climate, both important and minor legal offences and moral transgressions are regularly treated as scandalous media events. Today, actors in social media and mainstream media organizations can collaborate on cases that might develop into scandal news. In this article, which is based on an analysis of 101 political scandals in Denmark, Finland, Norway, and Sweden from 2010 to 2016-and a study of political scandals in the wake of the #MeToo movement in 2017-2018-we show that mediated scandals have become a standard feature of political life in Nordic countries. Compared with earlier decades, there has been an exponential rise in the number of scandals; at the same time, the rate of resignations and dismissals following scandals is lower than before. Offences related to economic affairs, including corruption, and personal behavior scandals, such as accusations of sexual harassment, constitute the most prominent scandal types. However, regarding sexually related behavior scandals, there are interesting differences between the Nordic countries.

This article examines how similar are the ex-president of US, Richard Nixon, and the Colombian ex-president Alvaro Uribe. They had not only a similar reelection campaign, but also a similar scandal related to call interceptions. These two leaders also have similar personalities, strengths, and behavior. How was the role of mass media and justice in both cases?

À partir d'une étude sur le rapport des électeurs levalloisiens aux « affaires » touchant Patrick Balkany (maire de la ville de 1983 à 1995, réélu en 2001), cet article revient sur l'hypothèse d'une influence de l'ancienneté de résidence dans les formes du jugement moral exprimées à propos de pratiques politiques locales. Il révèle trois évolutions, contemporaines les unes des autres: une évolution des modes d'habiter, qui marque le début d'une politique urbaine volontariste (aux anciens habitants du Levallois-Perret populaire des « passages » se substitue une nouvelle population d'un espace urbain devenu résidentiel); une évolution parallèle des formes et représentations des pratiques clientélistes (à la mise en valeur des relations de proche en proche par la municipalité précédente se substitue une politique tournée vers la figure économique d'un « résidant rationnel »); une évolution, enfin, des formes du jugement moral mobilisées par les électeurs pour traiter des « affaires » (à une condamnation civique des pratiques faisant avantage aux proches, se substituent des formes plus complexes, prenant appui sur des sources diversifiées, des plus générales et civiques aux plus contextualisées). En mettant en avant la pluralité des gestes critiques auxquels engagent ces formes complexes, on entend contribuer ici à relativiser les discours sur la perte du sens civique des électeurs (notamment des couches populaires) mobilisés par les médias lors de la réélection de P. Balkany en 2001.

In this paper, I seek to advance blame avoidance scholarship by introducing to its analytical toolbox useful conceptual instruments from linguistically informed discourse studies. Based on a multidisciplinary literature review, I show how the discursive study of policy-related blame games is situated within the wider scholarship dealing with a variety of blame phenomena.
I provide an inventory of the micro-level building blocks of blame games: discursive strategies of persuasion, and narratives of cause, failure, and scandal. I suggest that by treating government blame games as mediated 'language games', policy scholars can complement the analysis of various political variables traditionally discussed in policy literature with detailed understanding of the micro-politics of presentational blame avoidance.

American Presidents Richard Nixon and Bill Clinton are perhaps two of the more unique studies in modern day political leadership. Although many people remember them for their scandal-ridden terms in office; their combined records show that they were both well versed in international relations and as a result able to execute many foreign policy victories for the United States. With Nixon’s tenacious and often bull like demeanor, and Clinton’s ability to smooth talk even the toughest individuals into submission, these Presidents influenced nation states abroad through contrasting means. Perhaps two of the most perplexing leaders this nation has seen in high office, their impeachable antics domestically proved all but irrelevant when garnering American support from the far-reaching corners of the world.

This paper departs from recent work on South Korean film noir, which has focused on films from the 1950s and 1960s (e.g. Kim 2015), critiqued western classifications of Korean noir (Martin 2015), and positioned Korean noir’s extreme violence as a reaction to Hollywood film noir (Teo 2014). The paper addresses contemporary Korean ‘neoliberal noirs’ to explore the way crime film responds when its conspiracies manifest in real life political scandals. On 9th December 2016, South Korean president, Park Geun-hye, was impeached for corruption. Her administration also sought to control cultural production through an extensive blacklist of oppositional cultural figures. This paper examines crime films produced in the wake of these scandals: A Violent Prosecutor (2016), Asura: City of Madness (2016), The King (2017), The Prison (2017), The Merciless (2017), Fifth Column (2018), and the TV drama, Bad Guys, Vile City (2016). Drawing on Rick Altman’s model of genre (1999), the paper traces the social contradictions at stake in the neoliberal noir. It argues that these films are significant because they position public officials as neoliberal subjects enmeshed within conflicts between state law, traditional values (such as gangland loyalty), and corrupt neoliberal individualism. While Joelle Collier suggests (2007) that East Asian gangster noirs critique traditions of Confucian patriarchy, this paper argues that recent Korean neoliberal noirs address corruptions of the network modalities of Korean modernity. It suggests that in depicting political and corporate corruption directly, rather than through noiresque allegory, these films serve the social function of mediating a socio-political reality already rent by scandal. The paper concludes that the figure of the prosecutor/investigator protagonist is pivotal to the neoliberal noir in three ways: His investigatory skills are required to negotiate the murky conspiracies that underlie superficial reality, and while his alienation critiques the fragmentation of the state apparatus, his status as agent of the law facilitates ideological resolution in the restoration of justice predicated on state law.

For Jacques Rancière the ‘politics of aesthetics’ resides in what is made visible, and what is hidden. This paper explores the values and ideas that the government of South Korean president, Park Geun-hye, attempted to silence and remove from public visibility. It presents a critical thematic analysis of films and documentaries some of the 49 film directors placed on the government’s black list. These include Chang Joon-Hwan (1987 2017), Choi Seung-ho (Spy Nation 2016, Criminal Conspiracy 2017), Woo-seok Yang (The Attorney 2013), Chung Ji Young (National Security 2012, Unbowed 2011), Park Hoon-jung (New World 2013), and Lee Chang-Dong (Secret Sunshine 2007). The paper reveals a nexus of atheist, queer, and left wing values that were to be removed form visibility, and sheds light on the contours of the political criticism and allegory feared by the Park regime.  Ultimately, the paper raises questions about the perceived political power of commercial feature films and the ways governments may attempt to control cultural messages even in democratic societies.

Wilhelm II, the last German emperor, was arguably one of the most if not the most prominent of the European monarchs around 1900. In many ways he came to define what a media monarch had to look like as he skillfully - though hardly consciously - defined modern and anachronistic features to a new form of monarchic personae. The relatively strong political position the monarchy in Germany still enjoyed, contributed to this ambivalent success story. But it would be insufficient to interpret the rise of the Wilhelmine media monarchy as an exclusively or predominantly German story. In repositioning the monarchy in the age of mass media Wilhelm II reacted to challenges at home as much as abroad. He closely followed what his colleagues and contenders in St. Petersburg or London did to endue their rule with new mediated legitimacy – and his highly controversial new interpretation of the monarchic office formed an important reference point throughout the dynastic world. The article places the rise of the media monarch Wilhelm II in a transnational, European context on three levels: First, it analyzes the structures which turned the monarchy, and a monarch such as Wilhelm II specifically, into a favorite topic of the emerging mass media. These structures were hardly specific to Germany but with differing nuances to be found throughout Europe. Second, the article looks for examples for Wilhelm II attempts to charismerize the monarchy in other European countries (Napoleon III) – which then more or less unconsciously influenced the German case. Third, the article focuses on the perception of the specific ‘brand’ Wilhelm II came to personify in other European countries. This will not mean to look at specific actions, speeches or events the Kaiser was involved in but rather the concept of ‘Wilhelmine monarchy‘ as such. In stressing the media dimension of the modernized monarchies the article explains what could be called the comeback of the monarchy in the decades before 1900. The monarchy could build intense media presence on its unique combination of tradition and visibility. The article asks in how far this translated into media-generated political expectations. For example, new options for a direct communication between the royal ruler and the people obsessed the public. Participation via the media, it seemed, could offer a means to adapt the most traditional of all political institutions to the needs of modernity. Against this background the paper will discuss if the media rather intensified or leveled differences between parliamentarian and mere constitutional monarchies but also in how far a nationally defined public came to summon around the monarchy vis-à-vis other countries.

Siguiendo los ejes del presente libro, haré énfasis en las estrategias de las ong y las víctimas para denunciar las violaciones de derechos humanos, y los factores que permitieron que las exigencias en el nivel nacional e internacional por justicia frente a las ejecuciones extrajudiciales se hicieran más fuertes. Mi argumento principal es que la histórica capacidad de producción de información y conocimiento por parte de las ong nacionales de derechos humanos y su interrelación con las víctimas permitió que se fortalecieran las denuncias y, a pesar de la compleja y tensa relación que existe entre la defensa de los derechos humanos y los medios de comunicación en Colombia, se construyera el caso de los “falsos positivos” como un escándalo político difícil de evadir. Frente a las resistencias de los gobiernos,que se dirigieron a negar las violaciones, el posicionamiento mediático nacional e internacional de “los falsos positivos” permitió difundir un marco de denuncias que trascendió el discurso oficial.