Mafia

my theme is the question is there a US death squad?  I write about CIA assassination of honestly elected foreign leaders and of course the North American mafia make war against other families over territory.  I limit my list to only those cases with hard evidence or someone was scheduled to testify in court , at a grand jury, or at a Congressional investigative committee.

This book is 480 pages proving that the CIA and the Joint Chiefs of Staff plotted to kill JFK based on some 50 years of dedicated research by many authors and declassified files.  It is about the continuation of CIA’s political warfare and the assassination operations and CIA working with the North American mafia.  It is an edition as of Nov. 2019.

This book is 260 pages long and I include a table of organization of the US military intelligence and the OSS and its behind the lines commando operations.  I focus some on the developing of US signals intelligence and military history that has been declassified, but I think is still censored in our high school history books regarding US war crimes and etc.  I have been adding to this book over the years since the last time I published in on Academia.edu and this is edition as of Nov. 2019.  research.

I tried to put US and associated world history into 150 pages.  I try to focus on the US history that I assume may be unknown or not taught in a big way in our schools or broadcast on TV or is being censored.  I have been adding to this book over the years that I have been researching for  my other seven or eight US history books by this title.  Those other books are divided based on who was President of the United States starting with FDR and so far I am now working on the President Ford years, but have not finished it yet.

In 2008 Tobias Jones published the nonfiction exposé The Dark Heart of Italy. Jones was a fan of the country and went to live there hoping to find a pastoral idyll. Instead, he found a nation that disturbed him profoundly so he chronicled Italy’s paranoia over domestic terrorism and unbridled corruption, its rampant crime and seemingly impotent justice system, its seedy underworld and the hidden, and not so hidden, collusion between politics, business, organized crime, and the church. The book made for uncomfortable reading. Mixed in with the grand history, inimitable sense of style, and the fantastic cuisine was a world of murder, violence, and really bad television. Jones’s Italy was certainly not la dolce vita. - See more at: http://thelifesentence.net/book/dissecting-italys-dark-heart-tobias-jones-101/#sthash.2Iqy1PlI.dpuf

Sommario: 1. Introduzione.-2. Dalla Banda della Magliana a Mafia Capitale: transizione del crimine organizzato a Roma.-3. L'art. 416-bis c.p. e i parame-tri caratterizzanti del metodo mafioso.-4. Il metodo mafioso nel "mondo di sopra" e nel "mondo di sotto".-5. Mafia Capitale al vaglio della giurispruden-za e valutazioni conclusive.

This article proposes a movement between two sorts of dependency in the secretive bonds of violent men. The first forges an interdependent set of relations between mafia men, independent of the state; the second arises as a dependency of these former mafiosi on the state in order to break the interdependencies that formerly made them as mafia men. In this ethnographic and oral history narrative, we first witness a dyadic, homosocial relation between two violent men that forges a masculinised interdependence binding the protagonists of this story together as they share a secret. We then encounter the break-up of this interdependency amid local moral outrage over betrayal and violence, and its substitution by a strong dependence on the state. Through a microsociology that delves into a history of relations, the article thus shows how the subjects of this story shift from one set of dependencies to another. The essay critically revisits discussions of dependency, especially on the state, underscoring the missing element of dependency in the making and breaking of bonds in a secretive male brotherhood.

Through the use of dream sequences and non-linear temporalities, The Sopranos illustrates the primary tension between Italian cultural roots and assimilation into American culture that ultimately defines a contemporary diasporic consciousness of Italian Americans today. To be Italian-American is to be caught between strong links to the homeland and morality, tempered a persistent lack of economic opportunity in the United States post-immigration. This lack of opportunity frames the diasporic struggle. How does a white body become “American” when immigrants must start at a disadvantage, through Tony, we see this as not being “white enough.”  He longs a return to Italy for a simplicity that never was, perhaps he knows that deep down, yet in the end he remains ambivalent. Has he assimilated? Can anyone ever assimilate?

This chapter contributes to building a diverse, non-capitalocentric economic vocabulary by making visible concrete entrepreneurial practices that are involved in fighting criminal economies. Although they do not fit into the dominant representation of the "Economy", that is, as including all those "productive" activities that result in waged labour for a capitalist firm, both mafia and anti-mafia represent one of the many ways people organise to survive. After introducing some of the fundamental characteristics of mafia enterprise, I delve into three prime strategies that are being effectively deployed to counter mafia enterprises in the Italian context. The themes I address are property, labour, and communication. The contribution seeks not to carry out detailed analyses, but rather to map out the core elements of these economies that may be of use to different contexts around the world in countering organized crime.

There is a significant gap in English literature concerning antimafia research. Some books have been written but, until now, only one research article could be found studying civil society in the fight against the Mafia. This gap was an impetus to set up a qualitative research project. The main goal is to gain an understanding of antimafia NGOs and their members. The literature review focused on three aspects: the Mafia concept, the antimafia movement and social movements. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with members from antimafia organisations Libera, Addiopizzo and Rita Atria. There was also an interview conducted with Mafia and antimafia expert Umberto Santino. Due to the lack of literature, this study is exploratory and its results are rather descriptive. A first research question focused on what “antimafia” means to antimafia NGO members, while taking into account motivation, goals and the meaning that they allocate to their experiences in the antimafia movement. It was clear from the analysis that a broad understanding is allocated to antimafia. This movement is not just about fighting the Mafia; it is about creating a better and more civilised society. The second research question tackled organisational aspects ofantimafia NGOs. This question analysed goals, activities and the modus operandi of the organisations. All organisations have different goals, activities and modus operandi, but they have an important aspect in common: they want to create a society, free from Mafia dominion in which young people and school-aged children are the primary focus. This research question also considered what kind of movement the antimafia movement is, referring to the scientific literature on social movements. The answer to that question is not unambiguous; the antimafia movement is a unique movement to which aspects of different definitions of social movements are applicable. The third research question examined the impact of antimafia NGOs, the antimafia movement in general as perceived by their members as well as their opinions of antimafia state policy. The perceived impact is experienced at different levels. First, there is the impact of organisations through organised activities. There is also a general impact, which members refer to as a change in mentality and culture. The Mafia is no longer a taboo idea and nowadays, people are less afraid to rebel against it. Lastly, antimafia state policy is perceived as insufficient due to a lack of coherence in the government.

The Master of every infrastructure, a monument to the waste of resources and land consumption, dream of omnipotence of an inept and parasitical political class. This is the bridge over the Strait of Messina, the "ecological monsters" whose construction should start by the end of next year, and has already broken all the records: It is in fact the most expensive project in the history of public infrastructures, the slowest ever to be conceived, the one requiring the biggest quantity of cement and concrete; finally, it will have the longest single span in the world: 3,360 meters, that is, 1,400 more than the technological Japanese "jewel" Akashi Kaikyo. In the enchanting scenery of Scylla and Charybdis, the mythological monsters praised by Homer, two towers made of concrete and steel, 398 meters high, each formed by two piers over 50 feet in diameter, supported by four steel rods for a total weight of 166,600 tons, should be built. The volume of the foundations will be, in Sicily, of 86,000 cubic meters, while in Calabria of 72,000. In addition to the bridge itself, 40 km of road links and railways (a 2 km viaduct and a 20.6 km tunnel), mega-landfills, quarries, and connecting structures will be built. The project will involve vast territorial areas in the provinces of Messina and Reggio Calabria: The extension of the areas touched by the project amounts to 514,000 square meters, to which should be added the landfill sites, placed up to 50 km from the infrastructure, for a total of 764,500 square meters.

In my study I deal with the analysis of the 9th century mafia and organized crime concept. In my view, the integration efforts of the Arab conquest can be found in the concepts of organized crime today, which I examined in relation to the Arab clans operating in the German country, with particular reference to the quantitative performance of mathematical relative frequency calculations.

Kewords: organized crime, mafia, statistics, Arab clans, Germany

Marcello Ravveduto applica il metodo della Public History per analizzare la moderna mitopoiesi mafiosa attraverso i nuovi mezzi di comunicazione: «non possiamo ignorare che i new media hanno ridefinito gli orizzonti spaziali e temporali; hanno contribuito a ricodificare l’immaginario collettivo, mutando il nostro rapporto con la realtà». Dalla nascita della letteratura di genere fino ai mafia movie, passando per le serie televisive, la musica neomelodica, i social network e il made in mafia nella moda e nella cucina, Ravveduto esamina l’immaginario mafioso ben oltre quello delle stragi e della violenza per il controllo del territorio. Una quantità inesauribile di stereotipi e immagini che travalica i confini locali e approda nelle pubblicità, nella musica, nei ristoranti. «Gli spettatori non conosceranno mai personalmente un mafioso, né lo incontreranno, eppure nella loro mente l’immagine delle mafie è più che reale».

Être criminel de profession, ce n’est pas facile tous les jours. Comment les malfaiteurs font-ils pour identifier les policiers infiltrés et éviter de s’associer à eux ? Et comment font-ils pour recruter des acolytes fiables, des truands qui ne risquent pas de les truander ?

What is the role of culture in establishing young people’s pathways into gang membership? Italian criminal organizations (COs) exhibit adherence to codes of honor and masculinity, important values in the context where they originated. Here it is proposed that the embedding of these values at an individual level may lessen young people’s group-based opposition to such organizations, and indirectly, create a space in which such organizations can persist and recruit. In a study of young Southern Italians (N = 176; Mage = 16.17), we found that those who endorsed ideological beliefs related to the honorableness of male violence reported lower intentions to engage in antimafia activities. Consistent with the hypothesized mechanisms, this relationship was mediated by more positive attitudes toward COs, and lower reported vicarious shame in relation to the activities of COs. Directions for future research and implications for research on gangs are discussed.

"Pio La Torre legislatore contro la mafia" per la prima volta presenta, insieme e in ordine cronologico, gli interventi e i discorsi parlamentari di Pio La Torre sulla questione mafiosa: dalle denunce forti e argomentate del sistema Lima-Ciancimino a Palermo, nei primi anni sessanta, quando La Torre era parlamentare all'Assemblea Regionale Siciliana, alla proposta delle norme di prevenzione e di repressione del fenomeno della mafia del marzo 1980, che avrebbe costituito l'asse portante dell'articolo 416-bis. Al centro di questo percorso si colloca la relazione di minoranza del 1976 alla Commissione parlamentare antimafia: un documento fondamentale, già relativamente noto, che però per la prima volta viene pubblicato completo degli allegati: una serie di rapporti compilati dalle strutture territoriali del PCI in Sicilia nella prima metà degli anni sessanta, in cui vengono esposti e documentati, in modo circostanziato, i riscontri oggettivi sulle collusioni politico-affaristico-mafiose nell’isola. Il libro, curato da Carlo Ruta, propone due ampie testimonianze, di Nicola Cipolla e di Emanuele Macaluso, dirigenti storici della Sinistra italiana, che sin dagli anni delle lotte contadine nel latifondo hanno militato a strettissimo contatto con Pio La Torre. Il libro comprende inoltre un intervento di Franco La Torre in forma di intervista sul complesso lavoro di meridionalista di Pio La Torre e le analisi di Ernesto Ugo Savona e Felia Allum sull’influenza che la legge ispirata dal dirigente politico italiano ha esercitato sulle legislazioni di altri paesi.

Il Decimo Rapporto annuale di "Sos Impresa", pubblicato il 22 ottobre 2007 in occasione dell'assemblea nazionale dell'associazione antiracket dall'eloquente sottotitolo "le mani della criminalità sulle imprese", pone per l'ennesima volta l'accento su un'emergenza che pesa come un macigno sull'economia e sulle opportunità di sviluppo civile di interi settori della società italiana.

Criminal organizations have a strong influence on social, political, and economic life in Italy and other parts of the world. Nonetheless, local populations display collective passivity against organized crime, a phenomenon known as omertà. Omertà is linked to the concepts of honor and masculinity. That is, in order to fit ideological constructions of manliness, individuals should display indifference toward illegal activities and should not collaborate with legal institutions. In two studies, we investigated the link between endorsement of a masculine honor ideology and collective action intentions against criminal organizations (antimafia). Study 1 (N = 121) involved a Northern Italian sample, and Study 2 (N = 301) involved a Southern Italian sample. Across studies, results showed that endorsement of masculine honor ideology was associated with lower willingness to engage in social activism against criminal organizations. This relationship was mediated by attitudes toward criminal organizations (Study 1 and 2) and, in line with the notion of omertà, by lower levels of collective motive and more anxiety about interacting with police (Study 2). Directions for future research are discussed.

publiziert in:

Global Research, 13.05.2020

https://www.globalresearch.ca/author/aidan-obrien

>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>
Liebe Mitbürger,

damit das mal klar ist: das Merkel-Regime ist eine kriminelle Organisation, um die BRD als (noch) funktionierenden Staat zu zerstören und in eine kapitalistengesteuerte 'Gesundheits'-Diktatur zu überführen. Ihr werdet dann zu Schäfchen werden, oder anders ausgedrückt, zu Sklaven!
Ihr könnt gerne weiterschlafen, aber beschwert Euch dann später nicht, niemand hätte Euch gewarnt!

Alex
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On March 30 Germany declared the important Lebanese political group, Hezbollah, to be a “terrorist” organization and banned it from German soil. By doing so it gratuitously increased the tension in the eastern Mediterranean and exposed Berlin’s lack of credibility on the world stage.
Is it really in Germany’s interest to destabilize a region that has already been crippled by multiple wars? On the surface Germany doesn’t appear to have a stake in the politics of Lebanon. Indeed, from whatever angle the situation is viewed from, Germany qua Germany doesn’t have a meaningful stake in Lebanon. Yet Berlin is assaulting the sovereignty of this small Mediterranean nation that means no harm.

Maraknya modus kejahatan di bidang ekonomi seakan tidak mempertimbangkan rasa kemanusiaan yang pada dasarnya merupakan natural characteristics yang menjadi dasar perbandingan dengan makhluk lainnya. Defisit moral dan etika profesi menjadi persoalan yang tiada habisnya untuk dikaji, begitu banyak pertanyaan di benak publik untuk berusaha meraba-raba pikiran oknum kartel yang pada dasarnya memiliki harta kekayaan yang jumlahnya tidak sedikit tetapi nampaknya masih merasa kekurangan di tengah kesulitan ekonomi pada masa Covid-19. Fenomena kelangkaan minyak goreng diikuti dengan penetapan tersangka kasus mafia kartel minyak goreng oleh kejaksaan republik Indonesia menstimulasi kembali untuk secara terus menerus memberikan label tidak baik pada tubuh pemerintah di bidang pengawasan. Kejahatan yang bersifat terstruktur, sistematis dan masif yang telah terungkap tersebut menjadi pekerjaan rumah para pelaku kekuasaan yang akan datang untuk memikirkan bagaimana mengembalikan kepercayaan publik terhadap setiap instansi pemerintah terkait.

Heroin, Organized Crime and the Making of Modern Turkey is a book on organized crime in Turkey with a historical approach that covers the period starting from the Ottoman Empire ending in the 1970s with a short elaboration of the contemporary era in the conclusion section. The author of the book, Ryan Gingeras, is an academic at the Naval Postgraduate School in the U.S.A.

Tematyka artykułu ogniskuje wokół transnarodowych sieci przestępczości zorganizowanej  i zagrożeń dla podmiotów państwowych przez nie generowanych. Artykuł składa się z trzech części analitycznych:
1) analizy porównawczej sieci przestępczości zorganizowanej z klasycznym mafijnym modelem hierarchicznym.
2) próby scharakteryzowania zagrożeń płynących ze strony współczesnych sieci przestępczości zorganizowanej
3) analizy wrażliwych punktów państw narodowych, które umożliwiają sieciom przestępczym skuteczne działanie.

With Nigerian organised crime groups operating in the heartland of the Sicilian mafia, Dr Anna Sergi examines these groups' activities and their relationship with Cosa Nostra. Key Points  The role of Nigerian criminal groups in Sicily was highlighted by the conviction of three members of the Black Axe group under laws designed to target mafia organisations in July 2016.  The greater role played by Nigerian criminal groups in Palermo does not indicate a weakening of the Sicilian Cosa Nostra mafia group in its traditional heartland.  Instead, Nigerian criminal groups are effectively acting under licence from Cosa Nostra, which is concentrating more of its operations in licit activities, and delegating other activities to the Nigerian groups.

«Esiste un esercito di insospettabili che lavora per le mafie, fatto di imprenditori, liberi professionisti, impiegati e funzionari dello Stato, ma anche di magistrati e di appartenenti alle forze dell’ordine.
Insomma, c’è chi nel proprio settore si piega per ragioni di convenienza a rapporti con le organizzazioni mafiose, mettendo a disposizione di esse il proprio know how specialistico»: così il procuratore aggiunto Michele Prestipino, coordinatore delle indagini su Mafia Capitale, che con Rosy Bindi, Giancarlo Caselli  e Rocco Sciarrone, tra gli altri, firma questi dialoghi sulle mafie nell’economia in Italia, da cui emerge che il prezzo di quegli affari criminali lo paga l’economia sana e, di conseguenza, la società intera. Non sono quindi solo affari loro, ma soprattutto nostri.

LandMark positivi per la gestione del Territorio nelle regioni della criminalità mafiosa. Per non ripetere il caso Calabria.

Il saggio, tende a far conoscere il sistema per ridurre i fattori di rischio urbano e rurale ed i possibili interventi urbanistici (LandMark positivi), tecnologici, amministrativi e di controllo del territorio.

In particolare, nel libro, si affronta il tema di come applicare il tema della Sicurezza urbana nelle regioni a forte presenza della criminalità organizzata (LandMark negativi), ammonendo gli altri territori regionali a scongiurare l'occupazione territoriale da parte della mafia. 

Per il "Caso Calabria" si riprende il concetto di Paesaggio, come bene comune primario e irrinunciabile dei cittadini, l'unico elemento che può salvare i territori dalla perdita di identità.

Innovazioni editoriali:
Traduzione in Cinese e Inglese, formato quadrato, libro illustrato (160 pag a colore, 200 foto), sintesi iniziale ai capitoli, approfondimenti free in Internet (QR code);

This paper examines the key period in the 1990s and 2000s when the Russian state was intensively and deeply shaped by tactics and personnel from the force services and organized crime. Violent practices, from threat-making to assassination to mass bombings, were drawn into the regime of Vladimir Putin as critical and permanent modes of state terror.

After nearly a hundred years of debate and analysis, the gang concept remains hotly contested within the social sciences. Once thought to be an exclusively American phenomenon, the study of gangs has become increasingly global over the last several decades. Countries from every world region have observed the emergence of gangs and gang-like groups. In some of these places, gangs resemble their American counterparts while in others they not only engage in  petty crime and drug trafficking but targeted assassinations, corruption of public officials, and racketeering as well. These activities make them less like the delinquent youth groups they were once conceived as and more akin to organized crime. In less stable and violent contexts still, gangs have even been incorporated into ethnic militias, rebel groups, and paramilitaries or have taken on a more vigilante ethos by combating violence and providing some semblance of order. The remarkable proliferation of the gang form over the last several decades and the incredible variation in the phenomenon across the globe requires a reassessment of the gang concept.
In the limited literature which focuses on the study of gangs cross-nationally, there have been several conceptualizations proposed. Some scholars have attempted to separate smaller street gangs from a variety of other related phenomena: prison gangs, drug gangs, and organized crime. They have done so by crafting a more restrictive concept. However, while separating street gangs from other criminal groups may make sense in the American or European context, it applies less well to other parts of the globe where such organizational forms have become thoroughly integrated thus blurring these traditional conceptual boundaries. On the other hand, some scholars have advocated for a conceptual framework which captures the transformative nature of gangs and encompasses any and all types of gangs and gang-like groups. Such an evolutionary framework fails, however, to distinguish between gangs and a huge variety of criminal and political non-state armed groups which share little in terms of their origins, motivations, or activities. The best conceptualization, this author argues, is a minimal one that incorporates gangs and many gang-like groups but avoids conceptual stretching to include virtually all non-state armed groups. Ultimately, contemporary scholars of gangs within any national context must be increasingly attentive to the global dimensions of the gang organizational form and the various overlapping and multi-faceted relationships they maintain with a variety of other  non-state armed groups.