Slacktivism

In this paper, I explore the concept of multitude according to the writings of Toni Negri, Michael Hardt and Paolo Virno and in opposition to the concept of mass, developed by the French thinker Gustave Le Bon.
Multitude appears as a kind of political subject, which is based on plurality, difference and cooperation. In addition, I claim that, though multitude effectively contributed to modify the current politics in
many countries, it has been more significant in the field of economics. The multitude has become a productive agent in the context of the cognitive capitalism (and what we have called the capitalism of the commons) that is more convenient for the economical goals than the mass. In this space we can see the emergence of a depoliticised face of the multitude.

Un mayor desarrollo de esta cuestión puede ser leído aquí:

https://www.academia.edu/22660452/Senderos_nuevos_del_capital_trabajo_consumo_y_producci%C3%B3n_de_subjetividad_2016_

Although the 2017 revival of the #MeToo campaign has received mass media praise, it’s direct contribution to the current social shift fighting for social and political justice has yet to be empirically documented. Did this campaign provide temporary catharsis further inhibiting enactment within the social and political spheres? Understandings of social media campaigns’ role in social action is still limited in the literature. Using Bowers, Ochs, & Jensen (1971) explanations of rhetoric of agitation and control, I analyze news and social media accounts of the #MeToo campaign activity and the possible unfolding of social actions or inactions, including planned and forthcoming public events or campaigns over the next few months. This paper will place #MeToo within the context of feminism rhetoric and socio-political change. This analysis contributes to our understanding of social media’s role in political action and the position of feminist discourse within the public rhetoric to end sexual abuse, assault, and exploitation.

This article argues that clicktivism is a legitimate political act. It emphasizes that such acts, through a recurrent negative discourse, have been marginalized. As a result, new modes of participation that draw upon the simplification of social connectivity have largely been ignored in the mainstream Political Science literature. In addressing this issue, the article develops a heuristic that identifies seven dimensions (or characteristics) of clicktivism. This new heuristic will allow for the analysis of clicktivism as a form of civic engagement separate from digital activism more broadly. Subsequently, the article applies the heuristic to several popular forms of clicktivism, including social buttons and the creation of memes, demonstrating both its utility and flexibility.

Tecnologia e politica intessono la trama della realtà sociale. L’elaborato esamina il rapporto tra social media e movimenti globali, analizzando l’azione collettiva di protesta sia online che offline. Gli interrogativi sulle interconnessioni tra le due dimensioni, la questione della leadership e la contraddizione di trarre beneficio dall’utilizzo delle piattaforme digitali aziendali hanno trovato risposta mediante una ricerca empirica. Il Capitolo 1 richiama i presupposti teorici del “Movimento dei movimenti” emerso negli anni Novanta, dalle tesi di Jean Baudrillard ai dati forniti da Naomi Klein. Il passaggio dall’azione collettiva all’azione connettiva, oggetto degli studi di Lance Bennett e Alexandra Segerberg, incontra l’interesse per l’approfondimento degli aspetti concernenti l’identità, come esplicitato dalle osservazioni di Paolo Gerbaudo ed Emiliano Trerè. L’antenato dei social network era Indymedia: a vent’anni di distanza, nel Capitolo 2 si approfondiscono le trasformazioni generate dal capitalismo delle piattaforme, di cui Mariana Mazzucato fornisce il contesto economico, e le sfide poste dagli algoritmi nell'estrazione e nella valorizzazione dei dati. Le analisi di Zeynep Tufekci e Evgeny Morozov affrontano il problema dell’omologazione e del contagio emotivo. Il Capitolo 3 presenta i risultati di una ricerca qualitativa che ha coinvolto venti attivisti provenienti da movimenti sociali contro il consumo per la giustizia sociale, ambientale e di genere, quali: School Strike 4 Climate, Fridays for Future, Extinction Rebellion, Ni Una Menos, 15M e Occupy. Il punto di vista degli intervistati dialoga con la letteratura esistente per rispondere alle domande teoriche dei capitoli precedenti. Le conclusioni offrono uno sguardo d’insieme sui risultati rilevanti e qualche spunto per le ricerche future, in particolare in materia di etica applicata all’intelligenza artificiale. L’Appendice Fotografica fornisce un’ulteriore fonte visiva al contenuto testuale. [L'Appendice II presenta un'intervista a Moez Chakchouk, Assistant Director-General dell'UNESCO per il Settore Comunicazione e Informazione]

Özet: Dijital ortamın sınırlılıkları ortadan kaldıran ve hızlı bir iletişime imkân sağlayan özelliği, geleneksel iletişim mecralarının önüne geçerek bireylere kısa yoldan enformasyon sağlamakta, bireylerin farkındalık düzeylerini arttırmakta ve örgütlenip davranışa yöneltilmesinde önemli bir rol oynamaktadır. İnsanlık çeşitli dönemlerde bazı toplumsal sorunlar ile karşı karşıya gelmiş ve çeşitli yollar aracılığıyla tepkiler geliştirmiştir. Gelişen bilgi teknolojileri ile birlikte toplumsal sorunlara karşı gösterilen tepkinin boyutunda da değişiklikler yaşanmaktadır. Bir örgütlenme biçimi olarak tanımlanan aktivizmin sanal uzamı olan dijital aktivizm ve dijital aktivizmin araçlarından olan online imza kampanyaları bu tepkilere örnek teşkil etmektedir. Bireyler dijital aktivizm faaliyetleri yürüterek bir sorunu duyurmak, farkındalık yaratmak, sorunun çözümü için kitleleri harekete geçirmeyi hedeflemektedirler. Tüm bunlardan yola çıkarak aktivizm kavramı ve gelişimi, aktivizmin araçları, dijital aktivizme yönelik tartışmalar ile ilgili detaylı bir literatür çalışmasına yer verilmiştir. Detaylı literatür çalışmasının ardından Kocaeli Üniversitesi İletişim Fakültesi öğrencilerine online imza kampanyalarına katılım davranışlarını ölçmeye yönelik anket çalışması yapılmıştır. Bu anket çalışması tesadüfi olmayan örneklem yöntemiyle 15 Aralık 2014-5 Ocak 2015 tarihleri arasında 260 kişiye çevrimiçi olarak uygulanmıştır.

This analysis of the Black Lives Matter movement (hereafter: BLM) attempts to illustrate how a hashtag, set up by three women, could mobilize the outrage of an oppressed group of people across the US. Special attention will be paid to how a movement that found its origins online, can strongly impact the offline world. I will also emphasize that the movement has flourished in the way that it has, because of the influence of new types of media formats that are available nowadays. The mobilizing ability of the BLM movement is analyzed using the concepts of networked social movements (Castells, 2013), addressivity (Bakhtin, 1984; as quoted by Maly, 2014) and choreography of assembly (Gerbaudo, 2012). Furthermore, the discussion about the identity of the BLM movement is also addressed within the framework of discursive battle (Maly, 2014; Maly, 2016), ideology (Blommaert, 2005) and message (Lempert and Silverstein, 2012).

Yeni medya teknolojilerinin ve anlayışlarının insan hayatına girmesiyle birlikte bireylerin eylemlerinde ve davranışlarında değişimler oldu. Siber kültürün günümüz dünyasında geniş bir alana yayılmasıyla birlikte elbette yaşayış biçimleri, internetin kendine has yaşam alanına uyum sağlamaya başladı. İnsanların gizlilik anlayışı, alışveriş alışkanlıkları, arkadaşlık ve sosyalleşme davranışları gibi durumlar ister istemez değişime uğradı. Bireylerin temel ihtiyaçlarının dışında sayılabilecek kişisel ihtiyaçlarının her geçen gün değişiklik gösterdiğini veya bu ihtiyaçlara bir yenisinin eklendiğini söyleyebiliriz. İnsanların günümüzde internet teknolojilerinin en önemlileri haline gelen sosyal medya platformlarının sağladığı sayısız imkanlarla birlikte arzularını gerçekleştirme ve ihtiyaçlarını giderme adına her türlü olanağı kullandıklarını görebiliyoruz. Sosyal medyanın bir siyasi ve sosyal değişim aracı olarak kullanılması son yıllarda geniş çapta tartışılmaktadır. Sosyal medya, genellikle bilginin çok kolay ve hızlı şekilde yayılmasına ve vatandaş hareketliliğine izin verdiği için övülürken bu dijital etkileşim biçimlerinin gerçek anlamı ve sonuçları hakkında da endişeler ortaya çıkıyor. Fikirlerin dile getirilmesi, yorumların yapılması, bağlantıların paylaşılması ve belirli bir amaca hizmet eden içeriklerin "beğenilmesi" olarak ortaya çıkan çevrimiçi aktivizm, kullanıcıları önemli siyasi konulara değinmekten çok kendileri hakkında iyi hissettiren anlamsız bir egzersiz olarak eleştirilmektedir (Shulman, 2005, s. 134). Vatandaş katılımının bu yeni çeşidi, sayılan nedenlerden dolayı sıklıkla slaktivizm olarak anılmaktadır (Marichal, 2013). Slaktivizm, asgari çabayla kolayca gerçekleştirilen ve katılımcıların belirli siyasi hedeflere ulaşmada, olduğundan daha iyi hissettirmede etkili olan etkinlikleri ifade etmektedir (Morozov, 2009a). Bu faaliyetler bireyleri, daha anlamlı ve önemli katkılarda bulunmak yerine tembelliğe ittiğinden, sivil ve siyasi yaşamın kalitesine zarar verdiği düşünülebilir. İnternet teknolojilerinin beraberinde getirdiği kolaylıklar, insanların hassas saydıkları konularda bile asgari bir çaba göstererek sadece bir dokunuş veya bir tuş ile katkı sağlayabildikleri bir ortam oluşturmaktadır.

This commentary proposes that the concept of slacktivism be enlarged and refined in light of postdigitalism’s Parity Thesis, which states that digital media should not receive undue privilege relative to non-digital media. The term ‘slacktivism’ makes an implicit comparison of activism in digital and non-digital contexts, demeaning the former as less potent, valuable, and impactful than the latter. As a reconstructed concept, postdigital slacktivism would apply equally in both contexts, and most importantly to poorly reasoned activism. After this reformulation, slacktivism’s vapidity no longer reflects the means of transmitting the activist’s message but conveys that there is a breakdown in the rational or logical relation between the activist’s means and the movement’s end. My argument is that subjecting slacktivism to a postdigital reinterpretation positively enriches the concept, transforming it into a pragmatically useful tool for understanding a wider swath of social and political phenomena.

The emergence of social media has greatly influenced 21st-century student activism. It has also given rise to the birth of "slacktivism," an online form of self-aggrandizing, politically ineffective activism. This theoretical article delves into the conceptualizations of what constitutes student activism versus slacktivism in a digital age. While there are distinctions between the 2, we highlight how most discussions of activism describe how activism is done as opposed to what it is. Within this context, we offer 10 theoretical underpinnings of activism and slacktivism to serve as conceptual points of self-reflection that student activists can use in order to explore whether or not they are truly engaging in activism. This examination, we argue, is critically important as the distinction between slacktivism and activism becomes increasingly muddied. For student activism to realize its democratic and developmental potential, students need to be clear about whether they are engaging in activism or slacktivism.

The record-breaking viral video KONY 2012 made mistakes—and some of them ugly—but it also achieved something that is both difficult and important; by turning suburban teens into slacktivists, KONY 2012 made human rights “cool.” This chapter examines how the campaign used inspiration, aspiration, a glimpse of the future, and the lure of friendship to make it the type of cause that so many wanted to spread. It also defends the much-maligned practice of slacktivism as an online reboot of the more cherished protest march tradition.

A draft proposal written for the final year of my Bachelor of Psychological Science:

The proposal is seeking funding from Unicef Australia in order to conduct research into Slacktivist behaviors on social media, specifically Facebook. The research aims to understand the behavior, attitudes, and social norms surrounding slacktivism. It also aims to develop a cognitive dissonance based intervention which can be administered online via Facebook to convert current slacktivists into active donors. We aim to do this by generating a sense of hypocrisy in slacktivists by drawing their attention to their conflicting attitudes towards supporting Unicef and past lack of action in doing so meaningfully.

‘Slacktivism’ is the term came into existence during 1995 seminar series given by Fred Clark and Dwight Ozard at that year's Cornerstone Festival and is amalgamated with 'slacker' and 'activism'. According to Oxford Dictionary, “Actions performed via the Internet in support of a political or social cause but regarded as requiring little time or involvement” is Slacktivism. When we emphasize on the digital media, there are 375 million internet users in India from October 2015 that the Internet and Mobile Association of India (IAMAI) reports. Now, India is also becoming ‘Digital India’ with the aim to confirm the government services to be available to the citizens electronically by reducing paperwork and also planning to connect the rural areas with the high-speed internet networks. Internet access is more feasible in terms of its cheap cost and easy availability. The loophole of such media activism is that it only comes in handy with the internet user and India, being a developing country, has limited internet users. But what does Slacktivism do for subalterns who may not even know about it- the one who are placed in the subordinate position in the society? The term ‘subaltern’ has originated from the Latin words ‘sub’ i.e. next below and ‘alternus’ i.e. every other; one who has a lower status. In Indian society, it is evident that woman is subaltern in respect to man, homosexual is inferior to heterosexual; and casteism, regionalism, religion, language, tribal population and much more are the subjects for treating somebody as ‘Subaltern’. The main question arises here that, is digital population even fighting for subalterns and if yes, then does the less heard voices getting benefitted from such platforms? Although we can't deny the fact that social media activism has been a trendsetter in recent times through change.org and other campaigns. The researcher wants to unearth about the existence of such campaigns, for say #EndFemaleGenitalMutilation, for the welfare of subalterns that has been done through the Slacktivism and whether these movements are benefitting them or not. The target group for a digital survey through online questionnaires will be the young internet users aging between 15 and 40 (India has world’s largest youth population) by Purposive and Accidental Sampling to get diverse information why they are the part of ‘Slacktivism’ and do they feel it will help the cause or not, are they doing it for subalterns, do they even understand the terms and ultimately, how do they evaluate that their effort was fruitful.

This paper focusses on a macro-level perspective and the analysis of political impact of petition-signing by assessing the actual political change that is resulting from petition-signing. Further, this paper also finally highlights the limitations to the political impact and especially to the legitimacy of the influence exerted through whole petition-campaigns for example carried out by Avaaz.org.

In this article, we query how action is contextualized and used in music education, centering the discussion around problems of calling for change without taking action, what Paulo Freire terms “narration sickness.” Narration sickness manifests in social media, conferences, and professional development sessions—where words convey ideas as grand narratives, devoid of context, causing a division between those who present ideas from those who enact them in practice. We describe how music educators may become unintentional slacktivists, “woke” to the need for action, attempting to improve the field with limited (if any) action at all. We invite music educators to counter “wokeness” with what Maxine Greene calls being “wide awake,” offering examples of educators who demonstrate change. We seek to expand the definition of action, drawing upon what Freire and Marx term as praxis, seeking actionable approaches in teaching, researching, and learning across age levels, settings, and contexts....

Draft for "The Routledge Handbook of Digital Rhetoric & Writing" (2018): "Practices of digital activism demonstrate why contemporary rhetorical studies, and studies of digital rhetoric in particular, must move beyond the text and intertextuality (as much as hypertextuality), as well as beyond the individual actor, to understand distributed rhetorical processes of symbolic (inter-/co-)action. Focusing on the rhetoric of an individual, a text, or the rhetorical affordances of a medium (built upon and intertwined with uncritical assumptions about the constitution of information) misses entirely the distributed character of rhetorical praxis—which has always already been the case but is inescapable in a hypermediated world. The investigation of rhetorical processes – of what people in and as assemblages of actors and agents are doing in communication and/as interaction across places and media, and within or against the algorithmic rhythms of a political economy of corporate manipulation and state regulation – cannot be confined to the limitations of textual production and consumption if we hope to generate actionable understanding of those processes."

In the general debate on Social Media which often opposes the advantages and disadvantages, defendants consider the ability of free speech on the Internet as one of its biggest advantages. Considering the fact that it is low cost, widely accessible and simple to use, acting on the Internet and especially on Social Media, means transmitting your thoughts easily to a wide network of people. In contrast to this conventional way of argumentation, this paper argues that the seemingly free way of expression is actually limited by disciplining forces enacted through an authoritative gaze and mechanisms such as punishment and gratification following the ideas of Foucault he displays in his influential work Discipline and Punish. To strengthen this claim, the concepts such as gratification and punishment and the importance of discourse and fields are applied on the workings of Facebook as one of the most important Social Network Sites with by now over one billion active users. By displaying how the internalisation of an authoritative gaze does not only hold people from posting but in fact also makes them post specific things, the phenomenon slacktivism, meaning a self-satisfying form of online political activism, will be discussed. As implicitly being born from the workings of internalised disciplinary forces, the phenomenon of slacktivism shows that free expression on Facebook can actually be considered a consequence of disciplined behavior and is not as free as it is widely imagined to be.

The emergence of social media has greatly influenced 21st-century student activism. It has also given rise to the birth of "slacktivism," an online form of self-aggrandizing, politically ineffective activism. This theoretical article delves into the conceptualizations of what constitutes student activism versus slacktivism in a digital age. While there are distinctions between the 2, we highlight how most discussions of activism describe how activism is done as opposed to what it is. Within this context, we offer 10 theoretical underpinnings of activism and slacktivism to serve as conceptual points of self-reflection that student activists can use in order to explore whether or not they are truly engaging in activism. This examination, we argue, is critically important as the distinction between slacktivism and activism becomes increasingly muddied. For student activism to realize its democratic and developmental potential, students need to be clear about whether they are engaging in activism or slacktivism.

Media społecznościowe to nie media wyłącznie globalnego zasięgu: najskuteczniejsze jest wykorzystanie ich do celów lokalnych. Tworzenie, integracja i rozbudowa społeczności lokalnych skupionych wokół wspólnych inicjatyw, projektów i idei pozwala łączyć zalety rzeczywistości wirtualnej z kreatywnym i namacalnym wpływaniem na otoczenie. Aby było to możliwe, wirtualna społeczność potrzebuje swoich liderów medialnych, wychodzących z inicjatywą, twórczo animujących skupione wokół niej osoby, sprawnie korzystających z dostępnych technologii informacyjno-komunikacyjnych i potrafiących tę sprawność rozprzestrzeniać. Celem warsztatów jest podwyższenie kompetencji uczestników w dziedzinie wykorzystania mediów społecznościowych dla celów aktywizujących społeczność lokalną wokół dowolnych zagadnień. Plan warsztatów: przywitanie, zapoznanie się uczestników, omówienie warsztatów. Facebook: prywatnie czy oficjalnie; profil osobisty, grupy czy strony; omówienie możliwości i ograniczeń poszczególnych rozwiązań. Bliżej społeczności: czym są listy znajomych i zainteresowań; wykorzystanie list dla celów animacji społeczności lokalnej i bliższego z nią kontaktu. Świat jest (głównie) poza ekranem: wydarzenia na Facebooku jako źródło spotkań w rzeczywistości; analiza ograniczeń i możliwości ich wykorzystania; dobre praktyki. Jak nam idzie: darmowe statystyki, ich analiza i wyciąganie wniosków. Jak dotrzeć dalej: hashtagi i reklama; jak i za ile? Współpraca na Facebooku a promocja na Facebooku: omówienie perspektyw na podstawie nabytej wiedzy i umiejętności. Instagram - prezentacja medium; zdjęcia z życia i hashtagi; jak dotrzeć do fanów naszej idei? Twitter - prezentacja medium; dziennikarze i politycy; angażowanie opinii publicznej. Pinterest - prezentacja medium; piękne zdjęcia, kolekcje i interakcje; nasze wielkie społecznościowe portfolio. Youtube - prezentacja medium; filmy - tak, ale nie tylko; jak i czym tworzyć wideo na miarę Youtube’a? Podsumowanie, dyskusja, pytania uczestników.

Este trabajo estudia el desarrollo de la campaña #BringBackOurGirls en Twitter, durante 2014, a través de seis APIs de medición de redes sociales. El objetivo es aproximarse a las ventajas que supone el Slacktivismo, como fenómeno de movilización social en Internet, desde los presupuestos de la Teoría de Movilización de Recursos (TMR) y su efectividad para impactar la agenda política mundial.
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This paper studies the #BringBackOurGirls campaign development on Twitter, during 2014, through the use of six social networks measurement APIs. Its main objective is to approach the advantages that Slacktivism represents as a social mobilization phenomenon on the Internet, from the assumptions of the Resource Mobilization Theory (RMT) and its effectiveness in impacting the global political agenda.

This paper examines the Human Rights Campaign (HRC) Marriage Equality logo as an example of a meme to further understandings of memetic transmission in social media technologies. The HRC meme is an important example of how even seemingly insignificant moves such as adopting a logo and displaying it online can serve to combat microaggressions, or the damaging results of everyday bias and discrimination against marginalized groups. This article suggests that even small moves of support, such as changing one’s Facebook status to a memetic image, assist by demonstrating a supportive environment for those who identify with marginalized groups and by drawing awareness to important causes. Often dismissed as “slacktivism,” I argue instead that the digital activism made possible through social media memes can build awareness of crucial issues, which can then lead to action.

The first "Women's March on Washington" during January of 2017 was not only the largest, single-day mass public demonstration but also the largest gathering of people with disabilities in United States history. The Disability March (DM) website originally was formed to help organize accommodations for persons with disabilities (PWDs) who sought to attend the main event in Washington DC of the first March held on January 20th, 2017. This event is an example of how social media can be useful in promoting change as it represents a social movement that coincides both in the physical and virtual world. While individuals marched across the globe, the event was also  streaming live, and the 'cyber-marchers' employed tactics to ensure their opinions were heard alongside those who were marching 'offline.' The current case study collected data from the official Disability March Webpage(s) (DisabilityMarch.com and Disabilitymarch2.wordpress.com/ ) that were created to be part of the  Women’s March of 2017 and then again in 2018. The DM websites served as the primary hub for online participation among individuals living with disabilities who sought to participate or organize to attend the Women’s March. The current study explores the development and use of the DisabilityMarch.com Webpage(s) as online social media tool used by PWD as a way to patriciate ‘offline’ (e.g., cyber-marching) with others marching in the Women’s March of January 2017 and 2018). The intrinsic nature of digital online-communication tools (e.g., transcending physical or geographic limitations) is a particularly powerful tool for those PWD as it increases accessibility to non-traditional, yet equally impactful forms of political engagement. Findings from this case study demonstrate that digital activism plays a critical role in the future of the disability rights movement.

İnternet kullanımı ile sivil katılım arasındaki tartışmalı ilişki bu çalışmanın temel konusunu oluşturmaktadır. Bir yanda İnternet’in demokrasi, özgürlük ve insan hakları gibi ilkeler doğrultusunda yurttaşların sivil katılım kanallarını genişlettiği şeklindeki görüşler, diğer yanda İnternet’in insanların fiziki hayattaki etkinliklerini azaltması şeklinde tanımını bulan slacktivism’e (miskin / tembel eylemcilik) neden olduğu yönündeki görüşler çalışmanın merakını beslemektedir. Çalışmada sivil katılım konusunda etkinliklerinin yüksek seviyede olması beklenen üniversite öğrencilerinin sanal dünya etkinlikleri ile fiziki dünyada yaptıkları etkinlikler arasındaki farkın belirlenmesi amaçlanmıştır. Bu doğrultuda özellikle seçtikleri meslek itibariyle kamusal konularda daha duyarlı olmaları beklenen gazetecilik öğrencilerine yönelik bir anket çalışması gerçekleştirilmiştir. Çalışmaya göre öğrencilerin İnternet ortamındaki toplumsal sorun ve konularla ilgili içeriklere karşı duyarlı oldukları ancak söz konusu sorunların çözümü için sivil katılım ve aktivist eylemlere girişmek yerine miskin / tembel eylemcilik pratikleriyle yetindikleri anlaşılmıştır.

"My Stealthy Freedom" is the name of a Facebook page that demands to protest against compulsory Hijab and demonstrate willing of clothing freedom for women in Iran. The foundation and activity of the page had been described as a "social movement". Some western media claimed that this would be a successful social movement for Iranian women and some others asserted that this page would be a new platform in which Iranian women represent a new image of their identity. In this paper, analyzing qualitatively a purposive sample of photos with their captions, we are questioning these claims again. Our findings indicate that despite some excitements about a new social movement for Iranian women in western media and western human rights association, "My Stealthy Freedom" cannot be considered as a new applicable social movement against Iran's government and the law of compulsory hijab in Iran. Finally, we conclude that this Facebook page is, not only incapable of organizing a real social movement against hijab but also can be a well-suited example for the concept of slacktivism.

Social networking sites (e.g. Facebook), microblogging services (e.g. Twitter), and content-sharing sites (e.g. YouTube and Flickr) have introduced the opportunity for wide-scale, online social participation. Visibility of national and international priorities such as public health, political unrest, disaster relief, and climate change has increased, yet we know little about the benefits - and possible costs - of engaging in social

Social media is revolting. Well, technically, it’s the users of social media that are revolting, but there seems to be a general consensus that social media itself is the definitive cause behind these revolutions. The advantage of being able to decide on whether these claims are true or not is the entirety of human history. Revolutions are not new and neither are they few in occurrence. Investigating the plethora of evidence that social movements and revolutions have left behind, even within the context of modern times, creates a kind of cast in which contemporary movements can be judged against. The debate of whether the old should affect the new is itself an old one and sets the scene for any discussion involving the role of digital technology in society. Upon inspection, it is safe to say that the role is an undeniable, if not irreplaceable one. This paper will investigate the role of a specific kind of technology, known to us as social media, within the sphere of social activism. A definition of new media within this context will thus be explored and two examples cited: the 1976 Soweto Uprising and the 2011 Occupy Movement. Through the theory of “Strong ties vs Weak ties” by sociologist Mark Grannovetter (1973), and later adapted by Gladwell (2010), the paper will examine the validity of the theory within the two chosen examples.

Kolektif toplumsal hareketlerin dijital medya aracılığıyla örgütlenmeye başlaması, “dijital aktivizm” kavramını
ortaya çıkartmıştır. Akademik yazında, dijital medyanın katılımcı demokrasiyi, kamusal alan çeşitliliğini,
toplumsal eylem olanaklarını arttırdığına ve çevrimiçi vatandaşlık (netizen) kavramını güçlendirdiğine dair görüşlerin yanında, politik katılıma yönelik olumsuz ve bireyi atalete yönlendiren etkileri olduğunu belirten yaklaşımlar da mevcuttur. Bu araştırmada, kavramsal çerçeve olarak dijital aktivizm hakkındaki tekno-kötümser ve tekno-iyimser bakış açıları, dijital aktivizme dair sosyal psikolojik bir arka planla birlikte ele alınmıştır. Araştırmanın evrenini çevrimiçi imza toplama platformu olan Change.org’un Türkiyeli kullanıcıları
oluşturmaktadır. Kullanıcıların çevrimiçi imza kampanyalarına katılım davranışlarını, tutum ve motivasyonlarını
ölçmek amacıyla tesadüfi olmayan örneklem yöntemiyle bir çevrimiçi anket çalışması yürütülmüştür.
Çevrimiçi imza kampanyalarına katılımın birey açısından ne ifade ettiği, katılım sonrası çevrimiçi imza kampanyasının farklı dijital ortamlara ve fiziki ortamlara taşınıp taşınmadığı anlaşılmaya çalışılmıştır. Araştırmanın sonuçlarına göre Change.org üzerinden çevrimiçi imza kampanyalarına katılmak, bireylerin bir sonraki çevrimiçi ya da çevrimdışı sivil eylemlilik kararını etkilemekte ve bireylerde “sosyal kaytarmacı” bir davranış şekli ortaya çıkarmaktadır.

Energy consumption is a critical design issue in real-time systems, especially in battery-operated systems. Maintaining high performance, while extending the battery life between charges is an interesting challenge for system designers. Dynamic Voltage Scaling and Dynamic Frequency Scaling allow us to adjust supply voltage and processor frequency to adapt to the workload demand for better energy management. Usually, higher processor voltage and frequency leads to higher system throughput while energy reduction can be obtained using lower voltage and frequency. Many real-time scheduling algorithms have been developed recently to reduce energy consumption in the portable devices that use voltage scalable processors. For a real-time application, comprising a set of real-time tasks with precedence and resource constraints executing on a distributed system, we propose a dynamic energy efficient scheduling algorithm with weighted First Come First Served (WFCFS) scheme. This also considers the run-time behaviour of tasks, to further explore the idle periods of processors for energy saving. Our algorithm is compared with the existing Modified Feedback Control Scheduling (MFCS), First Come First Served (FCFS), and Weighted scheduling (WS) algorithms that uses Service-Rate-Proportionate (SRP) Slack Distribution Technique. Our proposed algorithm achieves about 5 to 6 percent more energy savings and increased reliability over the existing ones.

Agile software development represents a major departure from traditional methods of software engineering. It had huge impact on how software is developed worldwide. Agile software development solutions are targeted at enhancing work at project level. But it may encounter some uncertainties in its working. One of the key measures of the resilience of a project is its ability to reach completion, on time and on budget, regardless of the turbulent and uncertain environment it may operate within. Uncertainty of time is the problem which can lead to other uncertainties too. In uncertainty of time the main issue is that the how much delay will be caused by the uncertain environment and if the project manager comes to know about this delay before, then he can ask for that extra time from customer. So this paper tries to know about that extra time and calculate it.

In this article, we query how action is contextualized and used in music education, centering the discussion around problems of calling for change without taking action, what Paulo Freire terms “narration sickness.” Narration sickness manifests in social media, conferences, and professional development sessions—where words convey ideas as grand narratives, devoid of context, causing a division between those who present ideas from those who enact them in practice. We describe how music educators may become unintentional slacktivists, “woke” to the need for action, attempting to improve the field with limited (if any) action at all. We invite music educators to counter “wokeness” with what Maxine Greene calls being “wide awake,” offering examples of educators who demonstrate change. We seek to expand the definition of action, drawing upon what Freire and Marx term as praxis, seeking actionable approaches in teaching, researching, and learning across age levels, settings, and contexts.

En un contexto en el que el activismo sociopolitico dispone de numerosas herramientas y canales para su desarrollo, diversos trabajos ponen en cuestion la eficacia de las acciones online. Al respecto, en el presente articulo se plantea un debate teorico en torno a dos cuestiones: las ventajas e inconvenientes del denominado activismo de salon, y las controversias respecto al empoderamiento ciudadano en relacion a los conceptos de visibilidad, videoactivismo y contravigilancia.

Digital Performance in Everyday Life combines theories of performance, communication, and media to explore the many ways we perform in our everyday lives through digital media and in virtual spaces.

Digital communication technologies and the social norms and discourses that developed alongside these technologies have altered the ways we perform as and for ourselves and each other in virtual spaces. Through a diverse range of topics and examples—including discussions of self-identity, surveillance, mourning, internet memes, storytelling, ritual, political action, and activism—this book addresses how the physical and virtual have become inseparable in everyday life, and how the digital is always rooted in embodied action. Focusing on performance and human agency, the authors offer fresh perspectives on communication and digital culture.

The unique, interdisciplinary approach of this book will be useful to scholars, artists, and activists in communication, digital media, performance studies, theatre, sociology, political science, information technology, and cybersecurity—along with anyone interested in how communication shapes and is shaped by digital technologies.

In this article, we query how action is contextualized and used in music education, centering the discussion around problems of calling for change without taking action, what Paulo Freire terms “narration sickness.” Narration sickness manifests in social media, conferences, and professional development sessions—where words convey ideas as grand narratives, devoid of context, causing a division between those who present ideas from those who enact them in practice. We describe how music educators may become unintentional slacktivists, “woke” to the need for action, attempting to improve the field with limited (if any) action at all. We invite music educators to counter “wokeness” with what Maxine Greene calls being “wide awake,” offering examples of educators who demonstrate change. We seek to expand the definition of action, drawing upon what Freire and Marx term as praxis, seeking actionable approaches in teaching, researching, and learning across age levels, settings, and contexts.

Keywords: narration sickness, praxis, music education, slacktivism, social media, wide awake