Territorial Disputes

Asia Pacific Perspectives, Volume XIII Number 1, Spring/Summer 2015

https://web.usfca.edu/uploadedFiles/Destinations/Institutes_and_Centers/center-asia-pacific/perspectives/v13n1/APP%20XIII1%2002%20French%2008-17-15.pdf

This paper, based on archival research undertaken in the General Headquarters (GHQ)/ Supreme Command of Allied Powers (SCAP) archives and employing geospatial data, examines the origins of a number North East Asia's territorial disputes through looking at the seizures of Japanese fishing boats during the initial postwar years. Through the hitherto unexploited medium of geospatial analysis, the paper looks at the mass seizures of Japanese fishing vessels by the maritime arms of the People’s Republic of China, the Republic of Korea (and US Military Government of Korea), the USSR, the Republic of China, and the UN naval forces in the late 1940s and early 1950s. The paper examines and maps the incidence of the capture of these vessels as well as contextualizes the captures within the importance of the fishing industry to Japan, and Japan's neighbors' differing positions on their maritime boundaries with Japan. The policies of GHQ/SCAP and the Japanese government towards the seizures are also examined, as is the role the fishermen themselves played. The paper concludes by employing a geospatial dataset to test assumptions about the nature of the seizures of fishing vessels during the period and their significance in relation to today's territorial disputes in the region.

The aim of this article is to demonstrate how a relational concept of power can benefit Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA). It begins by drawingattention to the fact that Japan’s foreign policy has been portrayedrather enigmatically in terms of power, and by arguing that such anenigma stems from the fact that FPA has borrowed the concept of power of much International Relations (IR) theory, i.e. one that putspower on a par with capability. With a point of departure in StevenLukes’ relational concept of power, the article then conceptualizes analternative perspective. By applying the ensuing ‘relational poweranalysis’ to two ‘significant’ issues in Japan’s China policy, namely thenegotiations for bilateral investment protection and interaction over the disputed Pinnacle (Senkaku or
Diaoyu) Islands, the article demon-strates that Japan’s foreign policy can be portrayed more intelligibly interms of power, and thereby also how power could be treated in FPA inthe first place.

Why do countries continue to make sovereignty claims over territories that they lost a long time ago and are in no position to take back by force? Further, why do they refuse compromise solutions that are better than the status quo? We argue that a belief in territorial indivisibility may explain these puzzles, and in many of the most intractable territorial disputes, such a belief may arise from the claim of historical ownership over these territories. Using a survey experiment in Japan, we investigate whether historical ownership engenders in respondents a belief in territorial indivisibility, and whether such a belief contributes to more hardline policy positions toward territorial disputes. We find that historical ownership does play a significant role in the respondents' perceptions of territorial indivisibility compared with an alternative scenario involving no such prior ownership. Furthermore, those who hold a belief in indivisibility are more likely to support hardline policies and are much less likely to support bilateral negotiation. Finally, arbitration involving international organizations receives a high level of support irrespective of the divisibility of a disputed territory.

For more than a century, Guatemala has claimed Belizean territory ever since the colonial period. Ever since Guatemala gets its independence from Spain, it has asserted a territorial claim over the country of Belize. Guatemala's claim has varied from a claim to all of Belizean territory to a claim over what is now approximately the southern half of Belize (Lauterpacht).'' Guatemala bases its claim on numerous legal arguments, including a breached treaty with Great Britain prior to Belize's independence as well as the notion of inheritance from Spain following Guatemala's independence (uti possidetis juris) (Laura). After failed negotiations with the British, it was up for newly independent Belize to take this matter into hand. Furthermore, a proposal facilitated by the Organization of American States for confidence-building measures between the two countries did not succeed (Shoman, 8). While there have been several attempts to settle this dispute once and for all, many have failed and left the ICJ as the only option. However, some Belizeans are against going to the International Court of Justice while others are in full support of it. This paper will discuss about how the ICJ resolution will only address one of Belize's four interests: it will certainly confirm its sovereignty over its own territory, but it will not promote cooperation with Guatemala; it will not guarantee protection on Belize’s forest from illegal cutting by Guatemalans; nor will it stop civilian incursions into Belize.

Політичні та міжнародно-правові механізми деокупації та віднов-
лення територіальної цілісності держави: світовий досвід і
Україна: Наукова записка / Кресіна І.О. (керівник авт. кол.),
Кресін О.В., Проценко І.М., Савчук К.О., Стойко О.М. К.: Інститут
держави і права ім. В. М. Корецького НАН України, 2017. 130 с.
ISBN 978‐966‐02‐8398‐5
Розглянуто теоретико-методологічні підходи до вирішення проблем
відновлення територіальної цілісності держави та деокупації. Проаналізовано
світову практику вирішення таких проблем.
Охарактеризовано стан законодавчої бази України щодо статусу окремих
районів Донецької і Луганської областей, Автономної Республіки Крим.
Розглянуто законодавчі ініціативи щодо деокупації, реінтеграції, відновлення
суверенітету Української держави на цих територіях, запропоновано
розглядати її як комплекс заходів, що містять військову, адміністративну,
економічну та реінтеграційну складові.

The main purpose of this article is to present the maritime delimitation dispute in the Caribbean Sea and the Pacific Ocean between Costa Rica and Nicaragua, submitted before the International Court of Justice in 2014. Hence, the full delimitation processes (including the three-stage methodology currently applicable in delimitation processes by international courts and tribunals) will be explained in this article. Due to the complexity of the dispute between both neighboring countries, spanning the Central American isthmus, involving delimitation in two bodies of water (namely in the Pacific and Caribbean), both delimitations have been analyzed separately. Additionally, brief considerations concerning the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea in Hamburg are presented.

DEL VALLE-GÁLVEZ, A., «Gibraltar, ¿costa española? Por una reformulación de la teoría de la ‘costa Seca’ sobre el puerto y las aguas en torno al Peñón»,
CUADERNOS DE GIBRALTAR – GIBRALTAR REPORTS
Num 3, 2018-2019 | ISSN 2444-7382
DOI http://dx.doi.org/10.25267/Cuad_Gibraltar.2019.i3.1304

https://revistas.uca.es/index.php/cdg/article/view/5847
https://revistas.uca.es/index.php/cdg/article/view/5847/6069

-------------SUMARIO
I.- GIBRALTAR, CONTROVERSIA HISTÓRICA Y DERECHO DEL MAR
1.- Controversia y Aguas en torno a Gibraltar
2.- Controversia y Derecho del Mar
II.- LAS TRADICIONALES POSICIONES SOBRE LAS AGUAS EN TORNO AL PEÑÓN Y AL ISTMO
1.- Posición  y práctica española.
2.- Posición  y práctica británica
III.-  CIERTAS CUESTIONES RELATIVAS A LAS AGUAS EN TORNO A GIBRALTAR, Y LAS POSICIONES ESPAÑOLA Y BRITÁNICA
1.- Aguas del Puerto
2.- Aguas junto a instalaciones militares
3.- Submarinos nucleares
4.- Navegación y Tráficos ilícitos
5.- Pesca
6- Medio ambiente, Rellenos y Estrategia Marina europea
7.- Futura proyección por Gibraltar de espacios marítimos.
IV.- LA COSTA ORIENTAL DE GIBRALTAR : COSTA ESPAÑOLA, NO COSTA SECA
1.- Los límites de la cesión de la montaña de Gibraltar en Utrecht
2.- Territorio cedido en la montaña y sus consecuencias en las aguas.
3.- Territorio no cedido en la montaña y prescripción adquisitiva británica.
4.- Las consecuencias de la consideración del lado oriental de Gibraltar como costa española
V.- CONCLUSIÓN –REFORMULAR COHERENTEMENTE LA POSICIÓN ESPAÑOLA DE LA ‘COSTA SECA’ Y SOBRE EL PUERTO DE GIBRALTAR.
___________________________________________________________________________________

"""GIBRALTAR, SPANISH COAST?  A REFORMULATION OF THE THEORY OF THE ‘DRY COAST’ ABOUT THE PORT AND THE WATERS AROUND THE ROCK"""
ABSTRACT
One of the specific legal and political facets of the dispute between Spain and Great Britain over Gibraltar is the maritime areas around it. The dispute extends to the waters surrounding the Rock, its maritime zones and the jurisdiction over them, since, with the exception of the waters of the port, Spain rejects the existence of British jurisdictional waters around the Rock, while the UK has always claimed them and exercised de facto jurisdiction over them. Spain denies the existence of waters belonging to Gibraltar but, in practice, allows the exercise of British jurisdiction within an extension unilaterally established by the United Kingdom, without distinguishing between the waters of the Rock and those of the isthmus. The UK asserts an alleged sovereignty over the waters around the Rock, but its initial position that the waters surrounding the isthmus are British is legally weak.
Two main factors explain the evident lack of coordination regarding the legal regime that governs the waters around the Rock. The first is structural: it is inextricably linked to the central issues of the sovereignty dispute, since the waters are legally inseparable from the other disputes over the transfer of the city, port, rock and isthmus, as well as from the UN doctrine of decolonization. The other factor is temporary: the lack of institutional channels or other channels of dialogue to encourage the parties to address practical issues of coexistence and jurisdiction in waters. This explains the impossibility of reaching an understanding about the waters and even to reach a simple and provisional modus vivendi on the regime that governs navigation in them. With Brexit, however, other future prospects have been opened for possible agreements and coordination in the waters, through the Protocol on Gibraltar of the United Kingdom's Withdrawal Agreement from the EU and the Memoranda of cooperation.
The position of the Spanish "dry coast" is not as legally solid with respect to the waters as with other aspects of the dispute, and furthermore weakens the claim of Spain as a whole. This theory is somewhat incompatible with Spanish practice and, furthermore, it seems to be quite young, since it was established in the 1960s during the dictatorship and subsequently continued in Spanish democracy.
This article affirms that the problem of the waters around Gibraltar is that of the historical doubt about the extent of the waters of the port on the western front of the Rock and the Isthmus: determining the scope of the waters of the port and roadstead today of Gibraltar, once admitted in 1968 by the United Kingdom its non-application to the northernmost waters called "Puerto Canning".
Ensuring greater coherence between Spanish theory and practice in relation to Spain's position in the waters of the bay would strengthen the consistency and credibility of its claim on the waters in the dispute in Gibraltar, which seems to have arisen in response to the theory of the 'dry coast' applied by the United Kingdom to Spain at that time.
With this approach, Spain could consider reformulating the theory of the dry coast, with a restrictive interpretation of the Treaty of Utrecht that considers the entire mountain, in particular the east face of the Rock, not to be ceded. In this way, a different legal basis could be offered to the 'dry coast' theory, with greater coherence, since the Spanish title would not derive from the non-cession of waters in Utrecht, but from the fact that the eastern territory was not ceded - nor was the isthmus given up-  so the eastern coast of the mountain and its waters are Spanish.
This reformulation of the 'dry coast' would consist in practice of the affirmation of the Spanish coast in the isthmus and east of the Rock, with consequences similar to those of the traditional Spanish thesis: denying maritime spaces to British Gibraltar outside the spaces in the interior of the Bay. In this way, the reformulation that is proposed would give coherence to the traditional Spanish historical position, which interprets Art X as a transfer that "does not recognize other rights and situations related to the maritime zones of Gibraltar that are not included in the Treaty of Utrecht" .
With this restrictive reading of the Treaty of Utrecht, a hypothetical British expansion of maritime spaces east of Gibraltar would be safeguarded in the future for Spanish interests. The article also considers the situation in decolonization of Gibraltar and the applicability of the III Resolution of the III United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea.
Likewise, the link of the controversy in the waters with the need for democratic treatment within Spain and with the United Kingdom of the essential British interests, which are strategic, military, intelligence and security, is underlined. This question is probably the ultimate essence of the whole problem, and it has a structural democratic deficit, since it is necessary to contemplate involving the Spanish Cortes in the real debate on the British military bases, since the situation of British military and strategic privilege it cannot be maintained at the expense of the security of Spain and its citizens.
In short, the proposal made is intended to make an argument consistent with the traditional Spanish position on the waters of the "Dry Coast", through an interpretative review of the Treaty of Utrecht and of the Spanish practice.
______________________________
KEYWORDS
United Nations, Law of the Sea; Sovereignty; jurisdiction; Territorial claims; Acquisitive prescription; Gibraltar; UK; Decolonization; Disputes; maritime spaces; dry coast; Strait of Gibraltar; Foreign policy; Treaties; military bases; United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea; UNCLOS; Bays; territorial sea; ports; internal waters; Delimitation of maritime zones.
_________________________________________________________________________________
PALABRAS CLAVE
Naciones Unidas, Derecho del Mar; Soberanía; jurisdicción; reclamación territorial; prescripción adquisitiva; Gibraltar; Reino Unido; Descolonización; Controversia; espacios marítimos; costa seca; Estrecho de Gibraltar; Política Exterior; Tratados; bases militares; Convención de Naciones Unidas sobre el Derecho del Mar; UNCLOS; Bahías; mar territorial; puertos; aguas interiores; Delimitación de espacios marítimos.

https://revistas.uca.es/index.php/cdg/article/view/5847

Extra-procedural document regarding the pending case "Arbitral Award of 3 October 1899 (Guyana v.Venezuela)", which presents to the International Court of Justice and public opinion in general, the view and main arguments of the Venezuelan Civil Society about the controversy over the frontier Guyana-Venezuela, and raises particular questions about the jurisdiction of the Court and the admissibility in relation to the unilateral Application that the Government of Guyana filed in the Registry of the International Court of Justice on 29 March 2018, instituting proceedings against the Government of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela

""In late 2014, the devolved SNP Government in Scotland has stated its intention to hold a referendum on whether the political will exists supporting the independence of the territory from the United Kingdom. This paper considers the international legal rules that inform on the effects of such a referendum, and furthermore draws upon the previous experiences of other secessions, ranging from the dissolution of the Soviet Union (USSR) & the former Yugoslavia, the 2011 emergence of South Sudan, and the most direct analogy of Québec/Canada separation efforts.

By considering the current international legal framework, and conducting the referendum within this context, it is suggested that any future independence recognition by other states will be contingent upon adherence to these rules. Further to this, any future membership of a sovereign Scottish state in international organisations must necessarily rely upon external recognition, and should be perceived as the only means for discussing whether Scotland could be a viable small state in the international system, or whether, as part of the United Kingdom, enjoys a privileged representation otherwise impossible to fathom.""

A dissertation about the territorial dispute between Burkina Faso and Niger, which was taken to the International Court of Justice after decades of struggles.
From colonial history to the modern era, Africa remains a continent suffering from the divisions imposed on it by the Europeans: territorial disputes have given rise to civil wars, difficulties in trade, and obstacles to the nomadic populations surviving on their capacity to move back and forth on a frontier.
The analysis of the legal case is accompanied by the history of the two countries, and a final discussion over the solution given by the Court.

Las dos primeras décadas de la historia diplomática en el diferendo territorial por la Guayana Esequiba y las propuestas para el desarrollo conjunto de la Zona en Reclamación entre el Presidente Carlos Andrés Pérez y el Primer Ministro Forbes Burnham

A partir de la firma del Acuerdo de Ginebra del 17 de febrero de 1966, Venezuela consiguió el reconocimiento británico y guyanés frente a la Organización de Naciones Unidas de que existe una controversia, independientemente de su carácter jurídico o político, en torno a la soberanía territorial del vasto territorio al Oeste del río Esequibo: la Guayana Esequiba. Sin embargo, mientras la postura británico – guyanesa ha reiterado desde entonces que la decisión arbitral que definió el límite entre los Estados Unidos de Venezuela y la colonia de la Guayana Británica (el Laudo de París) es perfecta e inapelable, Venezuela sostiene que el acuerdo alcanzado en 1966 implícitamente reconoce la necesidad de negociar soluciones mutuamente satisfactorias para el arreglo práctico y definitivo que pueda resarcir los efectos políticos y jurídicos que se derivaron de la usurpación británica al territorio venezolano en Guayana. Luego del vencimiento del periodo de cuatro años de labores en la que estuvo instalada la Comisión Mixta estipulada por el Acuerdo de Ginebra, Venezuela y Guyana acordaron la firma de un protocolo que prorrogó las negociaciones bilaterales por doce años, con la intensión de promover el entendimiento y mejorar las relaciones diplomáticas entre ambos países. Este instrumento, conocido como el Protocolo de Puerto España, fue fuertemente criticado por supuestamente “congelar” la reclamación venezolana y anular los esfuerzos previamente realizados para la recuperación del territorio. No obstante, por el contrario, los pormenores en el periodo que estuvo en vigencia el Protocolo (entre 1970 y 1982) atestiguan los esfuerzos de ambos gobiernos por alcanzar un arreglo práctico, lo que implicó la necesidad de la negociación política como método para la resolución del diferendo, y revelan la disposición guyanesa de reconocer la soberanía venezolana en un espacio de 18.470 km2 y una amplia proyección marítima hacia el océano Atlántico en la Zona en Reclamación, a cambio de financiamiento y apoyo logístico en la construcción del Proyecto Hidroeléctrico del Alto Mazaruni.

This study focuses on the countries of India and Pakistan and the role of water in the domestic setting of their countries and in their relationship towards each other. As stated above, India and Pakistan are found in areas that overuse their water resources which led to high stress water levels and eventually critical levels on water scarcity. This not only has impact on their economic sector due to their heavy subsistence on agriculture but also has impact on the population’s health and sanitation in terms of drinking water. As water resources gradually degenerate, people tend to search for either alternatives or new sources of water in order to compensate for this scarcity. This is where the main topic of the research comes in regarding the Kashmir area that will be discussed further in the paper. The research paper aims to study the significance of water scarcity in the respective political conditions of India and Pakistan amidst their territorial conflict over Kashmir. Moreover, two sub-questions are also to be asked:
(1) What are the political implications of the policies and mechanisms implemented by both states; and (2) how does water scarcity affect the foreign policy of India and Pakistan towards each other given their ongoing territorial dispute?

THE PRIMER is an initiative of independent researchers. The facts and analyses presented herein represent the authors’ own appreciation of published material and primary sources that were accessible to them during the course of the research. They do not represent any position of the government of the Republic of the Philippines, unless stated otherwise, nor of the publisher.
The purpose of this Primer is to make available in a single updated volume a simplified and objective rendering of the historical background, current conditions, pertinent issues and policy questions regarding the territorial and maritime disputes in the West Philippine Sea.
It is intended to assist students, researchers, media practitioners, non-specialist members of the civil service, as well as the general public, in deepening their understanding of the many different issues of the West Philippine Sea disputes. The questions and answers are framed from a Filipino perspective that focuses on information that the authors
considered to be most important and of interest to citizens of this country, rather than information that may be highlighted by various foreign authors, organizations or governments. The contents are not intended as advocacy of any particular position or policy recommendation.

This volume discusses a range of key domestic forces driving the current Chinese growth ranging from economic reforms to governance practices to analyze their impact and influence at home as well as on China’s foreign and security policies in its near and extended neighbourhood. At the same time, the volume also looks at specific themes like technology, agricultural development, reform of state-owned enterprises and the use of Party bodies to engage in foreign propaganda work among other things to offer examples of the merging of Chinese domestic political and foreign policy interests. In the process, the book offers its readers a better idea of China’s place in the world as the Chinese themselves see it and the implications over time for China, its neighbourhood and the wider world.

In recent years, the right to self-determination has been prone to abuse because of the uncertainties as to its proper operation outside the decolonisation context. This article revisits the content and role of self-determination in light of the recent assertions of this right, with particular reference to Kosovo and Crimea. It examines different facets of this right, and whether it holds an intrinsic link to a democratic form of government. The right to self-determination encompasses the right of a people to choose freely their own political system and to pursue their own economic, social, and cultural development. However, states have no duty in positive international law to introduce or maintain a democratic form of government as a requirement for the realisation of the right to self-determination. Moreover, democracy, construed narrowly as the majority rule of an electoral process, is not a guarantee of the realisation of the right to self-determination. This article will test the extent to which democracy and the development of human rights law have impacted upon the content, limitations and exercise of the right to self-determination.

"Les recompositions territoriales sont à l'ordre du jour à l'échelle planétaire, au Sud comme au Nord. Il s’agit d'une part, d’une vague sans précédent de décentralisations et de redécoupages municipaux et régionaux associés ; et d'autre part, des nouveaux acteurs territorialisés dits de la société civile (ONG, associations, groupements…) souvent partenaires des institutions internationales, qui se constituent leurs propres périmètres d’intervention chevauchant, recoupant, recouvrant ou englobant les mailles administratives officiellement reconnues. La production contemporaine des territoires locaux n’obéit donc plus exclusivement à l’encadrement administratif du territoire national d’un côté et à la gestion des services publics municipaux de l’autre, mais plutôt à une logique de recherche des territoires multiformes du développement, au sens d’espaces de mobilisation des différents acteurs potentiels du développement autour d’un projet. Deux mots d'ordre qui se déclinent en de multiples interprétations, accompagnent, justifient et encouragent ces mutations : "gouvernance" et "développement durable".
Partout, les pouvoirs publics investis dans un travail de recomposition plus ou moins radicale sont en quête de modèles, ils doivent aussi innover pour réussir la mobilisation pour le développement appelée de leurs vœux, parallèle bien souvent à leur désengagement. L’heure n’est plus à la rationalisation cartésienne, mais plutôt à une certaine géométrie variable de type « postmoderne » pouvant accompagner la complexité territoriale ambiante, elle même liée aux multiples ancrages et périmètres des réseaux d’acteurs.
Le Nord est tenté d’aller voir au Sud comment tradition, réseaux sociaux et identitaires ont pu se conjuguer avec administrations territoriales coloniale et postcoloniale, tandis que le Sud tend à s’éloigner d’une démarche de mimétisme et interroge les impasses des modèles du Nord, tout en cherchant à capter les nouvelles rentes du développement durable.
Ce livre constitue une synthèse et une mise en perspective théorique, de travaux en géographie politique sur les techniques et les enjeux de la fabrication des territoires. Chacune des 5 parties constitutives du livre est l’occasion de faire le point sur une des entrées cruciales du champ des recompositions territoriales. Pour chaque partie, une synthèse est produite qui permet de situer les apports des travaux de l’auteur dans le cadre de la production scientifique sur le thème, et de poser une série de questions. Des études et des développements originaux concernant notamment l’Afrique du Sud sont présentés à l’appui de ces parties. Par ailleurs, chacune de ces parties est l’occasion de formaliser des points théoriques sous forme d’axiomes, ou des points méthodologiques sous forme de graphes et grilles de lecture.

« 1. Vers le tout territorial » constitue un cadrage contemporain de la thématique. Cette partie permet de revenir sur l’ampleur du phénomène de construction multiforme de territoires locaux et régionaux, et de proposer une méthode graphique d’appréhension des systèmes d’administration territoriale dans leur complexité. Sont évoquées également les raisons du primat de l’approche territoriale dans les politiques publiques et les modes d’intervention pour le développement. L’axiome exposé dans cette partie concerne : “les logiques des 3 dimensions de l’Aménagement du territoire”.

« 2. Pas mort l’optimum, les formes contemporaines de l’utopie organiciste » revient sur les modèles, les techniques et les référents à l’œuvre dans la fabrication contemporaine des territoires. L’analyse porte plus particulièrement sur la tendance qui s’exprime chez les experts et les scientifiques à la quête d’un optimum territorial renouvelé qui combinerait fonctionnalité, participation et géométrie variable. L’axiome exposé concerne “la géométrie variable des territoires de la durabilité”

« 3. La condition du chef-lieu, de l’effet à l’enjeu » envisage les construits territoriaux sous l’angle de leur centralité. Plus particulièrement, c’est le thème de l’effet chef-lieu qui est traité et qui fait l’objet d’une présentation dans ses déclinaisons sud-africaines. Plus généralement, est proposée une interprétation générale de son paradoxal succès universel qui voit les villes secondaires tenter de se tailler des arrière-pays étendus à l’heure où les dotations publiques aux chefs-lieux se tarissent et où les charges de centralité augmentent. L’axiome exposé concerne “les modes de traitement territorial de la ville”

« 4. Les confins, entre innovation et relégation  » aborde cette fois les territoires par leurs marges en défendant la thèse des confins comme lieux potentiels d’innovations territoriales, mais aussi d’atomisation du pouvoir territorialisé. C’est plus particulièrement leur traitement dans le champ de la conservation et de la protection sur le continent africain qui fait l’objet d’un développement. L’axiome exposé dans cette partie concerne “la règle des 1-3 2-4”, autrement dit le principe de contournement de l’échelon inférieur et d’encouragement à l’affranchissement de ses limites.

« 5. La postmodernité territoriale, éclairages africains » C’est donc une réflexion sur la postmodernité territoriale à partir des réalités africaines sur le temps long qui vient clore le mémoire. Elle reprend une notion qui parcourt les interprétations proposées pour les quatre autres entrées thématiques. Les réalités africaines, et singulièrement sud-africaines avec l’Apartheid, permettent en effet de questionner l’apparente linéarité et la succession des pré et des post dans le champ territorial et d’analyser les conditions d’émergence de construits hybrides.

Les axiomes énoncés esquissent une table des combinaisons et des règles d’usage des figures et modèles territoriaux, une grammaire de la composition territoriale politique. On voit par exemple comment la référence obligée au développement durable peut renvoyer non seulement à différents modèles, mais également à différents ordres fonctionnels et/ou méthodologiques pour définir des types de configurations territoriales dites“durables”
En fait, trois règles se combinent pour fonder les doctrines des réformes territoriales et les positionnements des collectivités et des coalitions.
La première règle est celle de l’imposition systématique d’un gabarit approximatif tandis que des marges de manœuvre sont laissées généralement à une commission pour l’appréciation ou la négociation des limites. Le gabarit des mailles est stratégique pour le dépassement ou la reprise d’un ordre ancien, pour l’encadrement et le contrôle adaptés aux moyens administratifs ou militaires, mais aussi pour le ciblage des coalitions territoriales promues comme partenaires. L’imposition d’un gabarit est la véritable condition territoriale du projet politique.
Cette règle en rejoint une autre qui s’apparente à une loi. La loi du 1/3-2/4 veut qu’un niveau de pouvoir en cours d’affirmation structure son territoire en cherchant des relais susceptibles de court-circuiter le niveau inférieur contre lequel il tend à s’affirmer.
Une règle enfin se dégage pour expliquer le positionnement des villes non-métropoles dans les processus contemporains de recompositions territoriales. Cette règle est celle de la “compensation hiérarchique” qui veut que pour compenser leur déficit dimensionnel, les villes moyennes et petites ont tendance, au Nord comme au Sud, à revendiquer des arrière-pays élargis. L’enjeu est celui de la captation des fonctions d’intermédiation territoriale, et ce malgré les charges de centralité. La cité et ses élites sont en capacité de représenter un territoire et ses ressources vis-à-vis d’acteurs externes -investisseurs ou bailleurs de fonds-, les agents de la cité sont alors incontournables pour l’accès et la valorisation de ces ressources. Cette position d’intermédiation à la tête d’un territoire élargi semble nécessaire pour exister dans la globalisation hors des aires métropolitaines. Elle prend le relais de la recherche d’un effet-chef-lieu qui, avec le désengagement des Etats, ne se traduit plus sous la forme de dotations en fonctionnaires et en équipements.
Avec ces quelques règles se dessinent des logiques qui donnent du sens à la complexité territoriale contemporaine et à ses formes. Cette complexité se traduit par une profusion et une hybridité des territoires sur fond d’effacement des normes de la modernité territoriale : pavage, emboîtement et uniformité des statuts. Cette complexité est avant tout le fait de deux phénomènes concomitants relatifs aux acteurs des recompositions : la métropolisation d’une part qui se caractérise notamment par des comportements individuels et collectifs faits d’appartenances multiples, et la multiplication des acteurs du développement d’autre part (des organismes internationaux à la nébuleuse de la société civile en passant par les collectivités territoriales, les services de l’Etat et les entreprises) qui inscrivent leurs actions dans des périmètres différents et pas toujours articulés. Ainsi la complexité territoriale n’est ni une calamité ni un bienfait, c’est une expression parmi d’autres des mutations sociales et des différentes facettes de la postmodernité.
Notre posture est celle de son acceptation à la fois comme objet pertinent et comme donnée contextuelle, mais pas comme un facteur de résignation en matière d’aménagement et de développement. En effet, si tout ne se joue pas sur le territoire, bien souvent dérisoire face à la mobilité du capital et des hommes, l’enjeu territorial existe et il n’est pas à sommes nulles. Il y a des gagnants et des perdants, de plus, les modèles qui circulent sont tout sauf neutres, ils peuvent promouvoir certaines configurations spatiales et politiques tout en marginalisant d’autres, ils peuvent in fine accroître la capacité ou l’incapacité territoriale.
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In Indo-Pakistan relations, conflict, rivalry and hostility started immediately after their independence in 1947 followed by the first Indo-Pakistan war. Their bilateral relations have always been jeopardized by the Kashmir issue. They fought three conventional wars and faced several crises during the pre-nuclear and nuclear periods over the question of Kashmir. Both states attempted to acquire nuclear weapons with the primary aims of balancing each other and deterring wars. As a result, the possession of nuclear weapons by India and Pakistan have in turn generated arms races, crises, rivalries and increased their hostile relations. Both countries have been trying to find mutually acceptable solution to the question of Kashmir issue since the time of its inception. In addition to the third party interventions, a number of bilateral negotiations at different levels have been initiated by the two countries to settle the protracted issue. This article provides critical examination on the genesis of this conflict. The article is divided into sections discussing the Hindu-Muslin antagonism, the formation of the Jammu-Kashmir state, the partition of 1948, accession of Kashmir to India and the UN intervention into this territorial dispute. The article employs a qualitative research methodology, primarily relying on the analysis of printed and written materials such as books, academic journals, magazines and newspapers. The primary findings suggest that the failure of bilateral negotiations has protracted the conflict and has contributed to the deepening of mistrust between these two nuclear countries.

Πολλά έχουν γραφτεί και ειπωθεί για το Μακεδονικό Ονοματολογικό Ζήτημα, που τόσο έχει απασχολήσει το λαό μας και την ευρύτερη περιοχή. Αυτό, όμως, που λείπει από την ελληνική, αλλά και την παγκόσμια βιβλιογραφία, είναι μία εξέταση του ζητήματος λαμβάνοντας υπόψη τη σχετική διεθνή ιστορική εμπειρία. Στην παρούσα εργασία γίνεται μία μελέτη συγκρίσεων που θα μπορούσαν να γίνουν με άλλες αντίστοιχες καταστάσεις, περιλαμβανομένων και άλλων «Μακεδονικών» που έχουν ή θα μπορούσαν να έχουν υπάρξει σε άλλα σημεία του κόσμου, και μία εξέταση του πώς είδε το θέμα η διεθνής κοινότητα. Στόχος, μία όσο γίνεται πιο αντικειμενική θεώρηση του προβλήματος και των λύσεων που προτάθηκαν, καθώς και αυτών που τελικά συμφωνήθηκαν.

Rezension zu Alexandra Schweiger: Polens Zukunft liegt im Osten. Polnische Ostkonzepte der späten Teilungszeit (1890-1918), Marburg 2014; Benjamin Conrad: Umkämpfte Grenzen, umkämpfte Bevölkerung. Die Entstehung der Staatsgrenzen der Zweiten Polnischen Republik 1918-1923, Stuttgart 2014. In: Zeitschrift für Ostmitteleuropa-Forschung (ZfO) 66 (2017) H.4, S. 614-617.

This paper aims to theorize the major aspects of the Spanish–Moroccan rebordering since Spain joined the European Union in 1986. The paper starts by providing a brief historical–geographical overview of the evolution of this border. Afterwards, the core of the theoretical discussion is addressed. The theorization follows a three-fold structure that scrutinizes the geopolitical, functional, and symbolic aspects of the Spanish–Moroccan border reconfiguration. Taking the general Spanish–Moroccan border as the point of departure, the analytical framework is gradually channeled towards the (EU)ro-African border scenarios constructed around Ceuta and Melilla, the two North-African cities under Spanish sovereignty. In doing so, the paper describes how the tripartite rebordering process has shaped the contemporary geography of these peculiar segments of the land border between the EU/Spain and Morocco. To conclude, this paper underlines how the Spanish–Moroccan border is rooted in an increasing divergence between the implementation of EU external border securitization needs and the management of free-trade.

A finales de mayo del año 2015, fue presentado a la nación venezolana un decreto presidencial que en su contenido y alcance evidenciaría una manufactura de corte castrense. Un decreto que por el ámbito de validez espacial que pretendía abarcar, requería de una redacción precisa y delimitada a la perfección, pues indicaría puntos geográficos con coordenadas de latitud y longitud en áreas donde confluyen un conjunto de intereses exógenos. El decreto presentado como 1786, publicado en la Gaceta Oficial N°40.669 del 27JUN2015 constituía las Zonas Operativas de Defensa Integral Marítima e Insular, mediante una acto jurídico extraordinario que rompía con la flexibilidad de los gobiernos “rojos” frente a los principios constitucionales de integridad territorial, soberanía y jurisdicción sobre los espacios geográficos de la República sujetos a procesos de delimitaciones/negociaciones, especialmente en el frente atlántico en áreas correspondientes a la Guayana Esequiba,  Zona en Reclamación. El artículo 19 del instrumento jurídico citado, comprometió y delegó en el Ministro de Defensa (Vladimir Padrino López) la ejecución y cabal cumplimiento de lo expuesto en el Decreto-Ley. Bajo este mandato se le atribuía a las Fuerzas Armadas Nacionales, la plena potestad de ejercer operaciones científicas, de resguardo y patrullaje en áreas marinas y submarinas. Sin embargo, el enérgico impulso que desencadenó la apresurada promulgación del decreto, evidenció que sus líneas no fueron consultadas o sometidas al juicio de la cancillería, quizás tampoco ante otros entes del Poder Público Nacional. Se presume entonces, que hubo un entendimiento directo entre el Comando Estratégico Operacional y la Presidencia de la República.

A thorough analysis of this landmark case before an International Tribunal on territorial sovereignty, especially as for islands dispute, historic titles, titles arising out of contiguity, succession to treaties, territorial treaties and third States, effectiveness, fishery rights. An inmportant section is also devoted to the study of a non-state legal order straddling the two contending States, the existence of which is ascertained by the Tribunal (lex pescatoria? or even more than that?).

El presente trabajo desarrolla una investigación sobre las inversiones en el sector de la palma de aceite realizadas por la empresa italiana Poligrow en Mapiripán (Meta). Desde el punto de vista teórico, el análisis introduce el giro eco-territorial de América Latina en la última década (a partir de las reflexiones de los geógrafos latinoamericanos), y en particular, las resistencias eco territoriales en América Latina en el estudio de los conflictos sociales. En el caso de Colombia, dichos conflictos se presentan de forma particularmente violenta, agudizados por la persistencia de un conflicto armado interno y el fortalecimiento de los grupos contra-insurgentes. Al mismo tiempo, las comunidades indígenas y campesinas han sido afectadas por el deterioro de sus territorios. En efecto, muchos grupos paramilitares, cuya acción y presencia transcienden la lógica de autodefensa, persiguen el acaparamiento de tierras en particular a través de la acumulación por desposesión, atraídos por la oportunidad de nuevos negocios en relación a la retórica del Capitalismo Verde. A la expropiación sigue una estrategia legal para “legalizar” el despojo.

The article examines North Korea’s standpoint on the Dokdo question from the
perspective of North Korean propaganda and diplomacy. It describes Pyongyang’s
historical and legal arguments in favor of Korean ownership, summarizes the
successive phases of North Korea’s Dokdo policy, and analyzes factors that
induced North Korean leaders to alternately highlight or de-emphasize the dispute.
It concludes that Pyongyang’s attitude toward the Dokdo issue has not been shaped
solely by the factor of nationalism, but rather by varying combinations of North
Korean-Japanese, South Korean-Japanese, and inter-Korean relations. Finally, it
seeks to explain the fluctuations in Pyongyang’s Dokdo policy by placing it into
the theoretical framework of ethnic nationalism versus state-centered nationalism.

The purpose of this chapter is to provide a broad overview of territorial disputes in today’s Asia. The borders of Asia are rather vague. For the purposes of this chapter therefore I will focus only on Northeast, Southeast and South Asia, by this excluding the Middle East as well as the former Soviet republics in Central Asia and the Caucasus.
Territorial disputes in Asia vary greatly in terms of their origins, the scope of the territory in question and the role these disputes play in the bilateral or multilateral relations of the states involved. There are numerous ways territorial disputes can be categorized. For example, in a recently published Global Encyclopedia of Border Disputes, Brunet-Jailly (2015) presents three categories of border disputes: territorial, positional and functional. According to this typology, territorial disputes are about land. They are the most complex ones as they undermine the very integrity of states. Positional disputes arise when the parties agree in principle on a border but cannot agree on the exact position of the boundary line. Lastly, functional disputes are neither about territory nor the borderline but about competing understandings of the function that a certain border should perform. Alternatively, it is possible to categorize the disputes by focusing on the factors that cause states to cooperate or to escalate certain territorial disputes (see Huth, 1996; Huth and Allee, 2002; Fravel, 2008). One can also explore the role of power and levels of technology of the rival claimants (Mandel, 1980) or geopolitics (Emmers, 2009) or the role of non-state actors (Bukh 2020) in understanding the diverging dynamics of such disputes.
While all the above factors and categories are no doubt important, this chapter focuses on the factors that brought about the disputes in question. Among the numerous disputes that exist in Asia today, the chapter looks at those that play an important role in bilateral or multilateral relations of the concerned states. It is far beyond the scope of this chapter and the ability of the author to examine in detail the dynamics of these disputes. As such, the chapter will mostly describe the origins of these disputes and their present state.
When it comes to the origins of territorial disputes in Asia, historical claims of ownership are among the key arguments advanced by the parties. All of the disputes examined here, however, originated in the post-WWII years. Therefore, rather than a history per se, factors such as colonialism and its legacies, the Cold War struggle between communism and capitalism, and the domestic politics of one or more of the parties involved, are of most importance for our understanding of their origins. All of these factors are obviously interrelated. In most of the disputes examined below, two or all three of these factors account for their emergence as well as for their rise to prominence in the relations of the countries involved. This chapter, therefore, will try to identify the most important of these factors in the disputes discussed and explore the ways they interplayed with each other.

В статье рассматриваются причины территориальных споров в странах Латинской Америки и Карибского бассейна. «Неопределенность» границ, изменения в международном праве, развитие новых технологий освоения морских и шельфовых ресурсов, стремление властей «переключить» внимание общественности с напряженной внутриполитической ситуации на «внешнего врага» и действительные факты вмешательства внешних сил во внутренние дела стран ЛАКБ создают объективную основу для сохранения территориальных споров. Автор выделяет некоторые общие черты развития территориальных споров в регионе.
Ключевые слова: территориальные споры, территориальные конфликты, ЛАКБ, границы, международное право.
The article examines the reasons of territorial disputes in the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean. "Uncertainty" of borders, changes in international law, development of new technologies in reclamation of sea and shelf resources, intention of the authorities to "switch" attention of the public from an intense internal political situation on «the external enemy» and real facts of foreign intervention in LAC states internal affairs, create an objective basis for preservation of territorial disputes. The author marks out some common features of territorial disputes in the region.
Keywords: territorial disputes, territorial conflicts, LAC, borders, international law.

The research is focused on examining by describing historically the relationship between the Philippines and China in the disputed claims over the islands in South China Sea. To crystalize this goal, the discourse in the paper heavily employs inter-textual analysis that is logically arranged into an opening idea on the context of the conflicting issue over the islands situated in Spratlys, then followed by an extensive illustration of the relationship between the Philippines and China concerning the territorial claims over the islands of South China Sea. Subsequently, a brief reflection guided by the principle of territoriality is portrayed with the goal to authoritatively explain the idea of jurisdiction over the islands in the Spratly area. After that, the paper briefly concludes with a prospectus on the issue of South China Sea.