Tiberius (Emperor)

Suetonius’ Lives of the Caesars usually begin with a family tree. These family trees are often rhetorical, foreshadowing in the ancestors character traits that will be themes of the rest of the Life. This particular rhetorical strategy relies upon an older phenomenon of ‘family identity’—namely, the literary application of similar characteristics to people in the same family—such as the one that tells us that the Claudii are proud and the Domitii Ahenobarbi are ferocious. Gary Farney studied ‘family identity’ as a phenomenon of the Republic. There, it was the association of a family with a certain characteristic, a kind of ‘branding’. It would be perfectly obvious for Suetonius to use the family identities already in use for well-known families, but, as I show here, Suetonius’ selection of ancestors creates different family identities rather than simply using the traditional ones he would have found in other sources. In this study I concentrate on Nero and Tiberius. I focus on these...

O presente artigo busca realizar uma análise comparativa das iconografias presentes em dois camafeus romanos datados do início do século I d.C., o primeiro conhecido por Gemma Augustea e o segundo por Grand Camée de France (ou Gemma Tiberiana). Ambas as joias foram lapidadas no início do Principado e portam os nomes dos dois primeiros principes romanos, Augusto e Tibério, membros da dinastia Júlio-Claudiana. Investigaremos as iconografias atentando para o tema da memória. Para tanto, duas problemáticas serão esquadrinhadas. A primeira delas analisa os elementos da memória cultural romana presentes na visualidade das gemas. Assim, buscaremos desvendar o modo como a iconografia articulou os elementos do passado romano com aqueles contemporâneos à confecção dos artefatos, construindo imageticamente tanto a memória cultural quanto a memória comunicativa (associada a um passado recente ou ao tempo presente). Já a segunda problemática sondará a temporalidade criada pela visualidade das fontes, uma vez que o tempo passa a ser também objeto de representação. Nesse sentido, questionaremos a noção de temporalidade forjada pelos camafeus ao tecerem as memórias cultural e a comunicativa juntas em um mesmo plano imagético.

Campaigns of Germanicus, AD 13-16 describes briefly the campaigns, joint and combined ops., tactics, strategy, foreign policy, espionage, intelligence gathering, and strategy between ca. 60 BC and AD 150 with particular focus on Germanicus' campaigns.

Abstract
This article examines the longstanding rivalry of Rome and Parthia, which began as an unintended consequence of Crassus’ decisive defeat at Carrhae in 53 BCE. It synthesizes the accounts and opinions of numerous Graeco-Roman writers from the Augustan Age to late antiquity in order to help illustrate the new and interconnected post-Carrhae world and its legacy. The rivalry of the Romans and Parthians became a primary focus of their foreign policies and drastically expanded their perceptions of the world in which they interacted. Even after the fall of the Parthians to the rebellious Sassanid Persians in the 220s CE, the Romans continued to find their three-century-long rivalry with the Parthians of interest and relevant to the changing world of late antiquity.

Tiberius relation with the women of the domus Augusta would give birth to a dynasty. The way in which they were portrayed in the dynastic propaganda and involved in the dynastic politics of Tiberius, would find its expression in the sources.
In this paper we will show ample proof that the women of the domus Augusta were given a prominent place in the dynastic imagery and that this was vital for the birth of the Julio-Claudian dynasty. In part I we will discuss the different available sources on the women of the domus Augusta, after which we will examine, in part II, the different aspects of the role they have played and/or were expected to play within the domus Augusta, that more and more coincide with the res publica.
We shall see that the sources were diverse and widespread, and that the women of the domus Augusta were often depicted in terms of good and bad. Subsequently we shall see that the role of the women of the domus Augusta, during the reign of Tiberius, stem from Tiberius' need for a social network. As a result of his stay on Rhodos, his network had collapsed and he had to rebuild it.

Augustus and his successors promoted the system that embodied the idea that the Roman emperor was closely interested in his citizens. In this way, one of the most important means of showing the emperor’s
personal interest in the emperor’s subjects was through those appointed to undertake the office of the highest authorities of the cities under his control. One of the cities where this phenomenon is documented is  Pisidian Antioch, through seven examples, which was organized by Augustus in 25 B.C. as a Roman colony, renamed Colonia Caesarea. In the first part of the article, the progress of re-organizing the Seleucid colony of Pisidian Antioch as a Roman colony is studied, and in the second part, information on civic duties of duumvirs, whose activities ranged from responsibilities concerning the town planning and public works to the administrative, judicial, financial, military and religious functions, is provided on the light of colonial and municipal laws. The third part studies the seven significant persons presented as honorary duumvirate by the Roman colony of Antioch, including Augustus and Tiberius, and why they were chosen, and the praefecti who acted for them. The facts given here are explained within the relationship among the members of the Julio-Claudian house and of the problems that occurred in the eastern borders and at the same time as the foundation of the colony.

La nascita e la diffusione dei cicli statuari giulio-claudii come autentico fenomeno sociale caratterizzante la società urbana romana della prima età imperiale, indissolubilmente legate all'affermazione dell'idea dinastica ai vertici della res publica romana. Augusto elabora i valori di una vera e propria religione civile che riconosce in lui e in quanti della sua famiglia sono legati alla successione i soli destinatari di manifestazioni di culto e fa di ogni cittadino romano un sacerdote. Gli edifici intorno ai quali ruota la vita urbana sono i santuari di questa religione. Tutto ciò su un binario parallelo a quello del culto imperiale rivolto ai principi in qualità di divi.

Vipsania Agrippina seems to have played an important role in the dynastic as well as ideological field - being a daughter of Marcus Vipsanius Agrippa and Caecilia Attica. She gave birth to a descendant of the Julio-Claudian House and linked the old republic to the new one.
Her engagement (at a very young age) and later her marriage to Tiberius Claudius Nero linked in the first place her maternal grandfather Titus Pomponius Atticus with Tiberius' stepfather, Augustus. But moreover it also linked the plebeian Vipsanii to the patrician Claudii.
As mother of Drusus (from her marriage with Tiberius) she provided Augustus with a (adoption) grandson, who would adopt Tiberius, after Tiberius' adoption of Germanicus, the oldest son of his brother Drusus.
The second marriage of Vipsania Agrippina - with Gaius Asinius Gallus - also seems to have been favourable to Augustus, because it linked the Asinii to the Julio-Claudian house. The children from this marriage would, for their part, enter the political stage.
And through her the cognomen Agrippa was continued. One of her sons received this cognomen and a granddaughter beared the cognomen Agrippina.
She was honoured as mother of Drusus and grandmother of his twins. After her death her portrait occured in various parts of the empire and possible even on coins. She also seems to have been taking a prominent place on the Ara Pacis as wife of the consul of that year (Tiberius Claudius Nero), whoms colleague (Publius Quinctilius Varus) was married to her (half) sister.
She is, according to Tacitus, the only one of Agrippa's children who died a natural death, because she succeeded - in spite of her connections with the imperial family - to stay out of the restless waters of power. With her died one of the most prominent ladies of the late republic.

One of the most important Roman sculptures from the Netherlands.
In 1980 two matching shaft blocks of almost the same height, square in shape, from Norroy limestone, were recovered from the foundations of the medieval castle of the Valkhof (Nijmegen, province of Gelderland, Netherlands), above a late Roman V-shaped moat. Both were parts of a monumental pillar with reliefs of gods, the one with at least three registers and reliefs on all four sides. The four sides show the same structure: the stacked relief panels with mostly frontal deities are framed by narrow vertical ornamental strips. In the center of the front side a person in the imperial toga with a sacrificial dish in his right hand and a sacrificial knife in his left approaches the altar to offer. A smaller Victoria in a chiton is behind him, shouldering the palm of victory, and places a laurel wreath on his head. The shaft of the pulvinus altar bears the inscription: »Tib(e)r(ii) / C(ae)sar(is)«. The physiognomy of the Togatus corresponds to that of the Julio-Claudian imperial family, most closely to that of Tiberius. Above this, the feet and lower legs of a second togatus (Genius Augusti?) have survived. The represented gods in this register are Diana, Apollo, and Ceres. It is also possible to recognize two figures in small boots with laurel branches and staffs in the upper register as the Lares. Further is represented here Bacchus-Liber Pater with panther and Thyrsos. In the lower register are depicted the Muse Urania, a river god (Tiber, Rhenus [?] or even Oceanus?), the helmeted Mars (Minerva, Virtus, Roma?), and a bearded winged god with a Phrygian cap or pylos (Volcanus?). The pillar monument can be reconstructed to a total height of 5.40 meters with four relief registers of equal size staggered one on top of the other and a slightly protruding base. It is to be interpreted as a monument of honor on the occasion of a triumph, most likely the triumph of Germanicus in 16/17 AD and reminds us to the Nautae pillar in Paris.

In this pioneering article, Dr Daryn Graham brings together the source material to show that the reign of Tiberius (AD14-37) was one of military rivalry between the Roman and Parthian Empires, but also one of flourishing trade, at times. Explored is Dr Graham’s theory, based on solid evidence, that Rome contained aggressive Parthian policies by surrounding its empire with Roman allies, by land and sea. Also explored is the ‘Silk Route’ and how during times of peace under Tiberius and Artabanus II the exchange of goods and ideas saw these two mammoth empires of the ancient world come closer, as increasingly wealthy realms.

تتناول هذه الدراسة الإمبراطور الروماني تيبيريوس خلال الحقبة (42ق.م – 37م)، وبمعنى أدق حياة هذا الإمبراطور منذ مولده حتى وفاته، فمنذ أكثر من ألفي عام اعتلى عرش روما إمبراطور جديد هو ثاني الأباطرة الرومان؛ أسمه تيبيريوس كلوديوس، وعدد رعاياه مائه مليون نسمة. ولقد كان طاغية بخيلاً، منحرفًا، سفاكًا للدماء، ولكن الإمبراطورية الرومانية استقرت في عهده وازدهرت اقتصادياتها. وقد تعرضت الدراسة بشكل مركز إلى مولد تيبيريوس وتربيته ونشأته، وثقافته، وملامح شخصيته، ثم انعزاله في جزيرة رودس والظروف التي دفعت به نحو عرش الإمبراطورية بعد وفاة أول الأباطرة الرومان أوجستس (أوغسطس)، مع عدم إغفال أهم الأحداث خلال فترة توليه العرش ثم تقاعده في جزيرة كابري، وأخيرًا نهاية حياته بعد فترة حكم استمرت ثلاثة وعشرين عامًا (14م – 37م) كان فيها أقدر حاكم للإمبراطورية الرومانية على وجه الإطلاق.

أشرف صالح محمد سيد، "الحياة الخاصة للإمبراطور الروماني تيبيريوس (42 ق.م – 37م)".- مجلة جامعة ابن رشد (فصلية، علمية، مُحكَّمة).- ع5، مارس2012 ( هولندا). ص84 - 104.

Fragments of a huge inscribed bronze tabula are presented here, which can be dated to the end of the year AD 14. The document contained regulations regarding the privileges of soldiers and veterans as well as the financing of the latter. These regulations were made after the mutinies of legions at the Rhine and Danube frontiers, which started after the death of Augustus.

A new reading of Suetonius' De Vita Caesarum as source for emperors' lives and Roman social history. The focus is on how Suetonius used his own memory and those of others. Paper given at the Oxford Food Symposium and published in its proceedings

A lo largo de sus tres siglos de historia en la época imperial romana, la función principal de la Guardia Pretoriana fue la protección de la figura del emperador allí donde este se encontrara, ya fuera actuando permanentemente como su escolta y guardia personal  en el palacio imperial o como última línea de defensa en el ámbito militar. Pero como cuerpo de élite del ejército romano acantonado en la capital del Imperio también se les encomendó el mantenimiento y, en su caso, restablecimiento del orden allí donde fuera necesario. Así, la Guardia Pretoriana se conformaría como una de las piezas clave en la historia imperial romana como uno de los actores principales no solo a nivel militar sino también a nivel político, papel este último muy alejado de las funciones iniciales para las que fue creada pero que poco a poco fue cobrando especial relevancia tanto por su cercanía a la figura de los sucesivos emperadores como por su acantonamiento en la capital imperial. Consciente de su poder, no fueron pocas las ocasiones en que los pretorianos utilizaron su posición e influencias para dirigir y aprovechar los habituales cambios políticos en la cúspide del poder . Pero, aun siendo menos conocida, no sería menor la importancia bélica que en los campos de batalla protagonizarían los pretorianos en numerosas ocasiones como unidad militar y que a la postre les consagraría como uno de los pilares fundamentales del régimen imperial prácticamente desde su creación, en tiempos de Augusto , hasta su desmantelamiento llevado a cabo por el emperador Majencio.
Como cuerpo de élite del ejército, reconocidos como los mejor entrenados y preparados como demostraron en no pocas ocasiones, y en base a su especial misión recibían una paga superior al del resto de soldados; y su tiempo de servicio era varios años menor, por lo que resultaban ser la envidia del resto de unidades militares y en particular de aquellos que servían en el limes del imperio . Es por ello que trataremos aquí de realizar un estudio esquemático sobre su formación, estructura, actuaciones, etc. con el fin de ahondar en el conocimiento de esta institución muchas veces denostada por algunas de sus intervenciones.

RESUMEN: Edición de tres fragmentos epigráficos contiguos procedentes de la región de Osuna (provincia de Sevilla) correspondientes a la esquina superior derecha de una tabla de bronce conteniendo parcialmente el texto de un senadoconsulto del año 14, posterior a la muerte de Augusto, por el que se cumplió la voluntad testamentaria del emperador difunto, con referencias a la lealtad debida al emperador por los militares, los praemia militiae y las fórmulas para subvenir a las necesidades del Aerarium militare.
RÉSUMÉ: Édition de trois fragments épigraphiques contigus de la région d'Osuna (province de Séville), correspondant au coin supérieur droit d'une plaque de bronze contenant partiellement le texte d'un sénatus-consulte de l'an 14, après la mort d'Auguste, pour faire accomplir les dernières volontés que l'empereur disparu a exprimées dans son testament, avec des références à la loyauté due au Prince par les soldats, les praemia militiae et les formules pour répondre aux besoins de l'Aerarium militare.
ABSTRACT: Edition of three contiguous epigraphic fragments from the Osuna region (province of Seville), corresponding to the upper right corner of a bronze panel partially containing the text of a senatus consultum from the year 14, after the death of Augustus, fulfilling the testamentary will of the deceased emperor, with references to the loyalty owed to the emperor by the military, the praemia militiae, and the procedures to meet the needs of the Aerarium militare.

Judged to be historically superficial, marred by an overbearing urge to please the emperor Tiberius, and a vehicle for imperial propaganda, Velleius' work has been given generally short shrift in or omitted from most discussions of Roman historical writing. This disdain, unfortunately reflected in the paucity of English translations of Velleius, has certainly been tempered in light of reevaluations of his work. Tony Woodman's magisterial commentaries on Book 2, in particular, represented a watershed moment, both restoring a measure of dignity to Velleius and signaling the profound importance of this historian to our understanding of the Augustan and Tiberian periods. One particularly interesting aspect of the brief Historia (contained in two books yet covering the period from the founding of Rome down to 29 CE) is in the manner it bridges and even masks the transition from republic to principate. In much the same way as the texts of Sallust, Livy, and Tacitus reflect the circumstances of their production, the value of Velleius lies in his place as one of the chief literary artefacts of the immediate post-Augustan era and thus a product of the emerging principate. His perspective is valuable, for it furnishes an antidote to the dark cynicism of the later Tacitus, who has few doubts that the Augustan principate sounded the death knell of the Roman republic. Modern readers, however, tend to find the cynical Tacitean view, which is admittedly expressed in a powerful and engrossing narrative, more attractive if not more credible, the generally cheery optimism of Velleius looking strained and suspicious in comparison with the detached stance and pessimism of Tacitus. Putting aside all cynicism, however, and reading Velleius in context rather than in hindsight, one hears the voice of a man who not only takes his task with some seriousness but also believes with equal seriousness that the republic survives under Tiberius – that the Tiberian period represents the true fulfillment of the Augustan Marincola: Companion to Greek and Roman Historiography 1405102162_4_040 Page Proof page 411 19.2.2007 12:35pm Compositor Name: PDjeapradaban

Tiberius Claudius Nero, 16 Kasım M.Ö 42’de Roma’da doğdu. Annesi ve babası Claudius’lar ailesine mensuptur. O daha 3 yaşında iken annesi Livia Drusilla, babasından boşanarak Augustus ile evlendi. Annesinin yaptığı bu evlilik Tiberius’un hayatında dönüm noktası oldu.
M.Ö 24’de Augustus’un teşvikiyle quaestor olarak siyasete dahil oldu. Böylece Tiberius’un imparator olmadan önceki serüveni başlamış oldu. Augustus tarafından pek fazla sevilmedi. Hatta Augustus onun yaşamının son bulması için çok tehlikeli Parth, Germen ve Gallia seferlerine göndermiştir. Bu seferlerde görev alan Tiberius ise Augustus’un istediğinin aksine başarıyla dönmüştür. Hatta Tiberius imparator ile olan görüş ayrılıklarından dolayı da Rodos’a inzivaya çekilmiştir.
Augustus’un kızı Julia ile yaptığı evlilik Tiberius’un artık devlet içerisinde gün geçtikçe büyüyen hakimiyeti sağlar. Ayrıca Augustus’un aile içerisinde halefi olarak düşündüğü kimselerin de talihsiz olarak yaşamlarını yitirmeleri Tiberius’u tek varis durumuna getirmiştir. Augustus’un 14 yılında ölmesiyle, senatonun toplantısı sonrası Roma imparatoru olmuştur.
Tiberius’un döneminde devlet otoritesi artmış, toplumun ahlak ve eğitim gibi sorunları ile yakından ilgilenilmiş, dış politikada dikkatli davranarak başkalarının zafiyet durumlarından yararlanma durumunu bırakmış, fetihler yerine devletin askeri gücünü yapılandırmış, tasarruf politikaları uygulanmış, meydana gelen doğal afetler sonrası yerleşim yerleri yeniden imar edilmiş, Augustus döneminde başlayan Romalılaştırma politikaları sürdürülmüş ve imparatorların Roma’da dini bir kült haline gelmesine ise karşı çıkmıştır. 16 Mart 37’de Misenum’da 77 yaşında ölmüştür.

The imperial cult, emerging at the end of a long evolutionary process including the worship of notable individuals, Hellenistic kings, Roman officials and the goddess Roma, and based upon the same model of benefactory exchange, constituted the natural reaction of Greek cities to the appearance of dominant Rome, the characteristically Greek way of incorporating the superior emperor into the familiar political and religious order. The traditional cult provided the requisite institutions: priests, temples, statues, sacrifices, festivals and games. In the Peloponnese, the onomastic and iconographic assimilations of emperors to traditional Greek gods, their shared worship, the reuses and reconsecrations of temples and the festivals of the Kaisareia and Sebasteia constituted the primary expressions of the imperial cult. The worship of members of the domus augusta as well as of prestigious local benefactors, its complex ritual, the grandeur of the sacred procession, the duties of the city officials and their control mechanism are laid out in elaborate detail in the lex sacra of the city of Gytheion. In the brief reply letter of Emperor Tiberius, the polite refusal of isotheai timai manifests the self-restricting tendencies of the Roman emperors in the handling of their own cult.

RE: Facades, illusions & ideological concepts created & promoted by ancient royalty out of necessity; effective creation of an alternate version of reality. It is only by knowing this information that the true nature of ancient texts may be understood correctly. Not knowing, means making incorrect assumptions & conclusions. Important!

A Chronology for events leading to the creation of Christianity with Historical Background: The Long War: Beginning with the Jewish changeover from the Seleucid leadership to the Hasmonean leadership (circa 135 BCE). The War Between The Hasmonean Leadership & The Pharisees (to circa 50 BCE, Julius Caesar). The Sadducees, Herodians & The Caesars (circa 30 BCE-6 BCE). The Roman Committee To Create A New Religion (Under Tiberius, circa 14-37 CE).

Since the Swedish concession begun work in 2012 the an-
ARCE 68th Annual Meeting
71
cient site of Gebel el-Silsila has been divided into 104 individual
quarries, 52 on respective side of the Nile, each one studied
within their archaeological and geological landscape. Together,
archaeology, epigraphy, geography and detail studies of preserved
infrastructure, extraction techniques and transportation methods,
provide us with an insight into the overall administration of Gebel
el-Silsila, and how the ‘Mountain of the Chain’ developed into
a complex quarryscape. The Roman Quarry 24 is an excellent
example of how the individual quarries acted as a microcosm
thriving with activity during a limited period of time; this will be
explored here.

Stretching out over an area of almost 30,000 m2 and exploited
during the reign of Emperor Tiberius, the quarry is preserved with
hundreds of epigraphic documents, including dedications to Montu
and depictions of pylons indicating the intended architectural feature
for the extracted blocks, animal stables, and an administration
building with 13 rooms exposed so far. Since excavations begun in
2015 this building has produced over a hundred demotic ostraca,
coloured textile, seal impressions, coins and beads, sandstone
figurines and amulets, inscribed plaques (etc.), and over 30,000
ceramic sherds. Together material culture and epigraphic documents
provide us with intriguing clues about the chronology, function
and development of the site, as well as the correlated temple
destination to where the stone was to be transported. This paper
presents a preliminary report from the ‘Stables of Tiberius.’

ARCE annual meeting, Kansas City, 21-23 April 2017

The war in Pannonia and Illyricum as well as the defeat in the Varus battle had plunged Rome into a military crisis. It took a few years to consolidate Roman military power at the Rhine frontier. Tacitus’ focus on Germanicus’ offensive of AD 14–16 is a literary chimera that foster a misconception of the Roman response to the clades Variana. It is tried to evaluate the Roman situation in Germany in a military situation assessment and to determine Roman options for action. All in all, the activities of the years AD 10–16 can be subsumed under a unified goal that aimed at the annihilation of the Cherusci. The dismissal of Germanicus was a result of operational failures in Germany.
Tiberius reoriented Roman foreign policy. Asia Minor was of particular importance here. The revenues to be drawn from the East Asian trade offered new opportunities for consolidating public finances. As the bigger part of the Roman army was locked along the Rhine and Danube frontier military leeway was limited, so diplomatic solutions gained more weight in foreign policy. On this stage, Germanicus could ultimately achieve greater success for the Roman Empire in Asia than on the battlefields in Germany.

Lives of the twelve Caesars from Caius Julius Casear to Domitian, (De vita Caesarum) is a set of twelve biographies of Julius Caesar and the first 11 emperors of the Roman Empire written by Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus  in 121 AD during the reign of the emperor Hadrian. Suetonius was Hadrian's personal secretary. This also includes lives of Poets, Grammarians and Rhetoricans of the period from the 1st century BC to the end of the 1st century AD.

The Twelve Caesars was considered very significant in antiquity and remains a primary source on Roman history. The book discusses the significant and critical period of the Principate from the end of the Republic to the reign of Domitian; comparisons are often made with Tacitus, whose surviving works document a similar period.

The CE 17 Earthquake in the Roman province of Asia was one of the largest and most destructive natural disasters to hit the Roman Empire during the first century CE. however, until recently, the potential of Tacitus’ description of this earthquake to enlighten scholarship as to the vast extent of its destructiveness, the character of Tiberius, and the methods Tacitus employed in writing - methods that can help historians pinpoint the time of the composition of his ANNALS - have been largely passed over. Now, through cross-examination with other ancient writers like Strabo and Cassius Dio, and the archaeological record, largely preserved through inscriptions, we are better able to appreciate the bigger picture of Asia, Tiberius, and the Roman Empire. In this article, Dr Daryn Graham demonstrates that an examination of this natural catastrophe and its aftermath proves that Tacitus was heavily influenced by events in CE 115 in his description of the CE 17 earthquake. In addition, this paper by Graham argues that the earthquake and Tiberius’ response to it were more significant than is often appreciated.

Fu Germanico veramente avvelenato oppure la sua morte venne strumentalizzata per fini politici? Tiberio odiava realmente così tanto il nipote tanto da toglierlo di mezzo oppure si tratta di una denigrazione dovuta a storici successivi rancorosi di aver perduto la libertas repubblicana?

The paper discusses 26 inscriptions from the territory of the province of Dalmatia which mention the emperor Tiberius and the members of his
family. Although all of the members of the Julio-Claudian family were
related to Tiberius, this article includes only those members who were
mentioned on the inscriptions which were set up during the reign of
Tiberius. The first mentions of Tiberius on the epigraphic monuments
from Dalmatia started to appear at the end of Augustus’ period and lasted until the first years of Caligula’s reign.
These 26 monuments were found on 12 sites and belong to diverse
categories. They can be divided into three groups: 1) official inscriptions
pertaining to Tiberius set by the governors of Dalmatia, city councils or
individual groups (cat. nos. 1–18); 2) inscriptions pertaining to the members of Tiberius’ family (Livia, Drusus the Younger, Drusus Caesar and Nero Caesar) set up during his reign (cat. nos. 19–23); 3) the inscriptions commemorating soldiers decorated with the dona militaria by the emperor Tiberius (cat. nos. 24–26).

Thebes (modern Luxor) was a popular tourist destination during the Roman Period, receiving the likes of Strabo, Germanicus, and Hadrian. Yet while its international fame rested on its royal tombs and the Memnon colossus, Thebes was also a vibrant religious center with over a dozen active temples. The purposefully archaizing inscriptions and architecture attracted both Egyptians and Romans in search of ancient traditions and millennial wisdom, influencing intercultural and multilingual texts produced in the region, including Gnostic, Hermetic, and magical writings.

This book surveys epigraphic and archaeological evidence for temple construction and renovation throughout the Theban nome during the Roman Period, studying the new inscriptions within their ritual and theological contexts. It also contains the first comprehensive treatment of the greater Theban Pantheon during the Graeco-Roman era, cataloguing over fifty local divinities and establishing their roles in various cosmogonies and mythological traditions.  The concluding chapter reconstructs the religious life of the district, tracking annual festival processions which united the multiple temples and their communities.

Η αυτοκρατορική λατρεία, κατάληξη μιας μακράς εξέλιξης που περιελάμβανε τη λατρεία ευεργετών, ελληνιστικών βασιλέων, Ρωμαίων αξιωματούχων και της θεάς Ρώμης, και βασιζόμενη στο ίδιο μοντέλο ευεργεσιακής ανταλλαγής, αποτέλεσε τη φυσική αντίδραση των ελληνικών πόλεων στην εμφάνιση της κυρίαρχης Ρώμης, τον χαρακτηριστικά ελληνικό τρόπο ενσωμάτωσης του υπέρτερου αυτοκράτορα στην οικεία πολιτικο-θρησκευτική τάξη. Η παραδοσιακή θρησκεία παρείχε έτοιμες τις δομές: ιερατείο, ναούς, αγάλματα, θυσίες, εορτές και αγώνες. Στην Πελοπόννησο, οι ονομαστικές και εικονιστικές αφομοιώσεις των αυτοκρατόρων σε παραδοσιακούς θεούς, η συλλατρεία τους, οι επαναχρήσεις και επαναφιερώσεις ναών και οι εορτές των Καισαρείων/Σεβαστείων αποτέλεσαν τις κυριότερες εκφράσεις της αυτοκρατορικής λατρείας. Η λατρεία των μελών του domus augusta αλλά και επιφανών τοπικών ευεργετών, το περίπλοκο τελετουργικό της λατρείας, η μεγαλοπρέπεια της ιερής πομπής, τα καθήκοντα των αξιωματούχων της πόλης αλλά και ο μηχανισμός ελέγχου τους περιγράφονται εκτενώς στη lex sacra της πόλης του Γυθείου. Στην σύντομη απαντητική επιστολή του Τιβερίου, η ευγενική άρνηση των ἰσοθέων τιμῶν εκφράζει τις αυτοεπιβεβλημένες περιοριστικές τάσεις των Ρωμαίων αυτοκρατόρων στη διαχείριση της λατρείας τους.

Im vorliegenden Beitrag wird
eine kritische Untersuchung der relativen Chronologie
innerhalb der römischen Nekropole von Haltern
und ihre Verknüpfung mit der absoluten Chronologie
der augusteischen Germanenkriege vorgestellt.
Macht man nicht ausschließlich die Ereignisse des
immensum bellum der Jahre 1–5 n. Chr. für den
Zerstörungshorizont innerhalb des Gräberfeldes
verantwortlich, wird man zu dem Schluss kommen
müssen, dass die Belegung der Nekropole in Haltern
etwa um die Jahre 7 / 6 v. Chr. einsetzte und mit
hoher Wahrscheinlichkeit auch nach dem Jahre
9 n. Chr. hier weiter bestattet worden ist.
Aufgrund dieser Überlegungen ist somit davon
auszugehen, dass auch die sonstigen römischen
Anlagen von Haltern bis zur Abberufung des
Germanicus bestanden haben. Die von Siegmar
von Schnurbein zusammengetragenen Befunde
und Funde, die für eine geordnete Räumung des
Hauptlagers sprechen, lassen sich auch mit einer
planvollen Aufgabe der Anlagen in den Jahren
16 / 17 n. Chr. in Verbindung bringen.
Abstract: The article presents a critical examination
of the relative chronology within Haltern’s Roman
necropolis and its connection to the absolute
chronology of the Augustan wars with the Germanic
tribes. Unless, we don’t call to account exclusively
the immensum bellum in the years 1–5 AD
for the destruction horizon in the necropolis, at the
end, we probably have to conclude that the occupancy
of the necropolis of Haltern started around
the years 7 / 6 BC and that it is very likely that burials
went on here even after the year 9 AD.
On the basis of these considerations, we can
assume that Haltern’s other Roman installations
remained until the dismissal of Germanicus. The
findings and results, assembled by Siegmar von
Schnurbein, which speak in favour of an orderly
evacuation of the »Hauptlager«, can also be
brought in connection with a systematic abandonment
of the site in the years 16 / 17 AD.

Since its discovery in Rome in 1506, the Laocoön has been the most famous of all statues from antiquity. We would not have known who its creators were, however, if Pliny had not given us their names: they were the same three artists from Rhodes who created the extraordinary “marble Odyssey” discovered in 1957 in the sea grotto of Sperlonga in southern Latium. The chronology and significance of these sculptures have sparked much debate, but it appears that it may now be possible to offer a solution, whose novelty lies primarily in the fact that it is based, for the first time, on all the available sources – literary, epigraphic and archaeological. The Laocoön was created at the behest of the Council of Rhodes; it dates from the year 19 BC and illustrates a poem by Euphorion; it depicts the death of a depraved man reminiscent of Mark Antony; the sculptural group was specifically created for the future Emperor Tiberius at a time when the city of Rhodes was attempting to redeem itself in the eyes of Augustus, against whom it had fought twelve years earlier at Actium. The Odyssey statues at Sperlonga were made immediately after the Laocoön to decorate the grotto which formed a part of Tiberius’s villa. They illustrate the myth of Rome’s Greek origins, in the version known to the Rhodian historian, Xenagoras. Neither the Laocoön nor the sculptural groups from Sperlonga can be considered copies of lost originals: rather, the statues mark the culmination of the “Rhodian Baroque”, an artistic movement wrongly associated with the sculpture of Pergamon, whose origins can be traced instead, in our opinion, to the Nike of Samothrace.