Transnational

In this paper, my aim is to elaborate disability movement praxis so that transnational struggles for justice over the production of impairment emerging from the Global South can be represented within the transnational frame of disability politics. The paper seeks to explore the potential of deepening socio-political understandings of impairment as a means to radically democratize disability movement politics at the transnational scale to encompass pluralist, yet subaltern, collective claims for justice. I am guided by the question: if impairment is the place that makes visible invisible debts, can the global disability rights movement begin a process of re-identification to open the boundaries of disability justice claims and develop a strategic orientation which recognizes those collective justice claims for geopolitically produced impairments?

Since the 1980s, Greek American theatre practitioners have been making their presence increasingly felt in the theatre and performing arts landscape of the United States (US). Their work evinces that Greek American theatre has come a long way from the Modern Greek Diaspora theatre, which began in Chicago at the end of the nineteenth century and flourished in several US cities during the interwar period. The motives, springboards, and driving forces of contemporary Greek American theatre are markedly different from those underpinning the work of early agents of Greek American theatre in the US, whether individual practitioners, troupes, or companies. The aim now is not to serve the ethnic imperatives of cultivating the Greek language, spreading Greek culture, and staying in close contact with the ancestral roots. Instead of serving the centripetal forces of Greek history and tradition, as well as the idea(l)s of ethnic identity and belonging, the latest works of Greek American theatre artists are animated by the centrifugal energy of the desire for a reconfigured transnational and transcultural selfhood. Their commitments lie more squarely than ever before with extroversion, movement, mixture, and interaction. The present paper discusses Yannis Simonides’ Socrates Now (or The Apology Project) as an illustrative example of the new directions Greek American theatre has embarked upon in the last few decades. It places special emphasis on what this work reveals about the emerging trends in Greek American theatre’s reception of the Greek classics⸺the latter being the erstwhile core of Greek American theatrical activity in the US. I argue that Simonides’ Socrates Now offers an alternative understanding of Greek American theatre and (its) classical reception praxis by acting upon the will to assemble a viable and generative, performing and performable Greekness from heterogeneous formal and conceptual elements, in line with an ethic that we shall call, after Vassilis Lambropoulos, transcompositional.

This book approaches the concept of cosmopolitan sociability as a cultural or territorial rootedness that facilitates a simultaneous openness to shared human emotions, experiences, and aspirations.

Cosmopolitan Sociability critiques definitions of cosmopolitanism as a tolerance for cultural difference or a universalist morality that arise from contemporary experiences of mobility and globalization. Challenging these assumptions, the book explores the degree to which a 'cosmopolitan dimension' can be practised within particular religious communities, diasporic ties, or gendered migrant identities in different parts of the world. A wide variety of expert contributors offer rich ethnographic insights into the interplay of social interactions and cosmopolitan sociability. In this way the book contributes significantly to ethnic and migration studies, global anthropology, social theory, and religious and cultural studies.

Cosmopolitan Sociability was originally published as a special issue of Ethnic and Racial Studies.

"Zapatista murals are spaces of redefinition where a variety of voices and discourses converge becoming a practice that mutates throughout time and builds community. These murals have been produced since 1995. The particular case of Oventic expresses the collective and dynamic personality of Zapatista thought. Mostly painted by guest Mexican and international artists, Oventik's walls effectively defy traditional notions of authorship and patrimony.  Once a wall is painted, it acquires a life of its own. Murals often change according to community beliefs and needs. These changes are made by locals or by the artists who originally painted the murals. Visual programs are likely to be preserved, updated, modified or destroyed. The decision on these changes is a result of community dialogue and reflects processes of growth, revision and redefinition of the Zapatista spirit.
By historicizing Zapatista mural production and describing some mutations and erasures occurring in specific murals, my aim here will be to discuss the innovative characterization and community dimension of murals. I believe Zapatista painted walls to be a notable example of dialogical art; a type of art that produces works in connection with people and mobilizes social thought. "

THE BRUTAL MASSACRE of 45 indigenous sympathisers, mostly women
and children, of the EZLN (Zapatista National Liberation Army) in a
refugee camp near Acteal in the south-eastern state of Chiapas,Mexico, last
December 22, at the hands of paramilitary death squads linked to the PRI
government served to remind world opinion that the ‘Rebellion of the Forgotten’
of January 1994 has moved from a low to a high intensity conflict.The success of
the Zapatistas in mobilising Mexican and international ‘civil society’, particularly
through the Internet, in a common struggle against the disastrous human and
environmental consequences of neoliberalism, globalisation and “free trade”and
for increased autonomy for indigenous peoples has forced the PRI regime, under
the instigation of the US government and World Bank, to adopt a more violent and
politically riskier strategy of repression through state terror. This has effectively
ended the phase of negotiations which led to the signing of the San Andrés
Accords on Indigenous Rights and Culture in February 1996, which the PRI
(Party of the Institutional Revolution) regime has since refused to implement, so
intensifying the conflict.

There has been increasing research interest in second-generation return migration to the Caribbean. However, little is known or understood about these returnees’ relationships with ‘left-behind’ kin in Britain. Drawing on qualitative data, the paper examines this issue in order to provide new insights into existing research on second-generation return migration. Special attention is given to understanding the reasons why these backward links are important to the return migrants, and the variety of ways that individuals maintain, negotiate and curtail relational ties with specific family members ‘left behind’ in Britain. Social capital theory, particularly the notion of bonding social capital, is used to consider the resources and support provided by left-behind kin. The data also dispels the myth of a bi-polar origin-destination framework by highlighting that the returnees are returning to the Caribbean region for a range of practical and pragmatic reasons.

KEY WORDS: Caribbean; left-behind kin; social capital; transnational; family networks; second generation

In one of the first volumes to address social work practice with this emergent and often marginalized population, practitioners and scholars specializing in transnational issues develop a framework for transnational social work practice. They begin with the historical and environmental context of transnational practice and explore the psychosocial, economic, environmental, and political factors that affect at-risk and vulnerable transnational groups. They then detail practical strategies, supplemented with case examples, for working with transnational populations utilizing this population's existing strengths. They conclude with recommendations for incorporating transnational social work into the curriculum.

The paper analyses transnational flows of Pentecostalism between Australia and Brazil. It analyses the establishment of CNA, a Brazilian church that caters for the increasing number of Brazilian students in Sydney. It also investigates the ways in which Hillsong, an Australian Pentecostal megachurch, has influenced CNA and has been alluring young Pentecostal Brazilians to Australia. Scholars have paid little attention to how religious institutions in the host country may influence rituals and facilitate the establishment of the new church. I argue that churches created by migrants are not established in a deterritorialized diasporic vacuum. Reterritorialization engenders hybridity. Following an admiration for Australian churches due to Australia being part of the English-speaking developed world, CNA is a hybrid of a conservative Brazilian Baptist church and the very informal Hillsong church. I contend that it is precisely this hybridity that makes young Brazilians adhere to it since the church works as an effective bridge between Brazilian and Australian cultures. Furthermore, this paper demonstrates the polycentric nature of Pentecostalism, as Australia is becoming a centre for the dissemination of Hillsong-style Pentecostalism in Brazil.

Este artigo pretende mostrar até que ponto a génese e a vida do idioma caboverdiano estão ligadas ao fenómeno da globalização. Numa primeira parte, mostra-se, com base em argumentos lexicais, morfológicos e semânticos que o crioulo de Cabo Verde pode legitimamente ser considerado como uma língua afro-europeia, ou seja, fruto do encontro das culturas de dois continentes. Na segunda parte, examina-se a dinâmica actual da língua caboverdiana na República de Cabo Verde, assim como nas diversas comunidades da diáspora, espalhadas por três continentes (África, América e Europa). Em conclusão, salienta-se que o futuro e a sobrevivência do crioulo do Arquipélago dependerão sempre das relações que Cabo Verde souber manter com o mundo fora.

A distillation of my thesis focusing on the experiences of a single respondent. Please also see my thesis (http://phillipgresham.com/docs/heroes-at-home.pdf) and my co-authored report to Oxfam Novib (http://phillipgresham.com/docs/oxfam-novib-report-gresham-smit.pdf). Please do not cite.

In Japan, I was a gaijin (外人), an outside or foreign person. Even by birth, I was still a foreigner. In India, I have come from overseas, from foreign. Even as an Indian citizen, I am still a foreigner. In Hawai’i, I am not kama’aina or a local person, but from the outside as I do not speak pidgin fluently. In San Diego, gender has been added to my foreignness where I am now labelled as a “woman of color,” but not sharing in the same political, cultural, and social histories as my peers who have roots in the United States going back several generations. I continue to remain a resident alien, unable to give up my Indian citizenship, the only artifact that connects me to the land of my ancestors, yet feeling most at home here in the United States with my father, husband, and children.

In this chapter, I trace my history and critical incidents, or what Daloz Parks (1999, 2000) terms “shipwreck-moments,” where I confront and reflect on my understanding of my transnational identity (ethno) as a
transnational language teacher and ESOL educator through a systematic analysis (graphy) of my personal experiences (auto) (Ellis, Adams, & Bochner, 2011).

Tourism has been theorized in a new ethnography of modernity, stressing the
museumization of the premodern and its production as spectacle. In this article,
I explore the voice and perspective of the “tribal culture” recently exposed
to a new type of gaze. Tourists are perceived as predatory voyeurs on
Sumba, a once remote area now receiving increasing numbers of foreign visitors.
An idiom of visual consumption encodes a critical awareness of global
inequities in access to and use of technology, and a history of changing selfperceptions.
The cameras that every tourist brings to capture images of headhunters
and primitive violence become the very emblems of the exotic violence
that they are designed to capture. [tourism, photography, cultural
identity, Eastern Indonesia, violence, headhunting.

Celebrities have been accused of oversimplifying the conflict in Darfur, of exaggerating the number of people killed and of cursorily labelling it the ‘first genocide of the 21st century’. Celebrity activists have also been criticized for advocating drastic measures like military intervention, and for aggressively pursuing the fulfilment of arrest warrants by the International Criminal Court at the expense of quiet diplomacy and reconciliation, ultimately making matters worse. This article examines the role of two Hollywood celebrities—Mia Farrow and George Clooney—in Sudan’s ‘messy war’. It claims that most proponents and critics of celebrity activism overestimate the role that these two individuals played. Clooney and Farrow did not act alone but were latecomer adherents to a transnational advocacy network (the Save Darfur Coalition) and their role was more in strengthening than in altering messages.

As a result of migration processes connections are made between people who have experienced various places. Place-making, as Doreen Massey (2005) and other social geographers remind us is a social process of human construction within a nexus of power. To understand migration as an ongoing site of creativity is to step outside of dominant discourses about migration that see migrants or migration as a social problem capable of threatening the very foundations of our society. The migrants as threat perspective makes the fundamental divide in the modern nation-state between natives and migrants. In contrast we ask : ‘How do we go about singing a new song about migration?‘ That is to say, is there a way in which we can study migration as a contemporary and a historical phenomenon that is part of the social process that shapes all our lives? To approach migration this way would be to say that migration is part of what it has always meant to be human.

The question posed by this article is how all of us—scholars, musicians, citizens of the world can step out of the migrant/native divide and still leave room to study and theorize creative processes that bring together the intertwining of cultural influences. How we can discard a concept of hybridity with its implications of a prior state of native purity and address the ongoing mutual interactions that unfold within migration processes. This is an ever pressing question for cultural theory in a world in which there is widespread migration and a cyberspace environment of multiple interconnections. Migration provides a base for theorizing cultural processes that extend beyond the specificity of people crossing borders.

"The question whether constitutions exists or can exist at all beyond the state has been a central theme of academic dispute in the last decades. This contribution departs from the historical insight that extensive forms of ordering possessing constitutional qualities always have existed beneath, beside and above the state. In the last decades the debate on constitutionalism beyond the state has however unfolded in two separate discourses: One which focuses on public international organizations and another which focuses on private structures. The former is mainly driven by political scientists and public lawyers and is characterized by an attempt to rework nation state concepts of the political in order to make them compatible with transnational developments. The latter is, on the other hand, systematically downplaying the political dimension of transnational structures. In order to bridge this gap a number of key dimensions of a specific transnational concept of the political is being fleshed out.
"

The 'conflicts law approach' reconstructs the potential of primarily, but not exclusively, European law to address the threat to democracy that is posed by the concern that citizens would increasingly be subject to the effects of laws which they themselves had not authored. This structural democratic deficit calls for consideration of 'foreign' demands. It also calls for cooperation and mutual respect between political constituencies. The normative basis for understanding conflicts law as a constitutional form with democratically grounded validity claims stems from the proposition that states must acknowledge or establish a law that provides a forum for foreign demands and manifests deference through transnational rules. The approach sets out to examine three types of conflict constellations—horizontal, vertical and diagonal legal conflicts—and three types of law-mediated responses, layered as the scheme of a 'three-dimensional conflicts law'.

This article examines the growing fascination of Greek film-makers with immigration to think further on belonging in contemporary Greek cinema. Two case studies, Omiros/Hostage and Diorthosi/Correction imagine the migrant as a victim of an intolerant host society that erects tangible and symbolic borders that maintain migrants in a perpetual state of entrapment. Victimhood is essential to the favourable image of the migrant as a tragic outsider who does not unsettle an established social hierarchy, contesting thus the potential
of both films to encourage greater inclusion. The author argues that although the films fail to promote a radical departure from mainstream media discourse, Correction affords thought-provoking insight into migrant identities on an extra-textual level. An investigation of the film’s creative context, which sees Albanian migrants transcending all borders and collaborating with Greek film-makers as equals, reveals the exciting potentials that transnational film-making poses to film scholarship. This article therefore aims to demonstrate that a more inclusive constellation of identity and cultural belonging can often
be identified in the creative context of films.

Em 1994 levantou-se no estado mexicano de Chiapas o Exército Zapatista de Libertação Nacional (EZLN), formado majoritariamente por indígenas maias. Numa transformação muito peculiar, esta guerrilha mudou de uma estratégia que tinha como fundamental a organização política e militar da população para a tomada revolucionária do poder, para outra em que predominam práticas, formas de organização, discursos e objetivos que têm a comunicação e a criação de mecanismos de participação como elementos fundamentais. Deixou de almejar a tomada do poder, passando a ter como horizonte uma democracia que se constróia na mesma medida em que aquelas práticas vão se estabelecendo. A primeira parte da dissertação aborda a pesquisa de campo realizada entre dezembro de 1998 e fevereiro de 1999. A segunda e a terceira parte correspondem à narrativa histórica das origens e transformações da estratégia do EZLN e do contexto até o começo de 1997, quando os principais aspectos da estratégia atual já estavam dados. A confrontação da narrativa histórica com a pesquisa de campo permite, nas conclusões, a realização uma análise que aponta alguns paradoxos da experiência zapatista.

What makes it possible for authors from what Pascale Casanova called “literarily impoverished” nations to scale shift and gain recognition in the global literary world? While prior scholarship offers many answers, it does not pay sufficient attention to the characteristics of the spaces within which literary circulation takes place. This article focuses on the spatial parameters and properties of literary circulation. Using the case of Lebanon, I argue for the need to (1) empirically determine the spaces and scales of circulation, (2) investigate the role of trans-regional fields in analyses of literary circulation, and (3) examine the ways in which the topographical properties of fields and the infrastructures which constitute them influence scale shifting.

RÉSUMÉ
Janvier 1994, l’armée Zapatiste de Libération Nationale (Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional  : EZLN) se soulève. Quelques mois après, l’expression « los coletos » se répand pour représenter les exploiteurs et dominateurs de la population indienne du Chiapas (État qui durant l’époque coloniale appartenait à la Capitainerie de Guatemala et seulement à partir de 1824 à la nation mexicaine). Le présent article propose de questionner la signification actuelle, à la fois généralisatrice et réductrice, du terme de coleto. Allant au-delà du simple synonyme de l’Espagnol (ou ’le blanc’), les conditions historiques ont modelé cette identité collective de manière complexe et multiple. Nous verrons que le processus social en cours au Chiapas, bien que restreint aux impératifs nationaux mexicains, partage néanmoins avec d’autres pays de l’Amérique Centrale les anciens défis de la polarisation ’Indiens’/’non Indiens’.

Mots-clés : Chiapas, identités intermédiaires, modèle social, commerce, antagonisme ethnique.

The coletos of Chiapas. Convened Identity, dissimulated processes in South-East Mexico.

SUMMARY
In January 1994 upraised the Zapatist Army of National Liberation (Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional : EZLN). A few months later it was also diffused the expression “los coletos” to represent the subjugators and exploiters of the indigenous populations in Chiapas (a province that during colonial period was part of the Captainship of Guatemala and just since 1824 became part of the Mexican nation). In the following work we question the generalizing an over-simplistic signification of coleto nowadays. Far of considering it just as a synonym of the Spanish (or ‘white’) man, we look forward some historical conditions that shaped this collective identity in complex and multiple ways. We will see that the present social processes in Chiapas, even though restricted by the Mexican national imperatives, still share with other Central American countries some ancient challenges derived from the polarization ‘Indians’/‘non Indians’.

Keywords : Chiapas, intermediary identities, social models, commerce, ethnic interface.