Muge Kinacioglu
Hacettepe University, International Relations, Faculty Member
This article intends to go beyond the consequentialist utilitarian approaches to forcible regime change by addressing the question of forcing democracy-building from an angle of appropriateness. It aims to analyze the admissibility of... more
This article intends to go beyond the consequentialist utilitarian approaches to forcible regime change by addressing the question of forcing democracy-building from an angle of appropriateness. It aims to analyze the admissibility of pro-democratic military interventions in international society by focusing on the UN and state practice. Is military intervention to remove a tyrannical regime permissible in international law? To what extend does international society condone an outside force to impose a democratic regime? Does the practice of the UN Security Council in promotion of democracy by force point to an emerging norm with regards to expansive concept of humanitarian intervention? To analyze such questions, this article first provides for a discussion of the concept of intervention. Second, it overviews the normative framework of the use of force in international relations. It continues with the analysis of unilateral and multilateral pro-democratic military interventions, and the UN Security Council practice of condemning, authorizing or consequently endorsing democratic regime change in the target states. In the conclusion part, the article assesses the legality and legitimacy issue regarding the pro-democratic intervention and regime change in light of main norms enshrined in the UN Charter and in general international law.
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This chapter explores Turkey’s regional agency based on the idea of regions as specific formulation of identities to discern one specific project of regionalism with a different notion of “region”, and a particular interpretation of the... more
This chapter explores Turkey’s regional agency based on the idea of regions as specific formulation of identities to discern one specific project of regionalism with a different notion of “region”, and a particular interpretation of the international order. It inquiries about Turkey’s claim to leadership and agency in its “imagined region” comprising various geographies of the world identified with the faith of Islam, in the emerging post-hegemonic global order. It demonstrates how Turkey’s objectives based on its changed self-conception under the AKP rule have given way to a different form of regionalism rooted in its claim to the leadership of the Islamic world and interrogates whether Turkey has been an agent of change in the global and regional normative order. Within this framework, the chapter traces Turkey’s emerging power trajectory and examines how Turkey has moved from pursuing a humanitarian diplomacy in seeking regional leadership and increased agency in the global affairs, to reconstituting the regional order through militarized policies and the use of force utilizing its material capabilities. The chapter mainly argues that the capacity of Turkey for agency and its ability to be a stability-provider, effective reform-seeker, rule-maker and norm-contributor are heavily constrained by its very notion of “region”.
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Bu makale, uluslararasi hukukta ve politikada yuceltilen self-determinasyon hakki ile uluslararasi hukukun kuvvet kullanma yasagi ve ic islerine karismama ilkelerinin problemli catismasini inceleyip, analiz etmektedir. Makale, ozellikle... more
Bu makale, uluslararasi hukukta ve politikada yuceltilen self-determinasyon hakki ile uluslararasi hukukun kuvvet kullanma yasagi ve ic islerine karismama ilkelerinin problemli catismasini inceleyip, analiz etmektedir. Makale, ozellikle halklarin dis self-determinasyon hakki icin mucadelesine yardim etme gerekcesiyle kuvvet kullanimini mesrulastirma sorunsalini ele almakta, ve askeri mudahale icin hukuki zemin olarak gosterildigi uc Soguk Savas donemi vakasini ve bunlara Birlesmis Milletlerin (BM) tepkilerini inceleyerek, dis self-determinasyonu desteklemek icin yapilan tek tarafli askeri mudahalelerin kabul edilebilirligini, analiz etmektedir. Bu makalenin temel argumani, self-determinasyon hakkina verilen tartismasiz oneme ragmen, BMin bu gerekceyle yapilmis askeri mudahalelere tepkilerinin, devletlere bu gerekceyle tek tarafli askeri mudahalede bulunma ve diger bir devletin ic islerine karisma hakki tanimadigini ortaya koydugudur.
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This chapter explores how Turkish perceptions of the US and bilateral relations during the two terms of the Obama administration were molded in relation to certain issues of contention. The primary focus is on the Turkish government’s... more
This chapter explores how Turkish perceptions of the US and bilateral relations during the two terms of the Obama administration were molded in relation to certain issues of contention. The primary focus is on the Turkish government’s policymaking, conceptions of and approach to its relations with the US. In addition, the Turkish public’s reactions and understandings of the US during the Obama administration are explored. The chapter contends that throughout Obama’s two terms there has been a shift in Turkish perceptions of Turkey–US relations. High hopes and expectations of both the political elites and the general public gave way to disillusionment and a major split in matters of utmost importance to Turkey. Overall, the Obama period did not produce a dramatic change in general Turkish perceptions of the US, and Turkish perceptions of bilateral relations continue to be defined through a security lens, as has been all along.
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After the Cold War, NATO formulated its new role on the basis of broader political aims and new security objectives by assuming crisis management operations beyond its borders. This article argues from a constructivist perspective that... more
After the Cold War, NATO formulated its new role on the basis of broader political aims and new security objectives by assuming crisis management operations beyond its borders. This article argues from a constructivist perspective that keen Turkish involvement in NATO out-of-area operations constitutes a context of social interaction that has led to particular identities and certain security policy outputs for both. Turkey's participation in NATO's military operations as the sole Muslim ally, in the post–Cold War era, enabled NATO to build an identity as a global security actor in crisis management while Turkey's active role in these operations served to keep Turkey's sense of prominence in the protection of the universal values and, thus, its claim to Western identity.
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This chapter explores Turkey’s regional agency based on the idea of regions as specific formulation of identities to discern one specific project of regionalism with a different notion of “region”, and a particular interpretation of the... more
This chapter explores Turkey’s regional agency based on the idea of regions as specific formulation of identities to discern one specific project of regionalism with a different notion of “region”, and a particular interpretation of the international order. It inquiries about Turkey’s claim to leadership and agency in its “imagined region” comprising various geographies of the world identified with the faith of Islam, in the emerging post-hegemonic global order. It demonstrates how Turkey’s objectives based on its changed self-conception under the AKP rule have given way to a different form of regionalism rooted in its claim to the leadership of the Islamic world and interrogates whether Turkey has been an agent of change in the global and regional normative order. Within this framework, the chapter traces Turkey’s emerging power trajectory and examines how Turkey has moved from pursuing a humanitarian diplomacy in seeking regional leadership and increased agency in the global affairs, to reconstituting the regional order through militarized policies and the use of force utilizing its material capabilities. The chapter mainly argues that the capacity of Turkey for agency and its ability to be a stability-provider, effective reform-seeker, rule-maker and norm-contributor are heavily constrained by its very notion of “region”.
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... Correspondence Address: Dr. Müge Kınacıo[GBREVE] lu, Centre for International Studies, LSE, Houghton Street, London, WC2A 2AE. ... In a letter to the Danish Prime Minister Rasmus-senthe then EU Term PresidentErdo[GBREVE] an once... more
... Correspondence Address: Dr. Müge Kınacıo[GBREVE] lu, Centre for International Studies, LSE, Houghton Street, London, WC2A 2AE. ... In a letter to the Danish Prime Minister Rasmus-senthe then EU Term PresidentErdo[GBREVE] an once again expressed his commitment ...
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This chapter seeks to highlight the mutually constitutive role of NATO-Turkey relations in the construction of their respective identities, built on three distinct yet interrelated factors: NATO’s security identities during and after the... more
This chapter seeks to highlight the mutually constitutive role of NATO-Turkey relations in the construction of their respective identities, built on three distinct yet interrelated factors: NATO’s security identities during and after the Cold War; its approach to resorting to force besides its actual practices of force in the post–Cold War era; and Turkey’s role in collective defence/deterrence, and its participation in NATO out-of-area/collective security operations. Accordingly, it argues that Ankara’s enthusiastic assumption of a major role in the Alliance’s deterrence strategy against the Soviet Union in its southern flank during the Cold War, and keen Turkish participation in NATO out-of-area/collective security operations from 1990 onwards have constituted a context of social interaction that led to particular identities and certain security policy outputs for both.
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ABSTRACT After the Cold War, NATO formulated its new role on the basis of broader political aims and new security objectives by assuming crisis management operations beyond its borders. This article argues from a constructivist... more
ABSTRACT After the Cold War, NATO formulated its new role on the basis of broader political aims and new security objectives by assuming crisis management operations beyond its borders. This article argues from a constructivist perspective that keen Turkish involvement in NATO out-of-area operations constitutes a context of social interaction that has led to particular identities and certain security policy outputs for both. Turkey's participation in NATO's military operations as the sole Muslim ally, in the post–Cold War era, enabled NATO to build an identity as a global security actor in crisis management while Turkey's active role in these operations served to keep Turkey's sense of prominence in the protection of the universal values and, thus, its claim to Western identity.
Research Interests:
... Correspondence Address: Dr. Müge Kınacıo[GBREVE] lu, Centre for International Studies, LSE, Houghton Street, London, WC2A 2AE. ... In a letter to the Danish Prime Minister Rasmus-senthe then EU Term PresidentErdo[GBREVE] an once... more
... Correspondence Address: Dr. Müge Kınacıo[GBREVE] lu, Centre for International Studies, LSE, Houghton Street, London, WC2A 2AE. ... In a letter to the Danish Prime Minister Rasmus-senthe then EU Term PresidentErdo[GBREVE] an once again expressed his commitment ...