Emel Parlar Dal

This article adopts a holistic view of the theoretical and empirical interconnection between the development and foreign policies of four Asian rising powers: South Korea (hereafter Korea), Japan, Indonesia and China during three consecutive periods; the Washington Consensus (WC) era (1980-1990), the Post-Washington Consensus (PWC) era (1990-2008) and the Hybrid/Mix (H/M) era (2008-onwards). This study aims to elucidate and compare the level of coherence between the development agenda and foreign policy tools of these four Asian rising powers. First, the article provides an overview of the existing literature on the developmental state and developmental foreign policy. Second, it presents a development-foreign policy nexus (DFN) framework that takes into account five layers: (1) economics; (2) diplomacy; (3) security and peace; (4) civil society; and (5) state-market, and their related lines of action and instruments. The last part applies this DFN framework to our selected cases and provides comparative insights based on our newly created DFN Index scores, calculated separately for the four countries in each of the eras under review. In the final analysis, the results of our DFN Index and comparative case studies indicate that since the 1980s, in the selected four countries development has almost become subordinated to foreign policy and this coherence has continued to increase since the end of the 1990s.

Abstract
This paper attempts to analyze the voting behavior of Turkey in the UN General Assembly between 2002-2014 in comparison with those of the BRICS countries by using selected reference groups of IBSA, EU, P5 and the Western group of P5 with the help of a two layered methodology. In doing so, this paper, with a two-layered quantitative and qualitative methodological model, empirically tests Turkey’s voting alignments and cohesion scores in the UNGA to provide a comparative perspective on the degree of foreign policy cohesion among Turkey and its BRICS peers by comparing the group and pair-wise “cohesion” results. Finally, this paper will qualitatively analyze and discuss Turkey’s exceptional voting behaviors and alignments with both the Western group of P5 (USA, UK, France) and the BRICS to understand the nature of the international issues leading to convergences or divisions between Turkey and the BRICS and to demonstrate Turkey’s in-between and dual foreign policy role in international affairs.

Abstract
This study attempts to grasp the possible existence of new roles for intermediary actors in the changing global architecture by focusing on Turkey’s middle power capacity in the nascent middle power network of MIKTA. This study looks at an overarching embedded analytical triad of goals, means and impact, superposed by positional, behavioral and ideational sublayers. In doing so this paper argues and tests the assumption that the more a state accords its middle power goals, means and impact in a combined way, the more leverage it can have as a middle power in the changing international political economy. While the first part of this paper outlines this embedded analytical framework, after reviewing the existing literature on middle powers, the second and the third parts seek to operationalize this framework on middle powers, in particular at institutional and state level in the examples of  MIKTA and Turkey. The fourth part delves into the opportunities and challenges that Turkey faces in its MIKTA trajectory (in the light of the conclusions drawn from the second and third part). Then, it concludes by saying that while Turkey possesses fairly compatible goals and impact with those of MIKTA, it is still far from channeling all of its capabilities to this new network mainly due to the domestic and regional impediments it faces--as well as, because in relation to MIKTA it lacks a comprehensive roadmap.
Keywords: MIKTA, Turkey, Middle Powers, Global Governance, G20

This study examines the effectiveness of political conditionality by looking at the European Union’s suspension of development cooperation with three African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP ) states (Zimbabwe, Ivory Coast and Niger) perceived to have violated the principles of human rights and  democratic principles as laid out in the Cotonou Partnership Agreement adopted in 2000. Analyzing the effectiveness of democracy promotion activities raises the question about its impact upon political processes in the recipient countries. This task is complicated, and it is beyond the aim and capacity of this paper to find a complete answer. Therefore, our conclusions will be cautiously assessed since other factors could intervene and undermine or contribute to the changes in the political system of a given country. Our findings reveal that, in most of the cases, political dialogue and appropriate measures have a modest effect on each country’s performance on democratic principles.
Key words: democracy promotion, European Union, Sub-Saharan Africa, political conditionality, effectiveness.

This paper aims to look at both the old
and new parameters and contours of
Turkish-Iraqi relations since the 1980s
up until now. It also seeks to understand
the “real change” in the current
Turkish-Iraqi relations together with
the challenges and opportunities that
currently face the two countries in the
Middle East. The paper starts from
Saddam Hussein’s era and analyses
respectively the post-Saddam era and
its challenges, the Maliki government,
the Arab Spring era, the rise of ISIS
threat and Kobane assault.

The rapidly shifting regional constellation emerged by the Arab revolutions, the U.S. withdrawal from Iraq and the pragmatic rapprochement policy of Turkey with the Northern Iraqi Kurds, who were previously seen as a major threat to Turkish national security, especially in the context of its own unresolved Kurdish problem, forced Turkey to update its traditional status quo-oriented  Iraqi foreign policy. This paper aims to look at both the old and new parameters and contours of Turkish-Iraqi relations since the 1980s up until now. It also seeks to understand the “real change” in the current Turkish-Iraqi relations together with the challenges and opportunities that currently face the two countries in the Middle East conflict. In doing so, it also tries to assess under which circumstances and through which strategic agenda Turkey-Northern Iraq rapprochement has been achieved. Since the timeframe chosen is relatively long, the paper starts from the Saddam era and analyses respectively the post-Saddam era and its challenges, the Maliki government, the Arab Spring era, the rise of ISIS threat and Kobane assault.

1990’lardan sonra uluslararası ilişkilerin çeşitlenen ilgi alanları ve aktörleriyle devletlerin birbirleriyle ilişki kurma biçimleri farklılaşmış, bu dönemde artan bölgesel çatışma ve krizler insan temelli araştırma ve yaklaşımları arttırırken
“insani diplomasi” çalışmaları öne çıkan alanlardan birini oluşturmuştur. İnsani
yardımdan farklı olarak barış arabuluculuğu faaliyetlerini ve devletlerin uluslararası platformlardan aldıkları fikirsel inisiyatifleri de kapsayan insani diplomasi, benzer dönemlerde yaşadıkları hükûmet değişikleriyle beraber dış politikada
farklı yöntemler kullanmaya başlayan Brezilya ve Türkiye için tercih edilen bir
araç olmuştur. Brezilya ve Türkiye 2000 sonrası dünyanın birçok bölgesinde insani diplomasi faaliyetleri yürütürken, iki devletin ilişki kurduğu ortak coğrafya
Afrika kıtası olarak karşımıza çıkmaktadır.

Abstract
This study attempts to understand the civilian character of Turkey’s
political economy in Sub-Saharan Africa through its trade policies. In doing
so, this study decodes the nexus between various concepts such as power,
trade, civilian power and trade power and aims to assess the degree to which
Turkey’s trade relations with the Sub Saharan African countries contributes
to its construction of a civilian type of foreign policy. Acknowledging the fact
that Turkey has not so far been recognized as a traditional civilian power in
the IR literature, this study contributes to the existing literature by testing the
role of trade in the construction of civilan power in the example of Turkey’s
trade relations with the Sub Saharan Africa.
Keywords: Civilian Power, Trade Power, Turkey-African Relations,
Turkey’s Trade Relations, Civilian Power-Trade Nexus

The Syrian civil war gave birth to a wide range of new generation VNSAs, among which ISIS as a global revolutionary nonethnic VNSA and the YPG as an ethnic and nationalist VNSA are the most visible. This article first intends to offer a comprehensive portrait of ISIS and the YPG as the new generation of VNSAs. Second, it employs a three-layered framework of actorness, powerfulness, and effectiveness in order to position these two actors in the Middle Eastern and Syrian contexts and to assess their distinctive characteristics and behaviors distinguishing them from the old generation VNSAs. Third, it will explore how the actorness, powerfulness, and effectiveness of ISIS and the YPG have been constructed and reconstructed within the deepening Syrian civil war. Finally, it will explore how global and regional actors have envisaged the rise of these two new VNSAs.

Özet
Bu bölüm, Zimbabve ve Fildişi Sahili örneklerinden hareketle teorik ve ampirik perspektiften Normatif Güç Avrupa (NPE) kavramının sınırlarının ne olduğunu anlamayı amaçlamaktadır. Bunu yaparken, NPE kavramı ilk olarak liberal ve neorealist teoriler ışığı altında incelenecek, devamında ise Cotonou İşbirliği Anlaşması’nın (Cotonou Partnership Agreement-CPA) genel çerçevesinin ne olduğu anlatılacak, son olarak NPE açısından seçtiğimiz iki örnek Afrika ülkesinde Avrupa Birliği’nin (AB) demokrasi teşvik politikalarından ve bunların limitasyonlarından bahsedilecektir. Makalenin temel savı, CPA çerçevesinde AB’nin normatif vurgusunun belirgin olmasına rağmen, pratikte her iki ülkede de AB’nin siyasi gelişmelere karşı yeteri kadar duyarlı olmamasından dolayı AB’nin normatif gücünün sınırlı olmasıdır.

Abstract
This chapter seeks to explore the limits of the Normative Power Europe’s concept from theoretical and empirical perspectives by using Zimbabwe and Ivory Coast as test case studies. In doing so, it will first theorize the liberal understandings and neorealist critiques of the NPE concept, then it will briefly give an overview of the CPA framework and finally it will critically examine the EU’s democracy promotion activities in both countries from the NPE perspective. Our main argument is that though normative emphasis finds its place in the CPA Framework, the EU’s inconsistent attitude towards the political situation in both countries has significantly limited conceptions of the EU as a normative power.

Özet
Son yıllarda, kalkınma yardımları ülkelerin önemli dış politika araçlarından biri haline dönüşmüştür. Bu yeni trendin altında yatan nedenlerden bir tanesi, yükselen güçlerin bu alanda giderek artan etkileri ve aktivizmidir. Özellikle son yıllarda kalkınma yardımları ve Afrika aktivizmi yükselen güçler için önemli bir bağlam haline dönüşmüştür. Yükselen güçlerin bu alanda artan motivasyonunun arkasında ekonomik, politik, askeri ve insani boyutlar bulunmakla birlikte, yükselen güçler açısından kalkınma yardımları çok boyutlu ve çok katmanlı bir dış politika stratejisinin bir parçası olarak ele alınmalıdır. Bu çalışmada Türkiye-Hindistan Afrika kalkınma yardımları karşılaştırması yapılarak, kalkınma yardımları hakkında teorik ve pratik çıkarsamalar ortaya koymak, Türkiye’nin ve Hindistan’ın bu alanda yapmış olduğu pratikleri mercek altına almak ve böylece etkili bir kalkınma yardımı vericisi olma hedefinde olan Türkiye için siyaseten uygulanabilir bir takım politika önerilerinde bulunmak amaçlanmaktadır.
Anahtar Kelimeler: Kalkınma Yardımları, Hindistan, Türkiye, Afrika, Yükselen Güçler

THE COMPARISON OF TURKEY AND INDIA IN THE CONTEXT OF THEIR DEVELOPMENT AID POLICIES TOWARDS AFRICA IN THE 2000s

Abstract
Development aid has become an important foreign policy tool for states in recent years. One of the most important reason behind this new trend is the fact that rising powers have increased their efforts and activism in this field. Development aid and African activism have become an important context for the rising powers in particular. Even though there are economic, political, military and humanitarian reasons behind the increasing motivation of rising powers in the context of development cooperation, development aid should be approached as a part of a multi-dimensional and multi layered foreign policy strategy of rising powers. This study aims to make a comparison between Turkish and Indian development aid policies towards Africa. In doing so, it seeks to produce theoretical and practical inferences regarding development aid and to propose politically applicable policy proposals to Turkey aiming to be an effective development aid donor among the other rising powers. 
Key Words: Development Aids, Turkey, India, Africa, Rising Powers

This volume seeks to explore Russia’s perceptions of the changing international system in the twenty-first century and evaluate the determinants of Russian motives, roles and strategies towards a number of contemporary regional and global issues. The chapters of the volume discuss various aspects of Russian foreign policy with regard to key actors like the U.S., EU and China; international organizations such as the BRICS, Shanghai Cooperation Organization, Eurasian Economic Union and Collective Security Treaty Organization; and a number of regional conflicts including Ukraine and Syria. The contributors seek to understand how the discourses of “anti-Westernism” and “post-Westernism” are employed in the redefinition of Russia’s relations with the other actors of the international system and how Russia perceives the concept of “regional hegemony,” particularly in the former Soviet space and the Middle East.

Küresel otoritenin farklı merkezler arasında dağılma sürecine girdiği bu dönemde Türkiye’nin uluslararası sistemde sorumlu bir aktör olarak öne çıkma isteğinin bir sonucu olarak diğer yükselen güçlerin takip ettiği stratejiye benzer bir şekilde BM sistemine yaptığı personel, finansal ve fikirsel katkıyı arttırma eğilimine girdiğini görmekteyiz. Peki  genel olarak uluslararası sistemde ve özel olarak da uluslararası örgütlerde muhtemel yeni bir köklü reform sürecine eli kuvvetli olarak girmeyi hedefleyen yükselen güçlerle mukayese edildiğinde Türkiye’nin küresel yönetişime ve özellikle BM sistemine katılımının arkasında hangi  temel motivasyonlar bulunmaktadır ve bu sisteme yaptığı katkıları nelerdir? Buradan hareketle Türkiye, küresel yönetişimde nasıl daha görünür bir sorumlu aktör haline gelebilir?

This study has two principal goals. First, we aim to analyze the new position, interests, strategy and values of Turkey as a rising power in today’s global governance which  expands  its terrain and strengthens  its emphasize on multilateralism and multicentrism  in parallel to the  changing international order. In doing so, three analytical dimensions will  be investigated: personnel contribution-financial contribution and ideational contribution. Second, departing from these three analytical motifs we seek to investigate Turkey’s contribution to  global governance in comparison with that of the so-called BRICS states, namely Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa.    In line with the two main goals mentioned above, this study first tries to describe the analytical and normatif meaning of the notion of “global governance” with a special  focus on the accommodations and nonconformities of the rising powers inthe post-hegemonic international order. Here it must be reminded that the way,  the extent to which, under which conditions and through which mechanisms  the rising powers  have been contributing  to the global governance is an understudied field in IR literature in terms of theoretical and empirical studies. Whereas the BRICS states’ place, responsibilities, cooperation and bargaining strategies in the changing global governance have partly been studied in a restricted number of studies, Turkey has been neglected in these studies since it has generally been excluded from the rising powers category. The main contribution and novalty of this study to IR and Turkish Foreign Policy literature is to describe Turkey’s rising power and  to engage in proving it on the empirical ground  in comparison to that of the so-called BRICS states. This will also lead to combining the studies on global governance with the Turkish Foreign policy analysis. Another important contribution of this study to the existing literature is that  the analysis of  Turkey’s rise as an emerging power  by using datas and statistics through comparison with those of the other rising powers would  expand the existing  research field on the rising powers in IR literature and serve in going  beyond the existing  narrow categorizations.

This article attempts to assess Turkey's accommodation to the US-led global governance at the institutional level using T.V. Paul's institutional accommodation strategy. In doing so, it specifically deals with Turkey's accommodation in two specific international institutions: the UN as the major global governance institution and the G20 as an informal international platform. Departing from the existing literature on accommodation, this study first proposes and outlines a new typol-ogy for peaceful accommodation. The second part seeks to analyze and compare the main driving factors of Turkey's institutional accommodation in the UN and G20. Finally, the third part seeks to operationalize the analytical framework of institutional accommodation strategy for understanding Turkey's institutional accommodation in the examples of the UN and G20. This study concludes that although Tur-key's accommodation and its institutional form can be nuanced from that of other rising states, Turkey has the capacity to act as an "intermediary accommodator" for becoming a responsible stakeholder in global governance.