G20

The “financialization” wave that has swept global markets in the past 30 years has only recently included extractive commodities: many of these commodities remain outside exchanges or are excluded from major commodity indices. Extractive commodities can be seen as a sort of litmus test for global economic cooperation and the functioning of global markets. Because these commodities usually lack substitutes and are frequently considered by states to be national security issues, these markets often involve national policy makers. These Commodity Markets can offer a window into the most pressing global governance issues including those on the agenda for the upcoming Russian G20 Leaders Summit scheduled for St. Petersburg. Commodity Markets have been at the forefront of yet another profound transformation in the global political economy in the past decade: the (re)emergence of China as, arguably, the single most important economic actor in many global commodity markets.

Since 2008, the impact of the global financial markets meltdown, often attributed to the downturn in sub-prime mortgage industry in advanced Western economies, have resulted in worldwide deterioration of living standards, mass unemployment and the
collapse of various social programmes. In many developing countries, the crisis has disrupted modest economic gains and continues to undermine various attempts at securing sustainable wealth and jobs. Drawing from a critical reflection of the themes
of governance and capacity development, and the concepts of “sustainable social protection systems” and “social dialogue” advanced by the International Labour Organisation, this paper explores various means by which the public sector could be
strengthened to create wealth and employment amid the current economic crises. The paper challenges policy makers to meet mounting citizens’ expectations and various international and governmental commitments to commit to full employment and
poverty reduction through state-driven interventions. It argues, among others, that without an effective and dynamic public sector that has the capacity to undertake constructive engagements with other private actors, a strong state may be unable to meet the expectations and promises of jobs and income growth. The analysis points to the need to blend traditional administrative tools with innovative techniques revolving around information communication technologies, public-private partnerships and best-fit inclusive governance processes for effective policy making to drive economic
growth and full employment

This is the original 2016 article. See separately the July 2020 update issued as "BEPS Primer: Past, Present, And Future", Parts 1 and 2, dated respectively 6 July and 13 July 2020.

Governments throughout the world have been losing many billions of dollars of tax revenues from “legal” tax avoidance conducted by many multinational groups (MNEs) through aggressive structuring of operations and transactions that often lack economic reality so as to earn profits that are subjected to zero or low-taxation. The success of this “legal” tax avoidance motivated the G-20 and the OECD to initiate the two-year Base Erosion and Profit Shifting (BEPS) project, which took place from 2013 to 2015.

This discussion of the BEPS project is intended to give the reader an understanding of the project’s origin, its objectives, and how it may proceed in the future. It does not attempt to summarize in detail the specific results of the work on the project’s 15 Action Plan items. Rather, only some brief comments are made on them to give the reader a flavor of the BEPS work undertaken by the OECD and the others who participated in this project.

More specifically, the Primer includes:

— Examples of MNE BEPS activities,

— Description of how the environment strongly motivates BEPS behavior including both systemic issues and developments occurring over past decades,

— Participants in the BEPS process,

— Brief comments on the BEPS Project 15 Action Plan Items,

— Results of the BEPS Project, and

— Possible future developments.

This study has focused on how and for what purposes official menus are used as a means of gastrodiplomacy. The data were obtained using content analysis from the working lunch and official dinners menus of the G20 Summits in UK, South Korea, Turkey and Argentina. The focus group interviews were held to verify the content analysis findings and understand what these menus ingredients imply from diplomacy and gastronomy perspectives. This study revealed that menus with historical, geographical, cultural and economic contents were used as a means of diplomacy in the context of soft power by countries for various purposes. As a result, it has been understood that gastronomy as a very broad concept has features that can contribute to many disciplines and the menus and their contents are crucial means of gastrodiplomacy.

The purpose of this paper is two-fold. First, is to provide an empirical analysis of the implementation of economic reforms in the areas of privatization, trade liberalization, and public expenditure priorities, using the Washington Consensus guidelines. Second, is to assess to continued viability of the Washington Consensus as a model for developing economies. The two methodologies used in this paper are case study and analysis of aggregated data. A case study of Mexico’s economic reforms since the 1980’s is used to assess whether those reforms have been implemented consistently. An analysis of aggregated data is then used to determine levels of implementation. The study finds that Mexico has failed to implement reforms in privatization, trade liberalization, and public expenditure priorities consistent with the ideals established by the Washington Consensus. It also recommends that developing countries continue to use the Washington Consensus as a blueprint for their own economic reforms.

Part I of this paper was commissioned by the Matias Romero Institute of the Mexican Ministry of Foreign Affairs as a background paper for an on-line forum during the week of September 3-7, 2012 for the Mexican Foreign Service.  The author moderated the forum on September 6 on the question of the “pros and cons of PPPs.”  Part II describes the understanding of the author/moderator of the conclusions of the on-line discussion of PPPs.

The intention of the Forum was to assess the outcomes of the Mexican G20 Summit and the implications for the future.

In Part I, the author describes new PPP initiatives of the G20 and Business 20, such as the Green Growth Action Alliance.  In its formal Declaration at Los Cabos, the G20 welcomed this Alliance of the Business 20 (B20, which aims to dramatically increase the use of public resources (e.g., development assistance, taxes) to leverage private investment in key sectors.  In addition to the Alliance, the G20 is promoting PPPs through other channels (e.g., the G20 Development Action Plan, the G20 High-Level Panel on Infrastructure).

In Part II, the author/moderator recaps the on-line discussion.  The following questions were discussed:

1.      SHOULD THERE BE PRE-CONDITIONS FOR IMPLEMENTING PUBLIC-PRIVATE PARTNERSHIPS (PPPs)? For instance, should PPPs focus more on economic sectors (e.g., transportation) than social sectors (e.g., health, education)? Or, more on sectors in which there is more competition (e.g., telecoms) rather than less (e.g., water)?  Should good governance, including a solid regulatory framework, be a precondition for PPPs in order to prevent corruption or advance sustainable development?  Should communities affected by prospective PPPs participate in determining their feasibility and design of PPPs?

2.      SHOULD PPPs BE DESIGNED IN ORDER TO ACHIEVE A “TRIPLE BOTTOM LINE” (i.e., economic, social and environmental co-benefits) AND, IF SO, HOW? The idea is that, if public resources are used to leverage private investment, then it should be possible to identify how (and to what extent) the public resources achieve social and environmental co-benefits. How might this be accomplished?

3.      WHAT IS YOUR OPINION OF THE CRITERIA FOR INFRASTRUCTURE PPPs PROPOSED BY THE G20’S HIGH LEVEL PANEL ON INFRASTRUCTURE? The six proposed criteria (e.g., whether they promote regional integration) are cited in the report of the High Level Panel (http://www.g20-g8.com/g8-g20/root/bank_objects/HLP_-_Full_report.pdf) on page 13. To what extent are these goals likely to help achieve a goal of the G20 Mexican Presidency: “sustainable development, green growth, and the fight against climate change.”

The latest economic crisis has forced many organizations to look very closely at their financing, operations, marketing and strategy. Recessions are certainly a sobering period for many people, requiring changes in habitual spending and consumption patterns. Main problem in a period of recession will depend on anticipation of this new environment and understand consumer attitudes and needs will change. The purpose of this study is to make a literature review about ‘marketing strategies during recession’ and provide ‘proposed guidelines’ for firms and practitioners working on this field.

The report offers concrete insights from G20 countries on how to harness the power of current and nascent digital technologies that underpin the digitalization of finance to deliver on the SDGs. A key message from the report is that technologies including big data, artificial intelligence (AI), mobile platforms, blockchain, and the Internet of things (IoT), can address a number of the most significant barriers, identified by the G20 Green Finance Study Group, to scaling the deployment of sustainable finance.

Developments in the metals and minerals markets are creating great challenges for industries and governments. Prices have risen sharply over the past decade, with strong fluctuations. In many metal markets supply and demand are highly concentrated, with deposits localized in a handful of countries and production in the hands of just two or three companies. Increasingly frequent state intervention and speculative tendencies produce a situation where market mechanisms often fail to function satisfactorily.

These challenges cannot be tackled by national action alone. Rather, in the worst case, political measures that appear rational for a single country may generate collectively negative outcomes at the global level. However, multilateral governance initiatives for minerals and metals are virtually non-existent. Differences between the G20 states concerning interests, economic frameworks, goals, and instruments stand in the way of effective international raw materials governance.

That is the starting point for this study, which sets out to explore the opportunities and challenges for greater international cooperation by systematically analyzing the raw materials situations, strategies, and instruments of the G20 states.

“Fragmentation or Cooperation in Global Resource Governance?” is a collaboration between the SWP and the Federal Institute for Geosciences and Natural Resources (BGR).

"Alter-Globalization / The Global Justice Movement
From Bangalore to Seattle, Porto Alegre, Copenhagen and Dakar, citizens, indigenous, farmers, intellectuals and dalits have contested globalization in its neoliberal form, proposed alternative policies, implemented participatory organization models and promoted a nascent global public space. Based on extensive field research conducted since 1999, Alter-Globalization provides a comprehensive account of these movements and their attempts to answer one of the major challenges of our time: How can citizens and civil society contribute to the building of a fairer, sustainable and more democratic world?


'Pleyers has traveled the world to offer readers the most sweeping look yet at this crucial global movement, including how it has changed in the face of the recent crisis of the very capitalism it criticizes. By showing us a movement grappling continuously with the Pyramid Dilemma over top-down versus bottom-up approaches, this book helps us think about the most basic issues of democracy and social change.'
James M. Jasper, City University of New York's Graduate School

'This important book is the first scholarly account of the alter-globalization movement. This highly original analysis of the way the movement is constructed around the tension between its two logics – subjective experience and expertise based on reason - helps us to understand not only the movement itself but also the role that the movement plays in inventing global citizenship.'
Mary Kaldor, London School of Economics

“Well-documented and relying on the most in-depth analyses. This book presents a movement both truly global and adapted to the economic context of each country and region. The main contribution of Geoffrey Pleyers, and what makes this book an indispensable tool, is that he clearly exposes the mixed strengths and weaknesses of a movement which was, and remains, a grassroots movement in which activists from poor countries occupy a place observed in no other movement.”
Alain Touraine, EHESS

“An outstanding example of contemporary sociological research that rises to the immense demands of a truly global ethnography. Pleyers’ book is bound to become the definitive account by a contemporary of the alter-globalization movement.”
Martin Albrow, L.S..E.

“This book will be the main reference for those who want to understand how the alter-globalization movement shapes today's world, how it modifies our perception of action, but also of democracy, and how this new actor articulates local and personal meanings with general concerns for the future of humanity. This study enables us to discover with precision the short, but real history, the aims, the functioning, the internal tensions, the hopes and the difficulties of the first real global movement.”
Michel Wieviorka, President of the International Sociological Association 2006-2010.

"Un livre indispensable pour comprendre l'histoire de l'altermondialisme et où le mouvement en est aujourd'hui"


Reviews:
http://giuseppecaruso.wordpress.com/2011/02/02/alter-globalization-becoming-actors-in-the-global-age/


http://www.contretemps.eu/lectures/altermondialisme-temps-bilan-n%C3%A9cessit%C3%A9-perspectives

Book website:
http://www.polity.co.uk/book.asp?ref=9780745646756"

"""How does a revolt come about and what does it leave behind? What impact does it have on those who participate in it and those who simply watch it? Is the Greek revolt of December 2008 confined to the shores of the Mediterranean, or are there lessons we can bring to bear on social action around the globe?

Revolt and Crisis in Greece: Between a Present Yet to Pass and a Future Still to Come is a collective attempt to grapple with these questions. A collaboration between anarchist publishing collectives Occupied London and AK Press, this timely new volume traces Greece’s long moment of transition from the revolt of 2008 to the economic crisis that followed. In its twenty chapters, authors from around the world—including those on the ground in Greece—analyse how December became possible, exploring its legacies and the position of the social antagonist movement in face of the economic crisis and the arrival of the International Monetary Fund.

In the essays collected here, over two dozen writers offer historical analysis of the factors that gave birth to December and the potentialities it has opened up in face of the capitalist crisis. Yet the book also highlights the dilemmas the antagonist movement has been faced with since: the book is an open question and a call to the global antagonist movement, and its allies around the world, to radically rethink and redefine our tactics in a rapidly changing landscape where crises and potentialities are engaged in a fierce battle with an uncertain outcome.

Contributors include Vaso Makrygianni, Haris Tsavdaroglou, Christos Filippidis, Christos Giovanopoulos, TPTG, Metropolitan Sirens, Yannis Kallianos, Hara Kouki, Kirilov, Some of Us, Soula M., Christos Lynteris, Yiannis Kaplanis, David Graeber, Christos Boukalas, Alex Trocchi, Antonis Vradis, Dimitris Dalakoglou and the Occupied London Collective. Art and design by Leandros, Klara Jaya Brekke and Tim Simons. Edited by Antonis Vradis and Dimitris Dalakoglou of Occupied London.

Occupied London is an anarchist collective writing on all things urban. Since 2007, the collective has worked together to publish an irregular journal, offering a platform for discussion within the global social antagonist movement, and featuring contributions by writers and collectives from around the globe, including Nasser Abourahme, Zygmunt Bauman, Franco Berardi, Klara Jaya Brekke, Manuel Castells, Mike Davis, Dimitris Dalakoglou, Christos Filippidis, David Graeber, Richard Pithouse, Marina Sitrin, Antonis Vradis, and many, many more. Since 2008, the collective has maintained a wildly popular blog, “From the Greek Streets,” providing up-to-the-minute coverage of the urban revolt of December 2008 in Greece, and examining the impact and legacies of the revolt and the crisis that followed. http://www.occupiedlondon.org | http://www.occupiedlondon.org/blog)

AK Press is a worker-run, democratically-managed publisher of anarchist and radical literature. Founded in 1990, AK Press is a ten-person collective of committed anarchists, spread between Oakland, Baltimore, and Edinburgh, working hard to publish more than twenty new titles each year, and distributing thousands of other titles from like-minded publishers around the globe. (http://www.akpress.org | http://revolutionbythebook.akpress.org)"""

How does the massive use of social media in contemporary protests affect the character of activist communication? Moving away from the conceptualization of social media as tools, this research explores how activist social media communication is entangled with and shaped by heterogeneous techno-cultural and political economic relations. This exploration is pursued through a case study on the social media reporting efforts of the Toronto Community Mobilization Network, which coordinated and facilitated the protests against the 2010 Toronto G-20 summit. The network urged activists to report about the protests on Twitter, YouTube, and Flickr, tagging their contributions #g20report. In addition, it set up a Facebook group and used a blog. The investigation, first, traces the hyperlink network in which the protest communication was embedded. The hyperlink analysis provides a window on the online ecology in which this communication unfolded. In addition, the examination interrogates how the particular technological architectures, related user practices, and business models of the various social platforms steered communication. This investigation shows that the use of social media brings about an acceleration of activist communication, and greatly enhances its visual character. Moreover, as activists massively embrace corporate social media, they increasingly lose control over the data they collective produce, as well as over the very architectures of the spaces through which they communicate.

For around fifteen years now, anthropology has been engaged in the study of neoliberalism. What contribution does the discipline have to make to a debate largely monopolized by economics and political science? To answer this question, the present article returns to the major texts and highlights the three perspectives from which anthropology has approached neoliberal expansion: culturalist, systemic and the approach based on governmentality. Each has its own epistemological presuppositions and a specific conception of anthropology, globalization and neoliberalism. The article highlights the relevance and limitations of these approaches.

Kepresidenan Indonesia di Kelompok Negara 20 menjadi “titik kritis” strategis setelah lebih dari dua tahun dunia mengalami masa pandemi pertama kali dalam abad ini dengan referensi yang relatif minim terhadap pengalaman terhadap beragam skenario pilihan kebijakan atas kejadian pandemi yang berskala global.  Keputusan–keputusan yang diambil dalam kepemimpinan Presiden Jokowi akan sangat menentukan respons solusi yang efektif terhadap masa depan dunia guna pulih serta berdaya bangkit lebih kuat secara bersama–sama mencapai Agenda Tujuan Pembangunan Berkelanjutan 2030.  Sebagai negara menengah, Indonesia menjadi jembatan negara–negara maju sekaligus penyambung lidah negara miskin–berkembang.  Indonesia kini tak lagi menaruh tangan di bawah (meminta) akan tetapi juga telah mulai turut serta memberi contoh dengan tangan di atas (memberi).  Presidensi Indonesia dalam Kelompok Negara 20 harus membuktikan kepemimpinan Indonesia yang bekerja untuk kepentingan semua (inklusif).

Gregory Bateson said that we are ‘governed by epistemologies that we know to be wrong’ back in 1972. In the same book Bateson wrote: 'the organism that destroys its environment destroys itself.’ Almost forty years later global ecological systems are in steep decline and converging crises make a deep evaluation of the underlying premises of our philosophical traditions an urgent imperative. This paper will suggest that the roots of the economic crisis are epistemological and that to correct this error whole systems thinking and ecological literacy will become increasing important in business management as well as in other disciplines. It will also suggest that the economic crisis opened new political space and has provided an opportunity for intervention. If we are brave enough to examine of the roots of our problems there is possibility for renewal.

Área Temática LOS PROCESOS DE INTERNACIONALIZACIÓN, OPORTUNIDADES Y AMENAZAS. Abstract: Estados Unidos y la URSS fueron los dos grandes protagonistas centrales de la Guerra Fría, caracterizada por la confrontación ideológica y la amenaza nuclear mutua. Ninguno de los dos factores aparece hoy, más allá de los ciclos de expectativas ascendentes y decepciones, los rasgos distintivos de dichas relaciones en los últimos 26 años. Rusia no desafía al sistema internacional ni pretende revisarlo, aunque se oponga fuertemente a los intentos unipolaristas americanos. Estados Unidos atraviesa un período de hegemonía sin misión, lo cual la inhabilita para operar con influencia creíble en aras de consolidar un orden mundial. A partir de Trump, hay un desafío inédito del propio hegemón a los pilares del orden liberal construido a partir de 1945. En el marco de la llegada del G20 a Argentina en noviembre próximo, el "paper" pretende reconstruir esta evolución de las últimas dos décadas, cómo se ha ido reconfigurando ese vínculo entre las dos grandes potencias, fundamentando por qué esta era no reproduce las condiciones de la anterior Guerra Fría además de proyectar algunas hipótesis tentativas futuras en las perspectivas de cooperación o enfrentamiento entre ambas. Nuestro trabajo también se focaliza en el impacto de tales relaciones ruso-norteamericanas en nuestra región, que pueden aprovechar terceros como China. Mientras la influencia de Washington llegó a su punto máximo en los años noventa en contraste con el alejamiento de Moscú, hoy se verifica un camino inverso, aunque no lineal y mucho menos, fundado como antaño, en razones ideológicas.

In the last decade, many destinations made substantial improvements in their visa rules and procedures as reflected in the reports, as prepared by the UNWTO. This article first argues that the impact of the UNWTO on state behaviour in visa liberalization has become more significant in relation to the convergence of state’s interests that are constrained with the conditions in the international environment, such as financial crises; and global political ties embodied within the international forums, such as the G20. Second, analysing the diverse impacts of the changing rules and procedures applied in visa policies on tourism indicators in the selected countries, this article argues how different rules and procedures produce different policy outcomes in tourist visas; and how this diversity generates different tourism indicators. The article suggests more diverse visa facilitation techniques (i.e., Turkey) to boost the impact of visa facilitation on inbound tourism (i.e., China and Russia).

Implications for Rio +20

This month, the UN Conference on Sustainable Development (“Rio +20) on June 20-22 in Brazil immediately follows a Summit of the Group of 20 (G20) on June 18-19 in Mexico.  These events invite a comparison of their respective agendas and approaches to securing future economic development.  The “Rio+20” Conference occurs in the “big tent” of all UN member states in order to reflect on progress made over the last twenty years (since the 1992 Earth Summit) in achieving sustainable development  and (more controversially) to repackage these ideas into the market-friendly concept of building a ‘Green Economy.’

In contrast, the G20 Summit is a closed gathering of the world’s nineteen largest economies, plus the European Union—which will focus on managing the eurozone crisis, governance and financial reform, unemployment, and international development, including a  massive infrastructure initiative.

This paper explores the ways in which G20 Summit affect the outcomes of “Rio+20” and whether these two global events might be mutually reinforcing or work at cross-purposes. 

It begins by providing a brief history of the G20 and its two growth frameworks and, then, describes how, on the one hand, nation states are moving away from binding commitments (e.g., environment, climate, human rights, biodiversity) and, on the other, private actors (i.e., ‘public-private partnerships’) are shaping the future. The brave new world dominated by transnational corporations is deepening and expanding ‘market mechanisms,’ which commodify and ‘financialize’ natural resources. The conclusions describe government and civil society responses to the new challenges to global governance and sustainable development in a multi-polar world where the power of the financial sector remains ascendant.

Assessing the weight of Southern powers in global governance decision-making processes has become a widely discussed subject in the field of international political and economic studies. Significant shifts in the global distribution of material capabilities and the emergence of new powers from the global South appear increasingly to demand the reorganization of existing institutions of global governance. This essay will analyze whether economic globalization enhanced or undermined the ability of developing countries to influence global governance. Throughout the essay whether economic changes in developing countries were translated into decision-making positions within multilateral organizations such as the World Trade Organization and the G20 will be discussed. It will also be explored in this article with the G20, with China, Brazil, India, Russia and other powerful emerging economies now at the table, is a more multilateral era of governance emerging. This essay finds only very limited shifts in the engagement of major emerging economies in global-level talks including the G20 and WTO. India and Brazil’s consistent  participation in the G20, and also all major ministerial phases of the Doha Development Round Talks, will be looked at in detail as these two major emerging powers have been seen and have taken on the roles of  as the voice of the developing ‘South’ at the global level. However, this article argues that the developing countries’ influence in decision-making at the WTO and G20 still has scant powers and limited abilities as those two key major economies have not lobbied for structural changes in these institutions which could be in favor of these up-and-coming powers but instead followed the developed world’s agenda.

The first two decades of this millennium were marked by major political, economic and geopolitical disruptions. This has led many analysts to predict that the world economy is entering a phase of “deglobalization” – that is, a retreat from the globalization process. This policy brief discusses how “deglobalization” affects the role and relevance of international trade institutions and agreements. The basic message is that investing in the improvement of the rules-based multilateral trading system and its main institutional anchor, the World Trade Organization (WTO), is of critical global importance to maintain non-discriminatory and fair trade relations, while recognizing the diversity of goals that different countries may
legitimately pursue in the public interest.

Mehmet Sait Akman G20 Studies Centre, The Economic Policy
Research Foundation of Turkey (TEPAV)
Bozkurt Aran Center for Multilateral Trade Studies, The Economic
Policy Research Foundation of Turkey (TEPAV)
Leonardo Borlini Bocconi University
Carlos A. Primo Braga Fundação Dom Cabral
Uri Dadush Policy Center for the New South
Fernando De Mateo El Colegio de Mexico
Alejandro Jara Institute of International Studies of Universidad de Chile
Douglas Lippoldt Centre for International Governance Innovation
Giorgio Sacerdoti Bocconi University

Centred around Antonio Gramsci’s concept of hegemony, this paper employs a critical globalization theory framework to argue that the 1990s notion of ‘changing the world from below’, understood as resistance to capitalist globalization through a ‘transnational civil society’, requires re-theorization in the light of the contemporary developments in Our America. I make a methodological case for a neo-Gramscian approach to argue that ‘counter-hegemony’, together with an adequate theorization of the state and power, should be the preferred concept over the inherently apolitical and under-theorized ‘alter-globalization’. Whilst the alter-globalization movement’s ideational and normative challenges to hegemony (captured in ex-British prime minister Thatcher’s There-Is-No-Alternative-Doctrine, TINA) are undisputed, the transformation of the global geographies of power through local actors alone has remained illusory. Rather, the experience of the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America—Peoples’ Trade Agreement (ALBA-PTA) strongly suggests that counter-hegemonic globalization theory will have to consider the roles of both the ‘state-in-revolution’ and the ‘transnational organized society’. This will be shown through the analysis and theorization of the ALBA-PTA as a multi dimensional inter and transnational counter-hegemonic regionalization and globalization project that operates across a range of sectors and scales.

The urgency of climate-change mitigation is well-accepted. Yet, the scale-up of clean energy which it requires is hampered by numerous trade-related obstacles and a lack of clear governance frameworks on trade and clean energy that increase costs of clean energy technologies (CETs) as well as increasing uncertainty for investors. This article proposes a number of policy options to address obstacles to trade in CETs, improve energy trade governance, and use trade policy proactively in support of clean energy. Whereas many of the systemic options are challenging, requiring a great degree of convergence among the full WTO membership, short-term proposals more easily within reach are also identified. A variety of options are also suggested for improving market access. Relevant policy processes, including regional trade agreements, the Environmental Goods Agreement (EGA), and the Trade in Services Agreement present interesting opportunities for implementing several of these options. The article further proposes that existing policy space, in particular in the area of subsidies, needs to be clarified, and in some cases strengthened.

Synthesis of the Policy Options E15 Expert Group on Clean Energy Technologies and the Trade System

Following the 2008 global economic downturn, the Group of 20 (G20) countries committed to
holding their protectionist impulses at bay in order to avoid undermining the fragile global
recovery. Unfortunately, this pledge to refrain from adopting new trade-restrictive measures –
and to roll-back those in place – has not been honoured. For the sixth year, the global
institutions monitoring protectionism in the G20 have confirmed the accumulation of new
trade-restrictions and few efforts to liberalise trade. Protectionism has changed form and
geography. On the one hand, the predominant form of trade-restrictions – border measures, typically tariffs and quotas – isincreasingly being replaced by behind-the-border measures,such
as technical, taxation and localisation measures. What is more, trade restriction has shifted
eastwards, with Russia, China, India and Indonesia among the main offenders. The BRICS
countries (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) have also gained prominence within the
G20 group, as those introducing the highest number of new trade-restrictionsin the last year.
Such a protectionist drift derives from the deteriorating economic performance of
emerging economies and their increasingly assertive role in global economic
governance.

Transfer pricing (TP) merupakan salah satu isu yang sangat penting dalam perpajakan internasional. Perdebatan tentang tax avoidance dan tax evasion tidak hanya beredar di kalangan politisi, pebisnis dan aktifis lembaga sosial, namun sampai ke kalangan selebritis dunia. Misalnya, munculnya perdebatan atas tuduhan praktik transfer pricing yang menimpa penyanyi group band rock dari Irlandia U2, Bono, yang dituduh memecah sebagian bisnisnya dari Irlandia ke Belanda, negara yang masuk kategori tax haven.

Arus keuangan ilegal (illicit financial flows/illegal capital flight) merupakan praktik pergerakan uang secara ilegal antar-negara melalui transfer dan pembayaran untuk menyembunyikan asset dan kewajiban pajak. Praktik ini biasanya merupakan tindakan lanjutan dari praktik haram, misalkan: praktik korupsi, pencucian uang, perdagangan narkoba, penggelapan pajak, bisnis perdagangan manusia dan lain-lain. 81% illicit financial flows bersumber dari praktik transfer pricing oleh korporasi multinasional dan 19% berasal dari  praktik korupsi, pencucian uang, perdagangan narkoba dan kriminalitas lainnya (GFI, 2012). Bahkan ditengarahi bahwa antara 60-70% perusahaan transnasional sejagad ini melakukan praktik tranfer pricing (TJN, 2010).

Hal di atas telah mendorong para pemimpin G20 melakukan penguatan transparansi dan pertukaran informasi secara komprehensif  tentang isu perpajakan. G20 telah membantu secara teknis merumuskan platform koordinasi Global Forum on Transparency and Exchange of Information for Tax Purposes dan peningkatan capacity building bagi negara berkembang dalam pengelolaan perpajakannya. Namun komitmen G20 masih belum kuat, ini terbukti dari tidak semua anggota G20 bersedia menandatangani Konvensi OECD tentang Bantuan Timbal Balik Administratif dalam Urusan Perpajakan.

Regulasi dan upaya untuk mengatasi tingginya praktik TP masih belum memadai dan terkesan ala kadarnya sehingga perusahaan dengan mudah dapat melakukan manipulasi kondisi keuangannya dan berimplikasi pada rendahnya dan bahkan hilangnya kewajiban perusahaan membayar pajak. Di sisi lain, praktik kong-kalikong antara elit pemerintah dengan perusahaan multinasional juga marak dan sudah menjadi rahasia umum. Untuk meningkatkan kemampuan negara miskin-berkembang dalam pembiayaan pengentasan kemiskinan, pemenuhan hak-hak dasar warga dan pelayanan dasar lainnya, maka peningkatan pendapatan negara dari sektor pajak suatu keharusan yang mendesak.

TABLE DES MATIÈRES

INTRODUCTION Répression policière et mouvements sociaux
par Francis Dupuis-Déri

CHAPITRE PREMIER Les effets du 11 septembre 2001 sur le mouvement altermondialiste
par Jean-Pierre Masse et Nathalie Bayon

CHAPITRE 2 La police des foules en Europe
par Olivier Fillieule

CHAPITRE 3 La délicate violence du policier sans uniforme
par Marc-André Cyr

CHAPITRE 4 Broyer du noir. La répression policière de la « déviance politique » au Québec
par Francis Dupuis-Déri

CHAPITRE 5 Le droit de manifester en péril? Le cas du Sommet du G20 à Toronto
par Francis Dupuis-Déri

CHAPITRE 6 « Printemps érable » ou « Printemps de la matraque »? Profilage politique et répression sélective pendant la grève étudiante de 2012
par Francis Dupuis-Déri

CONCLUSION Contre l’apitoiement. L’auto-organisation face à la répression politique
par Alexandre Popovic

ANNEXES

Tableau I : Mobilisation policière contre le mouvement altermondialiste

Tableau II : Répression policière contre le mouvement altermondialiste (arrestations)

Tableau III : Arrestations politiques au Québec 1996-2011 (données non exhaustives)

Tableau IV : Répression policière contre la manifestation annuelle du 15 mars contre la brutalité policière (Montréal)

Tableau V : Répression policière contre le mouvement étudiant au Québec (1996-2011)

Tableau VI : Arrestations durant la grève étudiante de 2012

Multilateralism has its roots in modern European history. It evolved as a pragmatic mechanism to avoid mutually assured destruction of multiple militarily matched states. From the twentieth century multilateralism and globalization have fed off each other. Global peace and prosperity have been the major spinoffs. Both were weakened during interludes of heightened nationalism. These dynamics are at work to this day. There have been two major phases of multilateral cooperation. The first was dominated by political cooperation, beginning with the Treaty of Westphalia-Munster and followed by the Concert of Europe. The political dimension of multilateralism dominated the first phase. Economic cooperation dominated the second phase, as its range expanded beyond Europe to encompass the globe. This cooperation began with the reconstruction of war-ravaged economies, to repair the International Monetary System and to revive international trade. It was later extended to address anthropomorphic climate change through the UNFCCC. The Bretton Woods system focus also shifted from advanced to developing countries. The postwar crisis of multilateralism can be traced to the slowing of growth in advanced economies as growth in Asia, particularly China, accelerated. Advanced economies were increasingly disenchanted with globalization, after having once being its strongest advocate. The failure of the Bretton Woods institutions to adjust to shifting weights in the global economy made them lose relevance and legitimacy. Multilateral trade and climate negotiations reached a standstill as AEs were loathe to extend special carveouts negotiated by developing countries prior to their rise. The weakening of multilateralism elicited two opposing responses: first the rise of plurilateralism, and second an attempt to revive multilateral economic cooperation through the G 20 in the wake of the Global Financial Crisis. After its initial promise the G 20 appears to be becoming dysfunctional as suboptimal plurilateral alternatives gather steam. Looking ahead, there is no getting away from globalization, despite short-term retreats, that is slowly but surely undermining the Westphalian notion of Nation-State. The future of multilateralism is likely to be shaped by the resolution of four frictions, namely the harmonization of pressure groups within the G 20 so that globalization is seen to be working for all major stakeholders; the accommodation of China in global governance; how basic ideological differences are harmonized in the process of such accommodation; and multi-stakeholder multilateralism that goes beyond the Westphalian notion of sovereignty based on the Nation State.

"El G20 en tiempos inciertos: Reflexiones en torno a la presidencia argentina". Pensamiento Propio, Número 48.

Este número fue editado por Federico Merke y Carolina Zaccato. Contiene contribuciones de Pedro Villagra Delgado, Paulo Botta, Alejandra Kern, Bárbara Perrot, José María Lladós, Soledad Mayansky, Tomás González Bergez, Victoria Marenssi, Gustavo Insaurralde, Masahiro Kawai y Sean Burges.

Die Ereignisse um den G20-Gipfel im Juli 2017 haben viele Menschen schockiert und die Hamburger Stadtgesellschaft gespalten. Sie stehen in starkem Kontrast zu dem Sicherheitsversprechen, das der Senat im Vorfeld abgegeben hat, ebenso wie zu der Ankündigung, der Gipfel werde ein „Festival der Demokratie“. Dass ein Gipfelprotest in Unruhen mit breiter Beteiligung überging aber auch das teils gewaltsame polizeiliche Vorgehen gegen Protestierende ist erklärungsbedürftig. In der anhaltenden Diskussion über die Hintergründe der Auseinandersetzungen werden zumeist entweder die Polizei oder „gewaltbereite Gruppen“ für das Ausmaß der Gewalt verantwortlich gemacht. Letzteres lässt sich jedoch nur bedingt aus Motiven und vorgefassten Plänen bestimmter Akteure ableiten. Ein großer Teil der Gewalt entsteht – dies gerät allzu oft aus dem Blick – maßgeblich in Prozessen der Eskalation, in denen die Handlungen der verschiedenen Beteiligten miteinander verflochten sind, insofern sie auf Grundlage ihrer Deutung vorangegangener Erfahrungen und ihrer Wahrnehmung des Gegenübers aufeinander reagieren. Situationen der Gewalt haben zudem ihre eigene, in manchen Fällen kaum steuerbare, Dynamik. Der Bericht rekonstruiert, wie und warum die Gewalt in Hamburg in dieser Form eskalierte. Er enthält sich weitgehend einer moralischen Einordnung. Er beleuchtet konkrete Situationen des Aufeinandertreffens der Konfliktparteien und bettet sie in einen größeren Kontext ein, unter anderem in Hinblick auf die Konstitution der beteiligten Gruppen und in Hinblick auf die mediale Deutung des Geschehens. Der Bericht fasst die ersten Ergebnisse eines Forschungsprojektes zusammen, an dem über acht Monate mehr als 20 Gewalt-, Protest- und Polizeiforscher*innen mitgewirkt haben. Er beruht auf einer Vielzahl unterschiedlicher Quellen: Interviews mit Beteiligten, Dokumente, Filmaufnahmen und Fotografien, die Kommunikation auf Twitter und die Berichterstattung in ausgewählten Tageszeitungen, Beobachtungsprotokolle aus der Protestwoche und danach. Die Analyse gliedert sich in drei Teile. (1) Die Ausgangskonstellation, in der sich die unmittelbar Beteiligten, Polizei und Protestierende, auf die Protestwoche einstellen und prägende Grundkonflikte sichtbar werden. (2) Schlüsselsituationen, in denen Konflikte ausgetragen werden und die Muster der Eskalation im Kleinen sichtbar machen. (3) Die mediale Deutung und Formung der Ereignisse, über die der Fokus auf „Gewalt“ verstärkt und die jeweils eigene Wahrnehmung bestätigt wird. Für die Analyse der Entstehung von Gewalt ist der Fall ein eindrückliches Beispiel für die Verkettung von Ereignissen ebenso wie für die Eigendynamik situativer Konfrontationen. Dies bedeutet jedoch nicht, dass die Planungen, Erwartungen und Entscheidungen der Handelnden keine Rolle spielen würden. Die Dynamik des Geschehens verwirklicht sich, im Gegenteil, gerade darin, dass die Beteiligten in der Verflechtung ihrer Handlungen ihre Kalkulationen verändern und Situationsdeutungen entwickeln, welche Gewalt möglich oder notwendig erscheinen lassen

1970’li yıllardan bu yana uluslararası çevrede yaşanan, ulus-devletleri küresel ekonomiye bütünleştiren “neo-liberal” politikalarla birlikte, globalleşme adı altında “sınırsızlaşma” eğilimi, modern devletleri, giderek daha da karmaşıklaşan küresel ekonomik, toplumsal, siyasal ve çevresel sorunları çözmek için bir masa etrafında toplanmaya zorlamaktadır. Söz konuşu dönüşüm, giderek uluslararası kuruluş ve işbirliği platformlarının etkinlik ve sürekliliğini arttırmaktadır. Ekonomi temelli bu işbirliği forumlarından biri de, 2008 yılından bu yana hayatımızda olan “G20 Platformu” dur.

Anılan bu informal (resmi olmayan) toplantı platformu, yaklaşık olarak, dünya GSMH’nın yüzde 90’ını (60 trio.$), nüfusunun üçte ikisini, ticaret hacminin (AB içi ticaret dahil) yüzde 85’ni, dünya enerji talebinin yüzde 75’ini, fosile dayalı enerjilerden kaynaklı sera gazı emisyonunun yüzde 80’ini temsil etmektedir.

Çalışmamızın amacı, ekonomi konularından uzaklaşarak siyasileştiği; aldığı kararlarının uygulanmasını izlemediği; dünya ekonomik büyüme ve refah artışında,  son beş yıldır yaşanan durgunluk gibi konularda “yetersizliği” gibi başlıklarda ileri sürülen eleştiriler bağlamında G20 oluşumunu irdelemek; anılan platformun etkinliğini arttırma ve “fayda/süreklilik” katsayılarını ortaya koyabilmek olmuştur.