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Eren Duzgun
  • Department of Social and Political Sciences
    University of Cyprus
    OED Building 01, Floor -1
    Aglantzia Campus
    CY-1678 Nicosia
    Republic of Cyprus
This book offers a radical reinterpretation of the development of the modern world through the concept of Jacobinism. It argues that the French Revolution was not just another step in the construction of capitalist modernity, but produced... more
This book offers a radical reinterpretation of the development of the modern world through the concept of Jacobinism. It argues that the French Revolution was not just another step in the construction of capitalist modernity, but produced an alternative (geo)political economy – that is, 'Jacobinism.' Furthermore, Jacobinism provided a blueprint for other modernization projects, thereby profoundly impacting the content and tempo of global modernity in and beyond Europe. The book traces the journey of Jacobinism in the Ottoman Empire and Turkey. It contends that until the 1950s, the Ottoman/Turkish experiment with modernity was not marked by capitalism, but by a historically specific Jacobinism. Asserting this Jacobin legacy then leads to a novel interpretation of the subsequent transition to and authoritarian consolidation of capitalism in contemporary Turkey. As such, by tracing the world historical trajectory of Jacobinism, the book establishes a new way of understanding the origins and development of global modernity.
This commentary responds to the six symposium pieces that critically engage my book Capitalism, Jacobinism, International Relations: Revisiting Turkish Modernity (CJIR). I am grateful for and challenged by this engaging, and diverse set... more
This commentary responds to the six symposium pieces that critically engage my book Capitalism, Jacobinism, International Relations: Revisiting Turkish Modernity (CJIR). I am grateful for and challenged by this engaging, and diverse set of responses to CJIR. Below, I will first provide a summary of the substantive and overlapping points raised by my interlocutors. I will then address their critiques in three interrelated sections. In 'How to Conceptualize Capitalism?' section, I will discuss how to define and historicize capitalism from the perspective of Political Marxism (PM) while dealing with the question of class and state in historical research. In 'How to Theorize the Expansion of Capitalism: or What to Make of Jacobinism?' section, I will introduce Jacobinism and elaborate its distinctiveness with a theoretical focus on the 'uneven and combined' character of world historical development. In 'How to Conceptualize the Modernity-Capitalism Relation?' section, I will explain my perspective on the concept of modernity, considering its relationship to capitalism. In conclusion, I will briefly elaborate on the implications of Jacobinism for future research.
Postcolonial theory has been at the forefront of attempts to remedy the problem of Eurocentrism. This article argues that postcolonial theory has not progressed far enough in successfully treating the problem of Eurocentrism, for it has... more
Postcolonial theory has been at the forefront of attempts to remedy the problem of Eurocentrism. This article argues that postcolonial theory has not progressed far enough in successfully treating the problem of Eurocentrism, for it has not sufficiently abided by its own methodological underpinnings, i.e., it has not satisfactorily developed its own critique of the "presentist" conceptions of history. More precisely, postcolonial theory has not shown how to make a complete departure from the methodologically presentist conceptions of capitalism, which, in turn, limits our ability to overcome hierarchical readings of global modernity. To problematize and fill this gap, I take an unconventional tack, turning to a seldomly cited figure in debates on Eurocentrism: Karl Polanyi. I contend that although Polanyi places the origins of capitalist modernity in Europe, his historical sociology provides an alternative and more definitive solution for presentism and Eurocentrism. Polanyi's rejection of the "economistic" and "dualistic" understandings of human life, his insistence on the commonality and diversity of human degradation in the face of capitalist modernity, and his historically specific conception of the "counter-movement" enable a decidedly non-presentist, non-triumphalist, and non-hierarchical narrative of the genesis and development of the modern present.
Theorising a non-Eurocentric "global international relations" has been a main preoccupation of scholars associated with international political sociology (IPS). In this article, I argue that scholars within the IPS tradition have provided... more
Theorising a non-Eurocentric "global international relations" has been a main preoccupation of scholars associated with international political sociology (IPS). In this article, I argue that scholars within the IPS tradition have provided a powerful critique of, but no clear alternative to, Eurocentrism. This is partly attributable to their insufficient problematisation of the historical narratives that propel capitalism backwards into history. By problematising "presentist" conceptions of capitalism, I show that a critical dialogue between IPS and "political Marxism" helps to introduce an alternative foundation for anti-Eurocentrism, which shifts our focus from "capitalist modernity" to "radical modernity". Radical modernity resists hierarchical-colonial ontologies by emphasising the universality of egalitarian social patterns rooted in our common, non-capitalist past. I contend that radical modernity is an enduring legacy that is found universally, transmitted interactively, and revitalised continuously across time and space, hence providing an alternative base on which to theorise and globalise the "international" in a non-Eurocentric way.
Within the field of International Historical Sociology, much has been done to theorise the 'international' in historical-sociological terms. In particular, the theory of uneven and combined development (UCD) has taken significant steps in... more
Within the field of International Historical Sociology, much has been done to theorise the 'international' in historical-sociological terms. In particular, the theory of uneven and combined development (UCD) has taken significant steps in moving beyond the flattened space of 'anarchy', carving out an historical-sociological home for International Relations (IR). Yet, in this article I argue that UCD's claim to establish a 'social ontology of the international' has been weakened by a tendency to underspecify the role of social agency in the constitution of social and international orders. This, in turn, undermines our ability to fully capture the 'how' and 'why' of the international, i.e. how and why social and international dynamics transform over time and space. To get out of this conundrum, I suggest, the theory of UCD needs to focus more systematically on historically specific socio-spatial struggles and the concomitant processes of inter-societal learning and 'substitution'. I operationalise these insights in the context of pre-modern Ottoman state-formation (1300-1600). Such a historical reconstruction demonstrates that UCD, if reinforced by a stronger conception of social agency, not only leads to a more fertile ground for the development of international historical-sociological imagination, but also helps to problematise and move beyond the conventional theorisation of the 'classical' Ottoman Empire as a 'patrimonial' state.
The critique of Eurocentrism has become one of the main benchmarks for critical scholarship in International Relations (IR). Unsurprisingly, the effort to overcome Eurocentric conceptions of world history has been at the forefront of the... more
The critique of Eurocentrism has become one of the main benchmarks for critical scholarship in International Relations (IR). Unsurprisingly, the effort to overcome Eurocentric conceptions of world history has been at the forefront of the bourgeoning subfield of International Historical Sociology (IHS). In many anti-Eurocentric theorisations of IHS, Political Marxist approaches to world history have been posited as counter-models imbued with methodological 'internalism' and Eurocentrism. In this article, I critically re-evaluate the extent to which IHS has remedied the problem of Eurocentrism. Furthermore, I argue that the conventional critique of Political Marxism (PM) is largely off the mark and, indeed, IHS in general and the theory of Uneven and Combined Development in particular need PM to deepen the international sociological imagination and deliver a non-hierarchical reading of world history.
Debates over ‘modernity’ have been central to the development of historical-sociological approaches to International Relations (IR). Within the bourgeoning subfield of International Historical Sociology (IHS), much work has been done to... more
Debates over ‘modernity’ have been central to the development of historical-sociological approaches to International Relations (IR). Within the bourgeoning subfield of International Historical Sociology (IHS), much work has been done to formulate a historically dynamic conception of international relations, which is then used to undermine unilinear conceptions of global modernity. Nevertheless, this article argues that IHS has not proceeded far enough in successfully remedying the problem of unilinearism. The problem remains that historical narratives, informed by IHS, tend to transhistoricise capitalism, which, in turn, obscures the generative nature of international relations, as well as the fundamental heterogeneity of diverging paths to modernity both within and beyond western Europe. Based on the theory of Uneven and Combined Development, Political Marxism, and Robbie Shilliam’s discussion of ‘Jacobinism’, this article first reinterprets the radical multilinearity of modernity within western Europe, and then utilises this reinterpretation to provide a new reading of the Ottoman path to modernity (1839–1918). Such a historical critique and reconstruction will highlight the significance of Jacobinism for a more accurate theorisation of the origin and development of the modern international order, hence contributing to a deeper understanding of the international relations of modernity.
The study of revolutions is at the forefront of the growing field of International Historical Sociology (IHS). As IHS scholars have sought to uncover the spatio-temporally changing character of international relations, they have come a... more
The study of revolutions is at the forefront of the growing field of International Historical Sociology (IHS). As IHS scholars have sought to uncover the spatio-temporally changing character of international relations, they have come a long way in overcoming ‘unilinear’ and ‘internalist’ conceptions of revolutionary modern transformation. In this article, I re-evaluate the extent to which the IHS of ‘bourgeois revolutions’ has succeeded in remedying unilinear conceptions of the transition to modernity. I argue that ‘consequentialist’ approaches to the study of bourgeois revolutions tend to obscure the radically heterogeneous character of revolutionary transformations both within and outside Western Europe. Drawing on Political Marxism and Robbie Shilliam’s discussion of Jacobinism, I first provide a non-consequentialist reading of the revolutions of modernity within Western Europe, and then utilize this reinterpretation to provide a new interpretation of the Turkish revolution (1923-1945). My aim is to demonstrate that a non-consequentialist conception of ‘bourgeois revolutions’ will enable us to historicize and theorize more accurately the co-constitution of international relations and revolutionary processes; hence providing a stronger foundation for the IHS of modern revolutions.
The Ottoman Empire has thus far remained at the margin of the ‘Great Divergence’ debate. Relatedly, no systematic attempt has been made to overcome Eurocentric views about the early modern Ottoman Empire. This paper seeks to fill this gap... more
The Ottoman Empire has thus far remained at the margin of the ‘Great Divergence’ debate. Relatedly, no systematic attempt has been made to overcome Eurocentric views about the early modern Ottoman Empire. This paper seeks to fill this gap by problematizing and re-historicizing arguably the core concept of the Great Divergence debate, i.e. capitalism. Drawing from the theory of social-property relations, the paper reconsiders the question of the origin of capitalism, and by doing so, provides not only new comparative insights on the early modern Ottoman Empire, but also the preliminary outlines of an alternative non-Eurocentric reading of world historical development.
This article takes issue with the common view that the early Turkish Republic (1920-1940) followed a " special " route to modernity characterized by " state capitalism. " It argues that such a view, rooted in the Sonderweg paradigm,... more
This article takes issue with the common view that the early Turkish Republic (1920-1940) followed a " special " route to modernity characterized by " state capitalism. " It argues that such a view, rooted in the Sonderweg paradigm, obscures the historical-comparative specificity of Turkish state formation, leading to problematic conclusions about the character of Turkish modernization. Based on insights derived from Karl Polanyi's notion of " economistic fallacy " and Political Marxism's conception of capitalism, I offer a new interpretation of the early Republican project in Turkey, which, in turn, provides a deeper understanding of the social content, tempo and multi-linearity of world historical development.
This paper argues that the class-based analyses that seek to make sense of the recent transformation of Turkish modernity rest on a pre-given duality between the state and the bourgeoisie. This not only jettisons the relational and... more
This paper argues that the class-based analyses that seek to make sense of the recent transformation of Turkish modernity rest on a pre-given duality between the state and the bourgeoisie. This not only jettisons the relational and temporal context in which classes define and articulate their interests, thereby leading to determinist explanations of various sorts, but also obscures the historical distinctiveness and mutual re-transformation of two different modes of socio-spatial organization, modernity and capitalism, in Turkey. Based on a novel historical materialist method known as Political Marxism, I suggest that re-conceptualizing class as property-relations sheds new light on the historical-comparative specificity of Turkish modernity, which, in turn, leads to a radical re-interpretation of Turkey’s recent transformation.
Many scholars associated the recent transformation of Turkish democracy with the rise of a new bourgeois class and the neoliberal restructuring of the world economy. Using a social property relations approach, I provide a critique of the... more
Many scholars associated the recent transformation of Turkish democracy with the rise of a new bourgeois class and the neoliberal restructuring of the world economy. Using a social property relations approach, I provide a critique of the readings of Turkish modernity based on the fall and the rise of bourgeois agency. Revealing the non-capitalist origins and the protracted capitalist transformation of Ottoman and Turkish modernization, I conclude that the reformulation of the main pillars of Turkish modernity today is an expression of the recent consolidation of capitalist property relations.
Bu makalede, ulus aşırı sermayenin Avrupa´da birikim stratejilerini nasıl etkilediği ve bütünleşmiş bir Avrupa projesine nasıl yeni bir yön verdiği anlatıldı. ‘Globalciler’ ile ‘Avrupacılar’ arasındaki sermaye içi çatışmaların nasıl... more
Bu makalede, ulus aşırı sermayenin Avrupa´da birikim stratejilerini nasıl etkilediği ve bütünleşmiş bir Avrupa projesine nasıl yeni bir yön verdiği anlatıldı. ‘Globalciler’ ile ‘Avrupacılar’ arasındaki sermaye içi çatışmaların nasıl birinciler lehine sonuçlandığı ve globalcilerin zaman içinde oluşan pozisyonel üstünlüklerini nasıl tahakküme ve sonra da hegemonyaya çevirdikleri üzerine tartışıldı. ERT’in Avrupa’yı baskın olarak kendi uzun dönem çıkarlarıyla bezenmiş bir hegemonik çerçeve içine ördüğü iddia edildi. Bu hegemonyanın içinde, EURATEX ve ETUC gibi diğer muhalif aktörlere tali de olsa bir rol biçildiği öne sürülürken, bunların talep edebileceklerinin sınırlarının da küresel sermayenin uzun dönem çıkarlarına dokunmayacak şekilde çizildiği savlandı. Lizbon’da kabul edilen ilkelerin, iddia edilen bu hegemonyanın kristalize olmuş birer hali olduğu ve hegemonik çerçevenin Lizbon’la birlikte bir birikim stratejisi temelinde kurumsallaştırıldığı tartışıldı.
The Godzilla-like image of the COVID-19 virus has been haunting the world. Not only has the virus unraveled nightmarish possibilities of the deaths of millions of people, but it has also served as a quintessential case revealing the... more
The Godzilla-like image of the COVID-19 virus has been haunting the world. Not only has the virus unraveled nightmarish possibilities of the deaths of millions of people, but it has also served as a quintessential case revealing the contradictions and unsustainability of global capitalism. This chapter draws on Karl Polanyi's economic sociology to make sense of the causes and possible consequences of the coronavirus crisis. I argue that Polanyi's concepts of "(dis)embeddedness," "fictitious commodities," and "double movement" point to a broader argument concerning not just the "economy," but the causes and implications of undermining the "natural and human substance" of society at large, hence useful in analyzing the social and ecological crises that have helped to cause the pandemic. Furthermore, I show that Polanyi's work, often championed for its alleged support for regulated, social democratic, welfare capitalism, in fact promotes an anti-capitalist political vision. Polanyi's radical critique of the capitalism of his time sheds new light on the ways in which the present crisis can be overcome.
This chapter takes issue with the common view that the Ottoman Empire and Turkey transitioned to capitalism during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Drawing on Political Marxism, I argue that there was no transition to... more
This chapter takes issue with the common view that the Ottoman Empire and Turkey transitioned to capitalism during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Drawing on Political Marxism, I argue that there was no transition to capitalism in Turkey until the 1950s, that is, the late Ottoman Empire (1839–1918) and early Turkish Republic (1923–1945) followed a non-capitalist (and non-socialist) path to modernity. Furthermore, while the process of capitalist development began in the 1950s, the newly emerging agrarian/industrial classes and institutions remained either unwilling or unable to expand and deepen capitalist social relations. However, in the period after the 1950s, another group of capitalists, excluded from state-based rents and organized in the Islamic “National View Movement” (NVM), began to rise in the political scene, advocating a purely capitalist development strategy. Contesting the conventional interpretations of NVM, I show that the movement, albeit unsuccessful electorally from the 1970s to the 1990s, provided the blueprint for a novel capitalist modernity, which would be taken up by Erdogan’s Justice and Development Party in the new millennium.
For the past four months Covid-19 has revealed the contradictions and unsustainability of global capitalism perhaps in a manner that no other single phenomenon has ever done in history. The virus has become the latest and arguably the... more
For the past four months Covid-19 has revealed the contradictions and unsustainability of global capitalism perhaps in a manner that no other single phenomenon has ever done in history. The virus has become the latest and arguably the bleakest reminder that capitalism’s systemic dynamics and imperatives, i.e. its relentless drive for competitiveness and profitability, is bound to sooner or later disrupt the very foundations of human existence as a whole. Furthermore, the biological blitzkrieg activated by the coronavirus has arrived at a time when the global political economy has already been going through two other major crises – crisis of ‘development’ and crisis of democracy – which will be aggravated by the current pandemic. This short essay provides a synopsis of capitalism’s triple crisis, which is critical to develop a balanced assessment of what the post-pandemic world may look like.
The Godzilla-like image of the virus Covid-19 has been haunting the world. Not only has the virus unraveled nightmarish possibilities leading to the extinction of millions of people, but it has also served as a quintessential case... more
The Godzilla-like image of the virus Covid-19 has been haunting the world. Not only has the virus unraveled nightmarish possibilities leading to the extinction of millions of people, but it has also served as a quintessential case revealing the structural contradictions of and existential threats posed by capitalism on a global scale.

https://socialistproject.ca/2020/04/capitalism-coronavirus-and-road-to-extinction/
At the forefront of the bourgeoning field of International Historical Sociology has been the effort to overcome Eurocentric conceptions of world history. This review article reconsiders the issue of Eurocentrism by critically engaging... more
At the forefront of the bourgeoning field of International Historical Sociology has been the effort to overcome Eurocentric conceptions of world history. This review article reconsiders the issue of Eurocentrism by critically engaging with Alex Anievas and Kerem Nişancioğlu’s How the West Came to Rule, which is the most recent and arguably one of the most sophisticated contributions to the anti-Eurocentric turn in International Relations. How the West Came to Rule provides a critique of Eurocentrism through a systematic inquiry into the question of the origin of capitalism. Despite its originality, I argue that the book remains hamstrung by a number of methodological issues, which ultimately undermine the authors’ effort to go beyond the existing literature on Eurocentrism and provide a truly non-hierarchical international historical sociology. A clear specification of these problems, which haunt most anti-Eurocentric approaches to IR, provides us with the preliminary outlines of an alternative non-Eurocentric approach to world history.
At the forefront of the bourgeoning field of International Historical Sociology has been the effort to overcome Eurocentric conceptions of world history. This review article reconsiders the issue of Eurocentrism by critically engaging... more
At the forefront of the bourgeoning field of International Historical Sociology has been the effort to overcome Eurocentric conceptions of world history. This review article reconsiders the issue of Eurocentrism by critically engaging with Alex Anievas and Kerem Nı̇ şancioğlu's How the West Came to Rule, which is the most recent and arguably one of the most sophisticated contributions to the anti-Eurocentric turn in International Relations. How the West Came to Rule provides a critique of Eurocentrism through a systematic inquiry into the question of the origin of capitalism. Despite its originality, I argue that the book remains hamstrung by a number of methodological issues, which ultimately undermine the authors' effort to go beyond the existing literature on Eurocentrism and provide a truly non-hierarchical international historical sociology. A clear specification of these problems, which haunt most anti-Eurocentric approaches to IR, provides us with the preliminary outlines of an alternative non-Eurocentric approach to world history.
Research Interests:
Department of Political Science, York University, Toronto [eduzgun@yorku.ca].
Yıldız Atasoy’s recent survey of state transformation in Turkey reiterates some of the most typical shortcomings of Marxian approaches to the Ottoman/Turkish modernisation. This involves an ahistorical conception of capitalism reduced to... more
Yıldız Atasoy’s recent survey of state transformation in Turkey reiterates some of the most typical shortcomings of Marxian approaches to the Ottoman/Turkish modernisation. This involves an ahistorical conception of capitalism reduced to commercial expansion and a structuralist method that transhistoricises the historical differentiation of the economic from the political. Combined together in Atasoy’s book, capitalism no longer exists in the shape of specific social relations and particular juridical/political forms, but rather it precedes and determines them. Consequently, social struggles over production and reproduction are separated from and no longer implicated within struggles over the redefinition of citizenship, secularism and democracy. An implicit economic determinism eventually prevails, reproducing functionalist modes of argumentation. Based on a theoretical and historical critique of Atasoy’s argument, this review seeks to provide new insights into Ottoman/Turkish modernity from a Political Marxist perspective.
Tariq Tell's review of my book "Capitalism, Jacobinism and International Relations: Revisiting Turkish Modernity", which is included in a symposium set to be published in Critical Sociology.
Here is Pinar Bedirhanoglu's review of my book, 'Capitalism, Jacobinism, and International Relations: Revisiting Turkish Modernity' (2022, CUP), which is included in a symposium set to be published in Critical Sociology.
Eren Düzgün’s Capitalism, Jacobinism and International Relations: Revisiting Turkish Modernity (CJIR) presents a significant contribution to the burgeoning literature of International Historical Sociology (IHS), particularly concerning... more
Eren Düzgün’s Capitalism, Jacobinism and International Relations: Revisiting Turkish Modernity (CJIR) presents a significant contribution to the burgeoning literature of International Historical Sociology (IHS), particularly concerning the historical sociology of Turkish modernization.
Klevis Kolasi's excellent review of my book, 'Capitalism, Jacobinism, and International Relations: Revisiting Turkish Modernity' (2022, CUP), which is included in a symposium set to be published in Critical Sociology. It provides a lot of... more
Klevis Kolasi's excellent review of my book, 'Capitalism, Jacobinism, and International Relations: Revisiting Turkish Modernity' (2022, CUP), which is included in a symposium set to be published in Critical Sociology. It provides a lot of food for thought, which I will reflect on in my rejoinder soon.
Here is Alp Yucel Kaya's review of my book, 'Capitalism, Jacobinism, and International Relations: Revisiting Turkish Modernity' (2022, CUP), which is included in a symposium set to be published in Critical Sociology.
All in all, Duzgun’s study offers an excellent interdisciplinary analysis of different modes of modernity and their application to Turkish modernization. Those scholars interested in modernity, the political economy of development, and... more
All in all, Duzgun’s study offers an excellent interdisciplinary analysis of different modes of modernity and their application to Turkish modernization. Those scholars interested in modernity, the political economy of development, and Turkish studies will benefit from the book immensely
... of devastation caused by the still-unfolding global economic crisis and the increasing propensity for already existing political fault lines to further break in the capitalist heartland, this book byAlex Callinicos could ... Reviewed... more
... of devastation caused by the still-unfolding global economic crisis and the increasing propensity for already existing political fault lines to further break in the capitalist heartland, this book byAlex Callinicos could ... Reviewed by Ronaldo Munck, Dublin City University, Ireland ...
The global financial crisis, which started in the summer of 2007, still continues. However, one thing has already become very clear: the expectation that the recent economic downturn would lead to a fundamental change in the form and... more
The global financial crisis, which started in the summer of 2007, still continues. However, one thing has already become very clear: the expectation that the recent economic downturn would lead to a fundamental change in the form and organisation of the international ...