- Avenue FD Roosevelt 50 - CP 124
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- Université libre de Bruxelles, Department of Political Science, Faculty Memberadd
- Political Parties, Elections, Elections and Voting Behavior, Political Participation, Intra-party democracy, Party members, and 16 moreComparative Politics, Political Science, Political Sociology, Political Behavior, Party organization, Party Politics, Belgium, Political Extremism/Radicalism/Populism, Electoral Behavior, Party Systems, Political Representation, Election Campaigning, Political Institutions, Belgian politics, Activism, and Federalismedit
- Emilie van Haute is Professor at SciencePo ULB and researcher at Cevipol. Her research interests focus on party membe... moreEmilie van Haute is Professor at SciencePo ULB and researcher at Cevipol. Her research interests focus on party membership, intra-party dynamics, factionalism, elections and voting behaviour. Her current research projects include the MAPP working group (www.projectmapp.eu), RepResent (www.partirep.eu), and PPDB projects (www.politicalpartydb.com).
She is co-editor of Acta Politica.edit
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This research note presents the RepResent Belgian Panel (RBP). The RBP is a voter panel survey consisting of four waves fielded to a sample of voters in Belgium around the May 2019 federal, regional, and European elections in Belgium. It... more
This research note presents the RepResent Belgian Panel (RBP). The RBP is a voter panel survey consisting of four waves fielded to a sample of voters in Belgium around the May 2019 federal, regional, and European elections in Belgium. It provides unique data on about 250 variables for a quota sample of the same respondents, pre-2019 elections (N = 7351), post-2019 elections (N = 3909), one year after the elections (N = 1996), and 2 years after the elections (N = 1119). The RBP panel dataset was designed to analyse voters' political attitudes and behaviours, notably on different dimensions of democratic representation, and with a specific focus on democratic resentment (e.g. citizens' attitudes towards democracy such as distrust and alienation, but also behaviours such as abstention, protest, or voting for anti-establishment parties). Its longitudinal structure allows to explore the political dynamics at play in Belgium throughout the lengthy government formation process. Finally, the last two waves of the RBP were fielded during the Covid-19 pandemic, allowing to explore public opinion before and during this global crisis. The RBP should be of interest to scholars of public opinion and electoral studies.
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This study applies process-tracing methods to understand the leadership selection process in the Belgian French-speaking liberal party, MR, which is the oldest and second largest party in French-speaking Belgium. We triangulate a variety... more
This study applies process-tracing methods to understand the leadership selection process in the Belgian French-speaking liberal party, MR, which is the oldest and second largest party in French-speaking Belgium. We triangulate a variety of sources to assemble a rich qualitative material that is used to contrast the formal rules and outcome of the race to the actual process. We show that the gatekeepers were not the ones ascribed in the statutes, that formal rules were bent to fit the profile of the race, and that the very nature of the race was much closer to a coronation than the results may suggest. We also uncover mechanisms through which party actors, especially the incumbent leader as steering agent, informally influence the process to the desired outcome, with the race being played prior to the validation of the candidacies. This analysis puts focuses on when and how key actors use their informal influence to weigh the process and influence the outcome of leadership races.
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This contribution sheds light on the link between affect and protest behaviors. Using data from a voter survey conducted around the 2019 elections in Belgium, we examine two dimensions of affect: a vertical one, i.e., negative and... more
This contribution sheds light on the link between affect and protest behaviors. Using data from a voter survey conducted around the 2019 elections in Belgium, we examine two dimensions of affect: a vertical one, i.e., negative and positive emotions towards politics in general, and a horizontal one, i.e., affective polarization towards fellow citizens. Our findings make three important contributions. First, we identify five distinct classes of respondents depending on their emotions towards politics (apathetic, angry, hopeful, highly emotional, and average). Second, we demonstrate that the combination of both anger and hope is more strongly associated with protest action than anger alone. By contrast, apathy, characterized by an absence of emotions towards politics, is negatively related to protest behavior. Third, we show that affective polarization is a key driver of protest behavior per se. We also show that the two dimensions of affect have distinctive effects. Yet they interact: Affective polarization towards political opponents compensates for the absence of emotions towards politics in general.
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This paper investigates divergences in levels of affective polarization across Belgian regions around the 2019 elections. Elaborating on the relative deprivation theory, we analyse the role of current and longterm socioeconomic regional... more
This paper investigates divergences in levels of affective polarization across Belgian regions around the 2019 elections. Elaborating on the relative deprivation theory, we analyse the role of current and longterm socioeconomic regional inequalities and of geographical distance separating regions. Empirically, we aggregate individual-level measures of affective polarization at the Belgian NUTS-3 level and use a gravity approach to explore the determinants of regional divergences. Our results show that regional variations in affective polarization are best explained by a current rural-urban divide and by how regions have performed economically in the last years. We also show that geographical proximity matters and reinforces the effects of economic deprivation.
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This research note investigates the scope of regional variations in levels of affective polarization across Europe and contrasts it to national scores to highlight the theoretical and empirical interest of a disaggregated approach. Using... more
This research note investigates the scope of regional variations in levels of affective polarization across Europe and contrasts it to national scores to highlight the theoretical and empirical interest of a disaggregated approach. Using all waves of the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (CSES) dataset, we compute an affective polarization score for 143,857 individuals and aggregate these scores in 190 regions nested in 30 countries, across a period ranging from 1996 to 2019, covering 105 elections. We map variations in affective polarization across regions, both cross-sectionally and longitudinally. Our results reveal that the range of scores is larger across regions than between countries, and that approximately half of the variation in affective polarization scores can be attributed to within-country heterogeneity. Second, we find that some countries display rather homogeneous regional patterns, while others display heterogeneous scores. Third, we show how the increase in the affective polarization scores over time at the national level can be driven by sharp changes in some regions only, other regions remaining stable. Overall, these results point to the added value of adopting a regional approach to the study of affective polarization.
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Using the RepResent Voter Panel Survey conducted in Belgium since the Federal elections, we investigate the relationship between a ective polarization and voters' coalition preferences, in the first phase of the COVID-pandemic. Results... more
Using the RepResent Voter Panel Survey conducted in Belgium since the Federal elections, we investigate the relationship between a ective polarization and voters' coalition preferences, in the first phase of the COVID-pandemic. Results confirm a strict negative link between a ective polarization and preferences for coalitions in general. Such result is robust to di erent types of coalitions, in terms of number and size of parties, as well as the ideological position of voters. However, we also show how the negative e ect of a ective polarization can be moderated if the coalition includes the voter's in-party. Overall, our results help better understanding the political consequences of a ective polarization in a multiparty setting.
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This paper explores external (country-level) and internal (party-level) drivers of membership variations across parties. Relying on the Political Party Database combined with other datasets, we provide original, cross-sectional analyses... more
This paper explores external (country-level) and internal (party-level) drivers of membership variations across parties. Relying on the Political Party Database combined with other datasets, we provide original, cross-sectional analyses of membership variation across 223 parties in 38 countries, innovatively covering third-wave democracies, post-communist countries, and advanced democracies. It allows for a unique analysis of recruitment patterns of parties under quite different contexts. Departing from the dominant view that parties are the powerless victims of external trends, we show that, while context matters, parties' choices regarding affiliation rules and organization structure also matter. They are more powerful determinants of membership ratios than country-level variables. Especially, the representation of subgroups in the party structure is a key driver of membership recruitment. We also show how party origins, and the foundational environment in which they emerged, are important to understand how membership varies across parties today. Overall, this study strongly advocates for a broad comparative, multilevel approach to party membership.
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This paper explores how party-specific contextual factors explain variations in membership levels. Based on a subset of MAPP data that includes 2898 yearly membership data points for 262 parties in 24 countries over a period from 1990 to... more
This paper explores how party-specific contextual factors explain variations in membership levels. Based on a subset of MAPP data that includes 2898 yearly membership data points for 262 parties in 24 countries over a period from 1990 to 2014, it examines three sets of explanations: the lifecycle model (party age), the bandwagon model (electoral performances and governemental participation), and the competition model (effective number of parties). Our results confirm that membership ratios present an overall decreasing trend across parties over time. At the same time, we show that this trend is flattening and that there are important variations across parties. Fluctuations of membership are part of a party's lifecycle. Our results also point toward a bandwagon effect whereby party membership levels increase or decrease according to electoral performances, and to a patronage boost linked to governmental participation. Finally, we show that party system fragmentation decreases individual parties' membership ratios. Overall, our findings complement the story on party membership decline and calls for further investigations of party-specific explanations.
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This paper looks at the mobilizing effect of personal networks on the individual propensity to favour some types of political participation over others, in a context of changing participation repertoires. We rely on original egocentric... more
This paper looks at the mobilizing effect of personal networks on the individual propensity to favour some types of political participation over others, in a context of changing participation repertoires. We rely on original egocentric network data gathered via a unique online survey conducted among a quota sample of 2801 Belgian citizens. We show that dominant political behaviour(s) in a network diffuse as byproduct of social proximity and influence: the more someone has been exposed to a certain type of participation in the past, the more this person is likely to be recruited in the same type of participation in the future (engagement), or, if this person was already active, to retain the same participatory behaviour (retention). Moreover, our results point to a cross-over dissuasive effect across types of participation that keeps citizens away from certain participatory behaviours. In particular, exposure to online and instiutionalized participation in their personal network decreases respondents’ likelihood to engage in non-insitutionalized participation. Overall, we stress the added-value of a meso-level approach that embeds citizens in their personal network to understand their participatory choices.
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The literature on candidate selection has focussed extensively on the degree of inclusiveness and decentralization of the selectorate, as part of the debate on intraparty democracy. However, much less attention has been paid to the degree... more
The literature on candidate selection has focussed extensively on the degree of inclusiveness and decentralization of the selectorate, as part of the debate on intraparty democracy. However, much less attention has been paid to the degree of openness of candidacies, or selection criteria within parties. Yet parties have a lot of leeway in how they design selection criteria internally. Which guidelines do parties follow when making the crucial choice on which candidates to select for elections? This paper investigates selection criteria from two perspectives: the formal rules set by parties that restrict the candidate's pool and the (informal) preferences of selectors that shape who gets selected. We aim first at contrasting the degree of party institutionalization and parties' formal rules in candidate selection and so, we shed light on whether parties formalise their candidacy requirements and candidate selection processes to the same extent as other party activities. Second, the paper investigates the role of the selectorates, and how selectorate's characteristics matter for the kind of (informal) selection criteria, be they intended at maximizing offices, votes or policies. Drawing on party statutes coded in the Political Party Database (PPDB) and 23 in-depth interviews with selectors, we study three francophone Belgian parties that differ both in terms of inclusiveness of the selectorate who has the final say on candidate selection and in terms of degree of centralisation, and in terms of party institutionalisation: the green party (Ecolo), the socialist party (PS), and the liberal party (MR). Our comparative analysis of parties, selection criteria provides new insights into the secret garden of politics and highlights in particular the major impact of parties, degree of centralization.
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This study investigates how protest attitudes and ideological considerations affected the 2019 election results in Belgium, and particularly the vote for the radical right-wing populist party Vlaams Belang (VB) and for the radical... more
This study investigates how protest attitudes and ideological considerations affected the 2019 election results in Belgium, and particularly the vote for the radical right-wing populist party Vlaams Belang (VB) and for the radical left-wing pop-ulist party Partij van de Arbeid-Parti du Travail de Belgique (PVDA-PTB). Our results confirm that both protest attitudes and ideological considerations play a role to distinguish radical populist voters from mainstream party voters in general. However, when opposed to their second-best choice, we show that particularly protest attitudes matter. Moreover, in comparing radical right-and left-wing populist voters, the article disentangles the respective weight of these drivers on the two ends of the political spectrum. Being able to portray itself as an alternative to mainstream can give these parties an edge among a certain category of voters, albeit this position is also difficult to hold in the long run.
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This article digs into the relationship between voters' political resentment and their electoral choice in 2019 by focusing on the respondents' emotions towards politics. Using the RepResent 2019 voter survey, eight emotions are analysed... more
This article digs into the relationship between voters' political resentment and their electoral choice in 2019 by focusing on the respondents' emotions towards politics. Using the RepResent 2019 voter survey, eight emotions are analysed in their relation to voting behaviour: four negative (anger, bitterness, worry and fear) and four positive (hope, relief, joy and satisfaction). We confirm that voters' emotional register is at least two-dimensional, with one positive and one negative dimension, opening the possibility for different combinations of emotions towards politics. We also find different emotional patterns across party choices, and more crucially, we uncover a significant effect of emotions (especially negative ones) on vote choice, even when controlling for other determinants. Finally, we look at the effect of election results on emotions and we observe a potential winner vs. loser effect with distinctive dynamics in Flanders and in Wallonia.
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Les littératures sur les partis politiques et sur le transnationalisme ne se sont presque jamais croisées. Les partis politiques à l’étranger constituent donc un angle mort académique. L’introduction présente une vue d’ensemble des... more
Les littératures sur les partis politiques et sur le transnationalisme ne se sont presque jamais croisées. Les partis politiques à l’étranger constituent donc un angle mort académique. L’introduction présente une vue d’ensemble des principales questions et débats théoriques, souligne les lacunes existantes et valorise l’importance d’une meilleure compréhension du phénomène croissant des partis politiques à l’étranger. Elle soutient que les partis à l’étranger sont les acteurs d’une nouvelle arène pour la citoyenneté et la politique partisane. La généralisation du vote à l’étranger et le développement d’institutions représentatives des émigrés ont transformé et renforcé les liens civiques et politiques entre les États et leur diaspora. Cela a également créé de nouvelles opportunités pour les entrepreneurs politiques et les partis politiques, avec pour mission de toucher les citoyens vivant à l’étranger. Les partis à l’étranger se caractérisent toutefois par une grande diversité de formes et de fonctions, comme le met en exergue une proposition de typologie. L’introduction esquisse enfin la structure générale du dossier et décrit comment les divers articles s’inscrivent dans cette question générale.
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Using an ego-centered network approach, we examine across two studies whether and how injunctive network norms-behaviors that are approved by alters-are related to majority members' decisions to participate in helping actions supporting... more
Using an ego-centered network approach, we examine across two studies whether and how injunctive network norms-behaviors that are approved by alters-are related to majority members' decisions to participate in helping actions supporting migrants. We hypothesize that the more people perceive their personal social networks as positive toward humanitarian actions for migrants, the more they consider their opinions on migration issues as self-defining, and the more they are willing to mobilize in helping behaviors. With a name generator approach, we collected personal social network data among majority members of Belgian, mobilized volunteers (Study 1, N=204) and Swiss, non-mobilized participants (Study 2, N=247). Results demonstrate the impact of injunctive network norms in promoting and maintaining helping actions for migrants, and the role of self-defining attitudes. Overall, the results highlight the importance of injunctive norms within personal social networks on participation in intergroup helping behaviors.
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Quelques mois à peine après les élections communales d’octobre 2018, le scrutin législatif, régional et européen du 26 mai 2019 dévoile des mouvements électoraux importants dans la Région de Bruxelles-Capitale. Cette contribution présente... more
Quelques mois à peine après les élections communales d’octobre 2018, le scrutin législatif, régional et européen du 26 mai 2019 dévoile des mouvements électoraux importants dans la Région de Bruxelles-Capitale. Cette contribution présente et analyse les dynamiques
électorales et politiques des formations en lice dans cette triple compétition. Les auteurs mettent aussi en exergue une forme d’exacerbation politique intra-bruxelloise entre le sud-est
et le nord et l’ouest de la Région de Bruxelles-Capitale.
électorales et politiques des formations en lice dans cette triple compétition. Les auteurs mettent aussi en exergue une forme d’exacerbation politique intra-bruxelloise entre le sud-est
et le nord et l’ouest de la Région de Bruxelles-Capitale.
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Belgium has long been described as a typical case of a consociational or consensus democracy. This article aims at identifying whether political parties in Belgium share the internal characteristics of parties in consensus democracies:... more
Belgium has long been described as a typical case of a consociational or consensus democracy. This article aims at identifying whether political parties in Belgium share the internal characteristics of parties in consensus democracies: passive mass memberships, the importance of purposive and material incentives for joining, and representation of a clear subculture in the social and attitudinal profiles of their members and via overlapping memberships with related organizations. We mobilize longitudinal party membership data and party member surveys conducted in three different time periods. We show that pillar parties still exercise their role of mobilization and representation of societal segments, but these segments tend to become smaller over time. New parties offer alternative options of mobilization and representation, although not always in line with the specific institutional arrangements of consociational democracy.
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C’est peu de dire que les élections communales du 14 octobre 2018 dans les dix-neuf communes de la Région de Bruxelles - capitale ont frappé les imaginations par l’ampleur des mouvements électoraux et politiques observés.... more
C’est peu de dire que les élections communales du 14 octobre 2018 dans les dix-neuf communes de la Région de Bruxelles - capitale ont frappé les imaginations par l’ampleur des mouvements électoraux et politiques observés. Cette contribution propose d’en faire le relevé et l’analyse à l’aune des dynamiques politiques et électorales des partis engagés dans la confrontation.
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This contribution assesses whether populism is inherently embedded in and combined with the ideology of sub-state nationalist parties, using Belgium as a case study. We argue that sub-state nationalist parties tend to emphasize the... more
This contribution assesses whether populism is inherently embedded in and combined with the ideology of sub-state nationalist parties, using Belgium as a case study. We argue that sub-state nationalist parties tend to emphasize the opposition between a territorial community ('us') versus a dominant center ('them'), a dichotomous view that could overlap with the populist ideology focusing on the opposition between the homogeneous people and the 'corrupt' elite. We compare the policy positions of the three major sub-state nationalist parties that operate in Belgium: the Vlaams Belang, the New Flemish Alliance (N-VA) and Democrat Federalist Independent, using their manifestos and membership magazines between 2010 and 2015. We show that the manner in which sub-state nationalist parties combine their stances on territoriality to a populist rationale depends on their relationship to power (government vs. opposition). In doing so, this contribution uniquely relates populism to the territorial dimension of Belgian politics.
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In recent decades, parties in many parliamentary democracies have radically reshaped what it means to be a party member, making it easier and cheaper to join, and giving members greater direct say over party decisions. This article... more
In recent decades, parties in many parliamentary democracies have radically reshaped what it means to be a party member, making it easier and cheaper to join, and giving members greater direct say over party decisions. This article explores some implications of such changes, asking whether membership costs and benefits influence which supporters take the step of joining their party. In particular, it considers the impact of net membership benefits on membership demographics and on members' ideology. The investigation examines patterns of party membership in 10 parliamentary democracies, using opinion data from the European Social Survey and data on party rules from the Political Party Database project. Our analysis shows that party supporters are more sensitive to political benefits than to financial costs, especially in terms of the ideological incongruence of who joins. As a result, parties offering higher benefits to their members have lower ideological and demographic disparities between members and other party supporters. This is a positive finding for party-based representation, in that it suggests that trends toward more inclusive decision-making processes have the potential to produce parties with memberships that are more substantively and more descriptively representative of their supporters.
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One of the ways in which ‘good’ representation can be measured and assessed is by the degree of congruence between the preferences of the population and the preferences and policies of the political elite. One of the arguments for... more
One of the ways in which ‘good’ representation can be measured and assessed is by the degree of congruence between the preferences of the population and the preferences and policies of the political elite. One of the arguments for defending decentralisation is that governmental institutions on a smaller territorial scale can be closer to the population, and that they can provide policies that are more responsive to the population of the sub-states. This argument is often made in Belgium, where voters in Flanders traditionally vote centre-right, while the voters of Wallonia vote centre-left, and where federal coalitions need to reflect the preferences of both regions whereas regional governments can be responsive to their voters only. Using data from the Chapel Hill Expert Survey, this paper tests this assumption and compares the left–right orientation of the population and of governments at the different institutional levels and regions. The findings suggest that sub-state governments are partially more congruent to their sub-state voters than federal governments. However, congruence gaps are less related to constraints in government formation than to changes in behaviour of key political actors.
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This article introduces the first findings of the Political Party Database Project, a major survey of party organizations in parliamentary and semi-presidential democracies. The project's first round of data covers 122 parties in 19... more
This article introduces the first findings of the Political Party Database Project, a major survey of party organizations in parliamentary and semi-presidential democracies. The project's first round of data covers 122 parties in 19 countries. In this article, we describe the scope of the database, then investigate what it tells us about contemporary party organization in these countries, focusing on parties' resources, structures and internal decision-making. We examine organizational patterns by country and party family, and where possible we make temporal comparisons with older data sets. Our analyses suggest a remarkable coexistence of uniformity and diversity. In terms of the major organizational resources on which parties can draw, such as members, staff and finance, the new evidence largely confirms the continuation of trends identified in previous research: that is, declining membership, but enhanced financial resources and more paid staff. We also find remarkable uniformity regarding the core architecture of party organizations. At the same time, however, we find substantial variation between countries and party families in terms of their internal processes, with particular regard to how internally democratic they are, and the forms that this democratization takes.
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New-Flemish Alliance (N-VA) burst on the scene barely a decade ago and is now Belgium’s largest political party. One explanation for this success is that N-VA is not brand new but rose from the ashes of a dissolved party. How exactly... more
New-Flemish Alliance (N-VA) burst on the scene barely a decade ago and is now Belgium’s largest political party. One explanation for this success is that N-VA is not brand new but rose from the ashes of a dissolved party. How exactly should we differentiate between new and old parties? We use Barnea and Rahat’s (2011) analytical framework to assess dimensions of N-VA’s newness and capture the party at two stages – start-up and more developed. This shows that N-VA is a successor party, building on its predecessor’s ideology and programme, its electorate, activists and organization. However, we also find indicators that the party actively renewed in terms of ideology and party organization. The empirical evidence illustrates that newness of political parties should be conceived of as multi- dimensional, which allows for a more subtle approach to questions about the origin and varying success of new political parties.
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This study examines the pillarised and partitocratic nature of Belgian political parties via an empirical overview of their party on the ground. Two main research questions guide the study: To what extent can party membership figures in... more
This study examines the pillarised and partitocratic nature of Belgian political parties via an empirical overview of their party on the ground. Two main research questions guide the study: To what extent can party membership figures in Belgium be considered as ideal-typical of pillarised or partitocratic parties? And how does the social and political profile of party members in Belgium correspond to what one might expect from pillarised or partitocratic parties? The study relies on two types of data set: party membership figures since WWII and membership survey data of the four ‘dominant’ relatives in each party family in Belgium. The article shows contradicting results. Although party membership figures have nuanced the idea of partitocratic and pillar parties, the analysis of the profile of party members has produced more conclusive results. The members of some parties (PS, CD&V) still display a strong encapsulation in their sociological world, report specific reasons for joining, as well as lower levels of activism than in other parties. The pillar parties in Belgium seem to have reached a paradoxical situation in which their anchorage in civil society is still very strong, yet it relies on a shrinking social basis. These results raise the question of the incentives that parties offer to their party on the ground to mobilise citizens for participation. They indicate a need to look more systematically and empirically at this neglected aspect of party organisation, as it provides important information for the debate on party decline.
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In this article, we identify a distinctive type of party member; namely, those who identify themselves as ideologically at odds with their party. Using survey evidence from nine parties in Belgium and Canada, we measure the prevalence of... more
In this article, we identify a distinctive type of party member; namely, those who identify themselves as ideologically at odds with their party. Using survey evidence from nine parties in Belgium and Canada, we measure the prevalence of these ‘ideological misfits’ and explore the characteristics that define them. While there appears to be no systematic cross-party pattern, it is striking that mass parties of the left have disproportionately large numbers of such members. To the extent that those parties pride themselves on intra-party democracy, this raises questions about their capacity to respond to Downsian drives towards the centre and suggests that May’s law may be one of left-wing disparity.
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This paper tackles the question of regionalist parties, a quite underdeveloped aspect of the literature, even if the phenomenon is of increasing importance in European democracies. In that sense, Belgian regionalist parties (VU, FDF and... more
This paper tackles the question of regionalist parties, a quite underdeveloped aspect of the literature, even if the phenomenon is of increasing importance in European democracies. In that sense, Belgian regionalist parties (VU, FDF and RW) are an interesting case study. They recorded significant success in the 1960s–1970s. Yet, three decades later, they disappeared or declined severely. This paper shows how this ‘Icarus’ fate’ is explained by the fact that Belgian regionalist parties were victims of their own success. After having demonstrated the incomplete and indirect success of these parties using Harmel’s dimensions, this study demonstrates how this success turned all favourable indicators red, leading to the decline and extinction of the three regionalist parties.
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In de media wordt de stembusuitslag van 25 mei vaak voorgesteld als een logisch resultaat van het gebrek aan vertrouwen in de regering-Di Rupo. Een vaak terugkerende stelling is dat deze regering niet echt gesteund werd door de Vlaamse... more
In de media wordt de stembusuitslag van 25 mei vaak voorgesteld als een logisch resultaat van het gebrek aan vertrouwen in de regering-Di Rupo. Een vaak terugkerende stelling is dat deze regering niet echt gesteund werd door de Vlaamse publieke opinie, wat allicht de uitslag mee kan verklaren. De vraag is echter of dit beeld correct is. In deze bijdrage gaan we na hoe het nu zat met het politiek vertrouwen van de kiezers en of er hierin verschil- len optreden tussen de Vlaamse en de Waalse respondenten. Vervolgens bekijken we of te- vredenheid en vertrouwen een factor waren voor de keuze voor een specifieke partij bij de verkiezingen. Terwijl de Vlaamse kiezer haar/zijn ongenoegen kon ventileren via een stem voor de N-VA, was dit aan Franstalige kant veel minder het geval.
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Un manuel qui met l'accent sur les méthodes et méthodologies propres à la science politique, avec des conseils pratiques pour mener à bien un travail de recherche. Une initiation à la recherche en science politique à travers : - une... more
Un manuel qui met l'accent sur les méthodes et méthodologies propres à la science politique, avec des conseils pratiques pour mener à bien un travail de recherche.
Une initiation à la recherche en science politique à travers :
- une présentation pédagogique des méthodes de collecte et d’analyse des données
- des conseils pratiques pour mener à bien un travail de recherche
- des exemples concrets extraits de la littérature récente
- des tableaux de synthèse, des mises en situation et des définitions des termes clés
Pour apprendre à :
- réaliser un travail scientifique
- élaborer une stratégie de recherche
- choisir et collecter les données pertinentes
- analyser et interpréter les résultats
- identifier les forces et les faiblesses de chaque méthode
Avec exercices interactifs en fin de chapitres pour intégrer et réviser la matière
Une initiation à la recherche en science politique à travers :
- une présentation pédagogique des méthodes de collecte et d’analyse des données
- des conseils pratiques pour mener à bien un travail de recherche
- des exemples concrets extraits de la littérature récente
- des tableaux de synthèse, des mises en situation et des définitions des termes clés
Pour apprendre à :
- réaliser un travail scientifique
- élaborer une stratégie de recherche
- choisir et collecter les données pertinentes
- analyser et interpréter les résultats
- identifier les forces et les faiblesses de chaque méthode
Avec exercices interactifs en fin de chapitres pour intégrer et réviser la matière
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This book analyzes parties beyond the national borders and their increasing institutionalization abroad, in order to understand their development, their organizational specificities, their functions, and their impact on the party system... more
This book analyzes parties beyond the national borders and their increasing institutionalization abroad, in order to understand their development, their organizational specificities, their functions, and their impact on the party system and national politics at home.
With 12 contrasted case studies, it comparatively addresses a wide range of perspectives on political parties abroad and lays the foundation for a framework of analysis of political parties abroad, contributing to a better understanding of transnationalism and long-distance democracy. The generalization of overseas voting and the development of representative institutions for emigrants has transformed the civic and political links between states and their diaspora. This has also created new opportunities for political parties, with the task to reach out to citizens living abroad, mobilize them for elections, and even organize their representation at home. This book represents the first in-depth study of an emerging phenomenon.
This book will be of key interest to scholars and students of political parties/party politics, immigration, and more broadly to democracy studies and comparative politics.
With 12 contrasted case studies, it comparatively addresses a wide range of perspectives on political parties abroad and lays the foundation for a framework of analysis of political parties abroad, contributing to a better understanding of transnationalism and long-distance democracy. The generalization of overseas voting and the development of representative institutions for emigrants has transformed the civic and political links between states and their diaspora. This has also created new opportunities for political parties, with the task to reach out to citizens living abroad, mobilize them for elections, and even organize their representation at home. This book represents the first in-depth study of an emerging phenomenon.
This book will be of key interest to scholars and students of political parties/party politics, immigration, and more broadly to democracy studies and comparative politics.
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This book investigates how liberal parties have evolved over time as a party family, in a comparative perspective. Through a discussion of the applicability of the concept of party family to liberal parties, it gives a better picture of... more
This book investigates how liberal parties have evolved over time as a party family, in a comparative perspective. Through a discussion of the applicability of the concept of party family to liberal parties, it gives a better picture of the development, challenges, and opportunities for liberal parties in Europe.
The history of liberal parties in Europe is peculiar and the origins of the liberal family are not clearly defined. Liberal parties are still quite heterogeneous given the various meanings embraced in the idea of liberalism, including economic liberalism, cultural liberalism, progressivism, social-liberalism. Bringing together the best specialists engaged in the study of liberal parties, and with a two-levels perspective (comparative and case study), this book renews and expands our knowledge on the liberal party family in Europe. Four major themes are developed, linked to the four approaches of the concept of party family: electoral performances, participation to power, ideology and political program, and party organization. These themes are systematically developed in case studies, and in comparative chapters.
Primarily aimed at scholars and students in comparative politics, this book should especially appeal to scholars in the fields of political parties and party systems, representation and elections, voting behavior, and public opinion.
The history of liberal parties in Europe is peculiar and the origins of the liberal family are not clearly defined. Liberal parties are still quite heterogeneous given the various meanings embraced in the idea of liberalism, including economic liberalism, cultural liberalism, progressivism, social-liberalism. Bringing together the best specialists engaged in the study of liberal parties, and with a two-levels perspective (comparative and case study), this book renews and expands our knowledge on the liberal party family in Europe. Four major themes are developed, linked to the four approaches of the concept of party family: electoral performances, participation to power, ideology and political program, and party organization. These themes are systematically developed in case studies, and in comparative chapters.
Primarily aimed at scholars and students in comparative politics, this book should especially appeal to scholars in the fields of political parties and party systems, representation and elections, voting behavior, and public opinion.
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Depuis 1996, l'Association belge francophone de science politique fédère les chercheur·e·s en science politique dans les différents champs qui l'animent en Belgique francophone et au-delà. Cet ouvrage, 20 e volume de la collection «... more
Depuis 1996, l'Association belge francophone de science politique fédère les chercheur·e·s en science politique dans les différents champs qui l'animent en Belgique francophone et au-delà. Cet ouvrage, 20 e volume de la collection « Science politique », marque le 20 e anniversaire de l'ABSP. Ces deux décennies ont vu de véritables métamorphoses au niveau politique et de la science politique. Ce livre collectif, mobilisant de nombreuses personnalités de l'enseignement, de la recherche et du service à la société, offre un regard rétrospectif et prospectif sur l'état de la science politique en Belgique francophone. Cet ouvrage collectif a été coordonné par les membres du Bureau, élu au sein du Conseil d'administration de l'ABSP.
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Manuel mettant en évidence les méthodes et méthodologies propres à la science politique, avec des conseils pratiques pour mener à bien un travail de recherche Une initiation à la recherche en science politique à travers : - des conseils... more
Manuel mettant en évidence les méthodes et méthodologies propres à la science politique, avec des conseils pratiques pour mener à bien un travail de recherche
Une initiation à la recherche en science politique à travers :
- des conseils pratiques pour mener à bien un travail de recherche
- une présentation pédagogique des méthodes de collecte et d’analyse des données
- des exemples concrets extraits de la littérature récente
- des tableaux de synthèse, des mises en situation et des définitions des termes clés
Pour apprendre à :
- élaborer une stratégie de recherche
- choisir et collecter les données pertinentes
- analyser et interpréter les résultats
- identifier les forces et les faiblesses de chaque méthode
Une initiation à la recherche en science politique à travers :
- des conseils pratiques pour mener à bien un travail de recherche
- une présentation pédagogique des méthodes de collecte et d’analyse des données
- des exemples concrets extraits de la littérature récente
- des tableaux de synthèse, des mises en situation et des définitions des termes clés
Pour apprendre à :
- élaborer une stratégie de recherche
- choisir et collecter les données pertinentes
- analyser et interpréter les résultats
- identifier les forces et les faiblesses de chaque méthode
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The emergence of green parties throughout Europe during the 1980s marked the arrival of a new form of political movement, challenging established models of party politics and putting new issues on the political agenda. Since their... more
The emergence of green parties throughout Europe during the 1980s marked the arrival of a new form of political movement, challenging established models of party politics and putting new issues on the political agenda. Since their emergence, green parties in Europe have faced different destinies; in countries such as Germany, Belgium, Finland, France, and Italy, they have accumulated electoral successes, participated in governments, implemented policies and established themselves as part of the party system. In other countries, their political relevance remains very limited. After more than 30 years on the political scene, green parties have proven to be more than just a temporary phenomenon. They have lost their newness, faced success and failure, power and opposition, grassroots enthusiasm and internal conflicts. Green Parties in Europe includes individual case studies and a comparative perspective to bring together international specialists engaged in the study of green parties. It renews and expands our knowledge about the green party family in Europe.
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This book aims at contributing to three major topics related to the study of party membership. The first part of the book is dedicated to the analysis of the general trends in party membership across Europe in a comparative and long-term... more
This book aims at contributing to three major topics related to the study of party membership. The first part of the book is dedicated to the analysis of the general trends in party membership across Europe in a comparative and long-term perspective. It tackles some questions which have not received clear answers yet: Can we attest a decline in the long term? How can we interpret the changes over time? What are the potential explanations for the trends observed? In the second part of the book, the contributions focus on the demand side, i.e. on parties and their assessment of membership, based on case studies. It offers an in-depth look inside the parties and attempts to answer questions such as: How do parties recruit their members? How do they evaluate this resource and manufacture their membership? The final part of the book reverses the focus and examines party membership at the micro level (supply side), based on interviews and party membership surveys. It deals with questions like: How do members see their role in the party? What influence do they claim? How do they take action?
This book provides new insights into party membership in Europe. Party membership decline should refer more specifically to mass-based parties or parties which traditionally develop stronger ties with other organisations. On the other hand, some parties are recruiting members when implementing strategies in favourable historical or institutional contexts. Finally, the book emphasizes that joining is not everything and urges to go beyond the classic questions of joining to study intra-party dynamics and processes.
This book is published in the framework of the IAP scientific network PARTIREP supported by the Belgian Science Policy. It gathers chapters from some of the best specialists on party membership in Europe and is edited by Emilie van Haute.
This book provides new insights into party membership in Europe. Party membership decline should refer more specifically to mass-based parties or parties which traditionally develop stronger ties with other organisations. On the other hand, some parties are recruiting members when implementing strategies in favourable historical or institutional contexts. Finally, the book emphasizes that joining is not everything and urges to go beyond the classic questions of joining to study intra-party dynamics and processes.
This book is published in the framework of the IAP scientific network PARTIREP supported by the Belgian Science Policy. It gathers chapters from some of the best specialists on party membership in Europe and is edited by Emilie van Haute.
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Depuis leur création au XIXe siècle, les partis politiques exercent nombre de missions dans la société en Belgique. Pourtant leur dynamique, leurs rôles et ce qu’ils incarnent aux yeux des citoyens ont beaucoup changé depuis le début des... more
Depuis leur création au XIXe siècle, les partis politiques exercent nombre de missions dans la société en Belgique. Pourtant leur dynamique, leurs rôles et ce qu’ils incarnent aux yeux des citoyens ont beaucoup changé depuis le début des années quatre-vingt.
Les partis sont en effet soumis à de multiples tensions qui les affectent, les interpellent, les appellent à se transformer profondément : importance accrue de l’Union européenne dans l’exercice des politiques publiques, difficultés des partis politiques à l’échelle européenne, déclin du nombre de membres, demandes participatives accrues...
Comment les partis agissent-il en regard de ces mutations ? Comment les interprètent-ils ? Comment appréhendent-ils la sécularisation avancée de la société belge et l’augmentation du capital scolaire ?
Ces questions sont analysées dans cet ouvrage. Quinze ans après avoir mené une première grande étude comparative, les auteurs présentent un nouveau travail de synthèse original, offrant, de manière systématique et sur la base d’une grille commune, une analyse de chaque parti à l’œuvre dans le système politique belge : CD&V, CDH, SP.a, PS, Open-VLD, MR, Ecolo, Groen!, Volksunie-N-VA, Vlaams Belang, FN, LDD, PP, PC et PTB.
En parallèle, les auteurs présentent une réflexion sur les origines et les transformations du système de partis en Belgique et une analyse sur la formation des accords de gouvernements, de même qu’un tableau d’ensemble des élections et des compositions des exécutifs depuis 1945.
Les partis sont en effet soumis à de multiples tensions qui les affectent, les interpellent, les appellent à se transformer profondément : importance accrue de l’Union européenne dans l’exercice des politiques publiques, difficultés des partis politiques à l’échelle européenne, déclin du nombre de membres, demandes participatives accrues...
Comment les partis agissent-il en regard de ces mutations ? Comment les interprètent-ils ? Comment appréhendent-ils la sécularisation avancée de la société belge et l’augmentation du capital scolaire ?
Ces questions sont analysées dans cet ouvrage. Quinze ans après avoir mené une première grande étude comparative, les auteurs présentent un nouveau travail de synthèse original, offrant, de manière systématique et sur la base d’une grille commune, une analyse de chaque parti à l’œuvre dans le système politique belge : CD&V, CDH, SP.a, PS, Open-VLD, MR, Ecolo, Groen!, Volksunie-N-VA, Vlaams Belang, FN, LDD, PP, PC et PTB.
En parallèle, les auteurs présentent une réflexion sur les origines et les transformations du système de partis en Belgique et une analyse sur la formation des accords de gouvernements, de même qu’un tableau d’ensemble des élections et des compositions des exécutifs depuis 1945.
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Parmi les différentes formes de participation politique, l’adhésion à un parti a, de façon étonnante, peu retenu l’attention des politologues et est fort déconsidérée dans l’esprit des citoyens. Avec le vote, c’est pourtant l’une des... more
Parmi les différentes formes de participation politique, l’adhésion à un parti a, de façon étonnante, peu retenu l’attention des politologues et est fort déconsidérée dans l’esprit des citoyens. Avec le vote, c’est pourtant l’une des principales formes traditionnelles de la participation. En déclin dans les démocraties européennes en ce début de XXIe siècle, la nécessité de mieux comprendre cette forme spécifique d’engagement n’en est que plus pressante.Cet ouvrage est une synthèse des travaux sur l’engagement partisan et, plus globalement, politique. Il met en lumière la manière dont les concepts de participation politique et partisane sont définis dans la littérature, selon le lieu et le temps, dans une perspective de réflexion sur la discipline. Il isole les liens entre les différentes formes d’engagement. En outre, combinant les apports des écoles française et anglo-saxonne, l’ouvrage analyse les principales approches de la participation et de l’adhésion en décortiquant les travaux qui ont cherché à répondre aux questions suivantes : qui s’engage et pourquoi ? Quels facteurs favorisent l’engagement ? Quelles sont les conséquences de l’engagement pour les individus, les partis ou le système politique ? La participation est-elle nécessaire ou souhaitable ? Peut-on se passer de certaines formes de participation ou des partis politiques ? Outre qu’il permet de mieux comprendre ces approches fondamentales de la science politique à partir de la thématique de l’adhésion, le livre touche à un triple débat : celui de l’érosion de la participation politique, du déclin des partis et de l’affaissement des idéologies. Il relie aussi des champs distincts en général en science politique : ceux de la participation politique et de l’analyse des partis comme organisations. Dès lors, le livre invite à une réflexion sur les concepts d’engagement politique et partisan et sur la manière de les étudier, de même que sur les a priori sous-tendant leur étude.
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Le scrutin de 2019 a laissé voir d'importants transferts dans les votes expri-més pour les différents partis par rapport à 2014. Un des résultats les plus marquants a été le succès des partis radicaux ou situés aux extrêmes des deux côtés... more
Le scrutin de 2019 a laissé voir d'importants transferts dans les votes expri-més pour les différents partis par rapport à 2014. Un des résultats les plus marquants a été le succès des partis radicaux ou situés aux extrêmes des deux côtés du spectre idéologique. Une faible confiance et une insatisfaction crois-sante des électeurs ont rapidement été pointées comme explications de ces choix de vote. L'analyse de Govaerts, Kern, van Haute et Marien dans cet ouvrage avance qu'en 2019, les choix électoraux, et en particulier le vote pour les partis dits populistes (PTB-PVDA, VB), sont guidés par des attitudes pro-testataires, en ce compris le manque de confiance et de satisfaction envers le gouvernement et le fonctionnement de la démocratie en général, au-delà des motivations idéologiques. Ce chapitre a pour objectif d'analyser plus en profondeur la relation entre le ressentiment politique des électeurs et leur choix électoral en 2019, en se fo-calisant sur les émotions des répondants envers le politique. Analyser ce lien entre émotions et choix de vote est relativement innovant pour la science po-litique en Belgique, bien que l'on puisse s'appuyer sur un champ disciplinaire bien établi, celui de la psychologie sociale. Ce chapitre propose une première exploration du lien entre ce que les électeurs ressentent envers la politique et leur comportement électoral. Huit émotions sont analysées : quatre négative (colère, amertume, peur, et inquiétude) et quatre positives (espoir, soulage-ment, joie et satisfaction). La question que ce chapitre soulève est la suivante : est-ce que les émotions envers la politique jouent un rôle ?
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En comparaison des élections de 2014, le scrutin de 2019 a mis en exergue des mouvements substantiels dans les préférences partisanes en Flandre et en Wallonie (cf. chapitre 1). En Flandre, les partis traditionnels ont perdu des sièges,... more
En comparaison des élections de 2014, le scrutin de 2019 a mis en exergue des mouvements substantiels dans les préférences partisanes en Flandre et en Wallonie (cf. chapitre 1). En Flandre, les partis traditionnels ont perdu des sièges, alors que la droite radicale du Vlaams Belang (VB) en particulier et dans une moindre mesure la gauche radicale du PVDA en ont gagné un nombre substantiel. En Wallonie, on a assisté à la même sanction des partis traditionnels, avec la gauche radicale du PTB (et Ecolo) qui sont ressortis à la hausse. Cela s'est traduit par une augmentation du nombre de sièges pour le VB (de 3 sièges en 2014 à 18 en 2019), et une augmentation de 10 sièges pour le PTB-PVDA (de 2 sièges en 2014 à 12 en 2019) au parlement fédéral. Ce succès des partis populistes situés aux extrêmes du spectre idéologique (VB et PTB-PVDA) s'explique par le fait qu'ils ont perdu moins d'électeurs de 2014 que les autres partis, mais sont surtout parvenus à gagner de nouveaux électeurs en 2019. Comme mis en évidence dans le chapitre 1, le VB a gagné des électeurs de la N-VA, et dans une moindre mesure du CD&V et de l'Open VLD. Le PVDA en Flandre a gagné des électeurs du SP.A, de Groen, et dans une moindre mesure de la N-VA ; le PTB en Wallonie a principalement gagné des électeurs au PS et dans une moindre mesure à Ecolo. Quels ont été les ressorts de ces mouvements ? C'est la question à laquelle nous tentons de ré-pondre dans ce chapitre.
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Ce chapitre propose d’explorer ces deux thèses concurrentes en analysant l’ancrage des sections locales et l’offre électorale des partis nationaux, à partir des quatre principaux partis en Belgique francophone.
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This chapter analyses if and how populism is intrinsically rooted in ethno-territorial parties and combined with their substate demands, by comparing three Belgian parties: the Vlaams Belang (VB), the New Flemish Alliance (N-VA), and... more
This chapter analyses if and how populism is intrinsically rooted in ethno-territorial parties and combined with their substate demands, by comparing three Belgian parties: the Vlaams Belang (VB), the New Flemish Alliance (N-VA), and Democrat Federalist Independant (DéFI), based on their election programmes and internal documents (2010-2015). The chapter argues that these parties stress the antagonism between a territorial community (‘us’) and a dominant center (‘them’), a binary conception that can overlap with populism that highlights the opposition between the homogeneous people and the ‘corrupt’ elite. However, we argue that this overlap is highly dependent on their position in or out of government at the national and regional levels. We show that sub-state nationalism and populism do not always overlap and can be used by parties in parallel. We also show that the parties’ relation to power matters, and that the overlap is higher when parties are sitting in power at the regional level and in the opposition at the national level. These findings stress the flexibility of the two ideologies and their adaptability to the parties’ changing context.
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For the last twenty years, political scientists in French-speaking Belgium have been federated under the French-speaking Belgium Political Science Association (ABSP) which is the IPSA representative for Belgium and heir of the once... more
For the last twenty years, political scientists in French-speaking Belgium have been federated under the French-speaking Belgium Political Science Association (ABSP) which is the IPSA representative for Belgium and heir of the once unitary Belgian Institute for Political Science. ABSP just celebrated its 20th anniversary and published a book in French that offers the state of the discipline in terms of teaching, research, and service: L’ABSP: 20 ans de science politique en Belgique francophone (Reuchamps et al. 2017). No fewer than 43 political scientists from all Belgian French-speaking universities and from the different fields in the discipline contributed to this edited volume. In this chapter, we build on these insights to present the state of political science in French-speaking Belgium in regards to the digital (r)evolution. Based on longitudinal data and perspectives about teaching, research, and service, we seek to assess how political science evolves in our – small – part of the world, with a special focus on how it has embraced (or not) the digitalization trend in the discipline.
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This chapter presents the main questions of the book: (1) do Liberal parties constitute a family? and (2) how can we characterize Liberal parties today?. It also discusses the main concept of party family as a framework to analyse Liberal... more
This chapter presents the main questions of the book: (1) do Liberal parties constitute a family? and (2) how can we characterize Liberal parties today?. It also discusses the main concept of party family as a framework to analyse Liberal parties. Lastly, it presents the book outline and structure.
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This chapter summarises the main findings of the book in terms of (1) origins, development, and sociological component, (2) ideological and programmatic positions, (3) participation to power, and (4) organisational structure of Liberal... more
This chapter summarises the main findings of the book in terms of (1) origins, development, and sociological component, (2) ideological and programmatic positions, (3) participation to power, and (4) organisational structure of Liberal parties. These findings are used to discuss the concept of party family applied to Liberal parties.
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This chapter analyzes what differentiates the organizations of Liberal parties from those of other party families. Due to their ideological preferences and parliamentary origins, Liberal parties are expected to display specific... more
This chapter analyzes what differentiates the organizations of Liberal parties from those of other party families. Due to their ideological preferences and parliamentary origins, Liberal parties are expected to display specific characteristics in terms of degree of organization and level of centralization, which would point toward an emphasis on individuals and their freedom rather than the collective, and on the parliamentary party rather than the extra-parliamentary organization. However, our analyses show that in terms of degree of organization, Liberal parties tend to display an organizational structure largely similar to other party families. In terms of level of centralization, Liberal parties distinguish themselves by a specific combination of costs and benefits of membership and by more contested leadership selection processes. Using newly available datasets, this chapter conducts the first large scale comparative study of Liberal parties’ organizational specificities.
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La science politique est aujourd’hui une discipline autonome enracinée dans le paysage universitaire francophone. Qu’elle soit enseignée à titre principal à l’Université ou dans les Instituts d’Études Politiques, ou à titre complémentaire... more
La science politique est aujourd’hui une discipline autonome enracinée dans le paysage universitaire francophone. Qu’elle soit enseignée à titre principal à l’Université ou dans les Instituts d’Études Politiques, ou à titre complémentaire dans les cursus de droit ou de sciences humaines et sociales, qu’elle soit étudiée dans le cadre des classes préparatoires aux concours, les questions qu’elle traite suscitent toujours un vif intérêt chez les étudiants et animent le débat public.
La science politique est aussi plurielle. Elle abrite en son sein plusieurs types de démarches et de questionnements qui, sur un marché éditorial pourtant foisonnant, sont rarement évoqués de façon équilibrée dans un seul volume. Désireux de témoigner de cette réalité pour rendre service aux étudiants, enseignants et chercheurs, le pari de ce manuel est de présenter la discipline dans ses différentes branches. À cette fin, c’est un collectif de vingt-six auteurs qui a été mobilisé pour rendre compte d’une somme de savoirs dont l’ampleur défiait les meilleures capacités de synthèse individuelles.
Ainsi, la sociologie politique, l’étude de l’action publique, les relations internationales, la théorie politique et l’épistémologie des sciences sociales se retrouvent ici évoquées à égale dignité pour rendre accessible au plus grand nombre le vaste socle de connaissances indispensables aux étudiants et à tous ceux qui désirent connaître et analyser le monde contemporain.
La science politique est aussi plurielle. Elle abrite en son sein plusieurs types de démarches et de questionnements qui, sur un marché éditorial pourtant foisonnant, sont rarement évoqués de façon équilibrée dans un seul volume. Désireux de témoigner de cette réalité pour rendre service aux étudiants, enseignants et chercheurs, le pari de ce manuel est de présenter la discipline dans ses différentes branches. À cette fin, c’est un collectif de vingt-six auteurs qui a été mobilisé pour rendre compte d’une somme de savoirs dont l’ampleur défiait les meilleures capacités de synthèse individuelles.
Ainsi, la sociologie politique, l’étude de l’action publique, les relations internationales, la théorie politique et l’épistémologie des sciences sociales se retrouvent ici évoquées à égale dignité pour rendre accessible au plus grand nombre le vaste socle de connaissances indispensables aux étudiants et à tous ceux qui désirent connaître et analyser le monde contemporain.
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Si le GT Élections, partis politiques et opinion publique, connu sous l'acronyme EPOP, est formellement un groupe de travail récemment créé, il possède des racines plus anciennes. Ses origines remontent aux premières activités organisées... more
Si le GT Élections, partis politiques et opinion publique, connu sous l'acronyme EPOP, est formellement un groupe de travail récemment créé, il possède des racines plus anciennes. Ses origines remontent aux premières activités organisées par l'ABSP dans les années 1990 dans le cadre du GT Évolution des formes d'engagement public, centré sur les questions d'enga-gement politique. Ce GT a progressivement englobé des théma-tiques plus larges liées aux questions d'élections, d'opinion publique et de partis politiques au tournant des années 2000, ce qui a amené à sa refonte en 2013. Deux dynamiques complémen-taires ont encouragé ce renouvellement. D'une part, les évolutions institutionnelles et politiques de la Belgique au cours des dernières décennies ont contribué à développer et renouveler les questions de recherche constituant le coeur des activités du groupe de travail. Parmi ces change-ments profonds, il faut citer la modification des « règles du jeu » politique suite à la fédéralisation progressive des institutions et ses conséquences sur les acteurs : élections directes et désyn-chronisées des parlements régionaux, renforcement d'une logique de sphères publiques « séparées » pour les opinions publiques francophones et flamandes, autonomie renforcée des 1 La rédaction de ce texte a été initié lors d'un entretien collec-tif, retranscrit par Laura Pascolo et retravaillé par les coordinatrice et coordinateurs du GT.
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The primary goal of this volume has been to address two central questions: (1) Is the concept of party family applicable and relevant for the study of Green parties in Europe? and, (2) if it is, how can we characterise the Green parties... more
The primary goal of this volume has been to address two central questions: (1) Is the concept of party family applicable and relevant for the study of Green parties in Europe? and, (2) if it is, how can we characterise the Green parties family today? The concept of party family has been used as overarching analytical framework to allow for a multi-dimensional approach of Green parties. Indeed, the existing comparative exercises tend to focus on one specific dimension of Green party politics: their emergence (Müller) or relation to power (Müller-Rommel and Poguntke, 2002). This volume's ambition was to combine these dimensions, using the concept of party family as analytical framework. To examine these issues, this volume has brought together a group of prominent country experts as well as comparativists. The volume is organised in two distinct parts, one dedicated to case studies and the other to comparative perspectives. The case studies cover 14 Western European democracies and 11 Central and Eastern European (CEE) democracies, as well as the European level. 1 The comparative chapters cover an additional 5 countries, 2 which brings the geographical scope to a total of 30 countries. In terms of parties, the volume mentions no less than 71 movements or parties and provides longer developments and analyses on 37 of them. This strategy has allowed for an analysis of Green parties through various angles and dimensions. More specifically, four dimensions have been systematically looked at: (1) the origins and the development of Green parties, including their life-cycle patterns, electoral developments and relationship to power; (2) the sociological composition of their electorates; (3) their ideological and program-matic positions and (4) their organisational structures. In this conclusion, we bring together the most important findings from the various chapters in an attempt to provide an answer to our overarching questions. The structure of the conclusion mirrors that which was adopted in the book.
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The Vlaams Belang (Flemish Interest – VB) is often singled out from the rest of the Belgian parties. It is portrayed as a threat to democracy in the media, ostracized from the rest of the party system via a cordon sanitaire, and often... more
The Vlaams Belang (Flemish Interest – VB) is often singled out from the rest of the Belgian parties. It is portrayed as a threat to democracy in the media, ostracized from the rest of the party system via a cordon sanitaire, and often studied as a unique or pathologically deviant case in the scientific literature (Mudde 2010). This separation of the VB from the rest of the political landscape rests often on an analysis of the ideological foundations of the party. However, not much has been written about the party’s organization, especially in comparative terms.
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With the recent surge in support for far-right parties, xenophobia and nativism have suddenly become mainstream across Europe. The far-right's success has put fundamental civil and political liberties under threat at home, especially for... more
With the recent surge in support for far-right parties, xenophobia and nativism have suddenly become mainstream across Europe. The far-right's success has put fundamental civil and political liberties under threat at home, especially for visible minorities, and raised the question of how more mainstream parties should react to these extremists. Should they refuse to cooperate with the far-right and seek to isolate them from power? Or, should they accept them as legitimate democratic actors and include them in the political process? This study examines this question, focusing in particular on how isolation or inclusion strategies matter for the far-right's support. Drawing on the four waves of the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems data set and examining both party thermometer ratings and vote choice over time, we find that strategy matters—isolation appears to decrease support for the far-right, whereas inclusion appears to increase it among both voters and non-voters of these parties.
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In recent years, parties in many parliamentary democracies have radically reshaped what it means to be a party member, most importantly by giving them more direct say over party decisions. This article explores some of the implications of... more
In recent years, parties in many parliamentary democracies have radically reshaped what it means to be a party member, most importantly by giving them more direct say over party decisions. This article explores some of the implications of these changes, asking whether the costs and benefits of membership have an effect on which supporters take the step of joining their party. In particular, it considers the impact of net membership benefits on membership demographics and on members' ideology. The article investigates these questions looking at patterns of party membership in 10 parliamentary democracies, using opinion data from the European Social Survey and data on party rules from the Political Party Database project. Our analysis shows that party supporters are more sensitive to political benefits than to financial costs, especially in terms of the ideological incongruence of who joins. As a result, parties offering higher benefits to their members have lower ideological and demographic disparities between members and other party supporters. This is a positive finding for party-based representation, in that it suggests that parties which adopt more inclusive decision-making processes tend to have memberships which are more substantively and more descriptively representative of their supporters.
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Based on a subset of MAPP data on 226 parties in 26 countries over a period from 1990 to 2010, this paper explores paths for a party-based explanatory model of the differences in membership trajectories across parties and changes over... more
Based on a subset of MAPP data on 226 parties in 26 countries over a period from 1990 to 2010, this paper explores paths for a party-based explanatory model of the differences in membership trajectories across parties and changes over time. It examines the effect of different factors such as: party age, vote share, governmental participation, number of competing parties, as well as internal leadership change and type of leadership selection procedures, on party membership. Our results confirm that membership ratios present an overall decreasing trend across parties over time. At the same time, they show that this trend is flattening and that there are important variations at the party level. Moreover, our results show that fluctuations of membership ratios are linked with party lifecycle, electoral results and organizational density. These findings point toward a bandwagon effect whereby party membership levels increase or decrease according to electoral performances. It questions dominant views on the overall decline of party membership and call for further investigations at the party level.
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The nature of party membership is changing. Contemporary parties in many countries and political systems are introducing new affiliation options, including registered party sympathizers, cyber-members and registered primary voters. These... more
The nature of party membership is changing. Contemporary parties in many countries and political systems are introducing new affiliation options, including registered party sympathizers, cyber-members and registered primary voters. These new options potentially make it even easier for party supporters to acquire some sort of affiliation status, one that keeps them in regular contact with the party even though they are not formal members.
This paper explores the implications of these variations in party affiliation, both at the party and the individual levels. To what extent do parties’ and citizens’ different approaches to membership affect partisan participation? Specifically, at the aggregate level, we ask whether party affiliation rules affect patterns of partisan participation. At the individual level, we investigate how individual affiliation choices affect participatory behaviors. Our analyses draw on the PPDB database, recent surveys of party members and the European Social Survey.
In doing so, we tackle a broader question: Are new forms of individual linkage helping parties to offset the effects of declining membership and activism?
This paper explores the implications of these variations in party affiliation, both at the party and the individual levels. To what extent do parties’ and citizens’ different approaches to membership affect partisan participation? Specifically, at the aggregate level, we ask whether party affiliation rules affect patterns of partisan participation. At the individual level, we investigate how individual affiliation choices affect participatory behaviors. Our analyses draw on the PPDB database, recent surveys of party members and the European Social Survey.
In doing so, we tackle a broader question: Are new forms of individual linkage helping parties to offset the effects of declining membership and activism?
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Based on an original dataset containing membership figures for 397 parties in 31 countries over a period from 1945 to 2014, this paper developed a party-based explanatory model of the differences in membership levels and changes over... more
Based on an original dataset containing membership figures for 397 parties in 31 countries over a period from 1945 to 2014, this paper developed a party-based explanatory model of the differences in membership levels and changes over time. It
examines the effect party age, vote share, governmental participation, and number of competing parties. Our results confirm that membership ratios are overall decreasing, but they introduce nuances across party families. Moreover, our results show that parties with larger shares of the votes and parties in power get larger membership ratios, and that parties gaining votes tend to increase their membership ratios. The model found more contrasted results for party age, with only newer parties associated with membership increase. Finally, the number of competing parties does not influence individual parties’ membership ratios per se, but a diminution of the competition means higher M/E ratios for the remaining parties. These findings
question dominant views on party membership trends and call for further investigations at the party level, especially regarding the link between election and membership cycles.
examines the effect party age, vote share, governmental participation, and number of competing parties. Our results confirm that membership ratios are overall decreasing, but they introduce nuances across party families. Moreover, our results show that parties with larger shares of the votes and parties in power get larger membership ratios, and that parties gaining votes tend to increase their membership ratios. The model found more contrasted results for party age, with only newer parties associated with membership increase. Finally, the number of competing parties does not influence individual parties’ membership ratios per se, but a diminution of the competition means higher M/E ratios for the remaining parties. These findings
question dominant views on party membership trends and call for further investigations at the party level, especially regarding the link between election and membership cycles.
Research Interests:
The case of the May 2014 Belgian elections offers a unique opportunity to investigate campaign behaviors. We explore interactions between candidates on Twitter in the run up to the elections of three different legislative bodies: the... more
The case of the May 2014 Belgian elections offers a unique opportunity to investigate
campaign behaviors. We explore interactions between candidates on Twitter in the run up to
the elections of three different legislative bodies: the federal, regional and European
assemblies. We define interactions based on the flow of retweets and conversations (@)
initiated by candidates. In so doing we capture dynamic interactions or networks, as opposed
to a more static definition based on followers. These multilayer elections enable us to map the
positions of candidates, explore whether Twitter based networks go beyond the language
divide (French/Flemish) and if ideological boundaries characterize candidates ‘interactions.
Interactions are analysed using Ucinet. Finally, we explore the extent to which visibility
within the network of candidates is fully explained by candidates’ offline profiles.
campaign behaviors. We explore interactions between candidates on Twitter in the run up to
the elections of three different legislative bodies: the federal, regional and European
assemblies. We define interactions based on the flow of retweets and conversations (@)
initiated by candidates. In so doing we capture dynamic interactions or networks, as opposed
to a more static definition based on followers. These multilayer elections enable us to map the
positions of candidates, explore whether Twitter based networks go beyond the language
divide (French/Flemish) and if ideological boundaries characterize candidates ‘interactions.
Interactions are analysed using Ucinet. Finally, we explore the extent to which visibility
within the network of candidates is fully explained by candidates’ offline profiles.
Research Interests:
This paper focuses on online party affiliation from the perspective of Social Network Analysis (SNA). It examines the structure of the information channels of politicians on Twitter in order to map their online social network, relying on... more
This paper focuses on online party affiliation from the perspective of Social Network Analysis (SNA). It examines the structure of the information channels of politicians on Twitter in order to map their online social network, relying on data gathered for all elected representatives in the municipal councils and executives of the Brussels Region (Belgium). The paper adds a temporal dimension by looking at the development of the network over time, and its determinants. The paper starts by analyzing and categorizing the patterns in the structure of the information circulation, and its evolution over time based on three criteria: centrality, density, and development. It then investigates the factors that predict the evolution of these patterns over time. More specifically, we test whether the structural development of the online networks are related to the socialization role of parties, local coalition governments, and local vs. regional politics. Our results support all three hypotheses, but show that party affiliation is a stronger determinant of the structural development of online communities.
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This paper examines how ‘unique’ the party organization of a populist radical right party is compared to the other party organizations in the same party system, taking Belgium and the Vlaams Belang as a case study. The paper outlines the... more
This paper examines how ‘unique’ the party organization of a populist radical right party is compared to the other party organizations in the same party system, taking Belgium and the Vlaams Belang as a case study. The paper outlines the organizational development of the party as well as its main formal organizational features and informal internal dynamics. It then compares the party organization of the populist radical right party with the other parties in the system on four main indicators: the level of cartelization, the characteristics of the party membership, the party leadership, and the structure of the party finances. The paper shows that if the shell of the party resembles other parties, its core is of a different nature.
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Research Interests:
Liberal parties are among the oldest European political party groups. They have played a major role in the emergence of many modern democracies, the consolidation of political institutions, and the building of the European Union. This... more
Liberal parties are among the oldest European political party groups. They have played a major role in the emergence of many modern democracies, the consolidation of political institutions, and the building of the European Union. This shared legacy conceals the considerable heterogeneity among liberal parties. This paper explores the positions of liberal parties in Europe ahead of the 2024 elections. Based on insights from an international group of scholars, this paper analyses three dimensions of liberal parties in Europe: their policy orientations, stressing commonalities and lines of fracture; their electoral performances and relationships to power and government, emphasising their pivotal roles in national party systems; and their collaboration at the European level. The paper by looking at what lies ahead as the 2024 European elections approach.
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Research Interests:
Le Ministre de la Culture, des Médias, de la Jeunesse et des Affaires bruxelloise de la Communauté flamande, Sven Gatz, a lancé début 2017 un projet de « Burgerkabinet » (BK) autour de la question de Bruxelles. En parallèle, le Ministre... more
Le Ministre de la Culture, des Médias, de la Jeunesse et des Affaires bruxelloise de la Communauté flamande, Sven Gatz, a lancé début 2017 un projet de « Burgerkabinet » (BK) autour de la question de Bruxelles. En parallèle, le Ministre de l’Aide à la Jeunesse, des Maisons de Justice, des Sports et de la Promotion de Bruxelles de la Fédération Wallonie-Bruxelles, Rachid Madrane, a lancé un projet de « Cabinet Citoyen » (CC) sur le même thème.
Ces deux consultations se sont déroulées en étroite collaboration. La question principale des BK/CC était la suivante : « Comment percevez-vous Bruxelles? ». Parallèlement à cette question de base, des sous-questions plus spécifiques ont été mises en avant. Qu’attendent francophones/néerlandophones et Bruxellois de Bruxelles ? Qu’est-ce qui les attire à Bruxelles ? Qu’est-ce qui au contraire les rebute ? Comment s’informent-ils sur Bruxelles ?
L’objectif était de se faire une idée plus précise de la façon dont les Flamands et Bruxellois néerlandophones, et les Wallons et Bruxellois francophones perçoivent la capitale, mais aussi de dégager des pistes pour approfondir la compréhension et le respect mutuels. Les résultats des BK/CC pourront alors servir de base à certains choix politiques.
Pour ce faire, l’initiative s’est articulée en trois phases :
1) Phase 1 : une consultation en ligne et des mini-cabinets citoyens pour générer des idées et lancer les premières discussion ;
2) Phase 2 : des synthétrons (discussions en ligne) pour débattre et réagir sur base de propositions ;
3) Phase 3 : une session ‘physique’ pour poursuivre, approfondir et affiner la discussion et formuler des recommandations.
Le pilotage du projet a été confié à un bureau d’accompagnement auquel ont été confiées la création des outils et la mise en place des phases de consultation. Ce projet innovant a déjà fait l’objet d’un premier rapport intermédiaire par les équipes du bureau d’accompagnement (Moebius, Citizenlab, Synthetron).
Deux équipes universitaires, l’une néerlandophone (BRIO, VUB) et l’autre francophone (Cevipol, ULB), étaient en charge du suivi scientifique du projet. Le présent rapport se veut le complément du rapport intermédiaire, et est le résultat du travail conjoint des équipes scientifiques. Plus particulièrement, nous avons approfondi l’analyse dans deux directions. Premièrement, le rapport propose une analyse détaillée des idées et recommandations émanant de l’exercice, et ce dans une perspective comparée intégrant tant le volet francophone que néerlandophone. Dans un deuxième temps, le rapport propose une analyse comparée du processus et de la méthodologie employée dans le cadre du BK / CC. Cette démarche a pour objectif d’identifier ce qui peut encore être amélioré si de tels débats citoyens devaient à nouveau être organisés à l’avenir.
Ces deux consultations se sont déroulées en étroite collaboration. La question principale des BK/CC était la suivante : « Comment percevez-vous Bruxelles? ». Parallèlement à cette question de base, des sous-questions plus spécifiques ont été mises en avant. Qu’attendent francophones/néerlandophones et Bruxellois de Bruxelles ? Qu’est-ce qui les attire à Bruxelles ? Qu’est-ce qui au contraire les rebute ? Comment s’informent-ils sur Bruxelles ?
L’objectif était de se faire une idée plus précise de la façon dont les Flamands et Bruxellois néerlandophones, et les Wallons et Bruxellois francophones perçoivent la capitale, mais aussi de dégager des pistes pour approfondir la compréhension et le respect mutuels. Les résultats des BK/CC pourront alors servir de base à certains choix politiques.
Pour ce faire, l’initiative s’est articulée en trois phases :
1) Phase 1 : une consultation en ligne et des mini-cabinets citoyens pour générer des idées et lancer les premières discussion ;
2) Phase 2 : des synthétrons (discussions en ligne) pour débattre et réagir sur base de propositions ;
3) Phase 3 : une session ‘physique’ pour poursuivre, approfondir et affiner la discussion et formuler des recommandations.
Le pilotage du projet a été confié à un bureau d’accompagnement auquel ont été confiées la création des outils et la mise en place des phases de consultation. Ce projet innovant a déjà fait l’objet d’un premier rapport intermédiaire par les équipes du bureau d’accompagnement (Moebius, Citizenlab, Synthetron).
Deux équipes universitaires, l’une néerlandophone (BRIO, VUB) et l’autre francophone (Cevipol, ULB), étaient en charge du suivi scientifique du projet. Le présent rapport se veut le complément du rapport intermédiaire, et est le résultat du travail conjoint des équipes scientifiques. Plus particulièrement, nous avons approfondi l’analyse dans deux directions. Premièrement, le rapport propose une analyse détaillée des idées et recommandations émanant de l’exercice, et ce dans une perspective comparée intégrant tant le volet francophone que néerlandophone. Dans un deuxième temps, le rapport propose une analyse comparée du processus et de la méthodologie employée dans le cadre du BK / CC. Cette démarche a pour objectif d’identifier ce qui peut encore être amélioré si de tels débats citoyens devaient à nouveau être organisés à l’avenir.
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This study was prepared by the Centre d’étude de la vie politique (Cevipol), part of the Institute for European Studies (IEE) and the Faculté des sciences sociales et politiques (FSP) of the Université libre de Bruxelles (ULB). It... more
This study was prepared by the Centre d’étude de la vie politique (Cevipol), part of the Institute for European Studies (IEE) and the Faculté des sciences sociales et politiques (FSP) of the Université libre de Bruxelles (ULB). It provides a systematic and thorough account of candidate selection procedures for the European elections. It covers four aspects: (1) a general overview of candidate selection procedures in the major parties of all EU Member States; (2) a detailed account of the candidate selection procedures for a sample of countries/parties, based on an analysis of the formal and informal practices; (3) an investigation into the relations between national political parties, political groups in the EP, and the European political parties; and (4) the provision of recommendations as to how to improve the democratic quality of candidate selection for the European elections.
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This study has been prepared by the Centre d’étude de la vie politique (Cevipol), part of the Institute for European Studies (IEE) and the Faculté des sciences sociales et politiques (FSP) of the Université libre de Bruxelles (ULB). It... more
This study has been prepared by the Centre d’étude de la vie politique (Cevipol), part of the Institute for European Studies (IEE) and the Faculté des sciences sociales et politiques (FSP) of the Université libre de Bruxelles (ULB). It covers four aspects: 1) An overview of the existing criteria, conditions, and procedures for establishing a political party applying in the 27 Member States of the European Union. 2) An examination of how to amend current party statutes, notably at the European level, in order to create a more lively internal party democracy. 3) The development of suggestions towards a legal base of a future European party statute under EU law. 4) The development of proposals on how to involve the European Electoral Authority in the management and supervision of European political parties.
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Research Interests:
Lors des dernières élections, les Flamands et les Wallons ont clairement voté différemment. En Flandre, c’est surtout le parti national-populiste Vlaams Belang qui a gagné (+12,6% aux régionales), tandis que le Pvda (+2,8%) et Groen... more
Lors des dernières élections, les Flamands et les Wallons ont clairement voté différemment. En Flandre, c’est surtout le parti national-populiste Vlaams Belang qui a gagné (+12,6% aux régionales), tandis que le Pvda (+2,8%) et Groen (+1,4%) ont légèrement progressé et que les trois partis traditionnels ont perdu du terrain. En Wallonie, les trois partis traditionnels ont également reculé, mais c’est la gauche radicale avec le PTB (+7,9% aux régionales) qui a le plus progressé, suivie de près par Ecolo (+5,9%). Les flux d’électeurs semblent donc avoir évolué dans des directions opposées, et la Flandre et la Wallonie2 semblent donc s’éloigner en termes de résultats électoraux.
Mais qu’en est-il des opinions politiques qui sous-tendent le comportement électoral des deux côtés de la frontière linguistique? Est-il vrai que ‘les Wallons pensent à gauche et les Flamands pensent à droite’? Pour répondre à cette question, le consortium RepResent a mené une enquête en ligne lors des semaines précédant les élections (cf. l’annexe au sujet de la méthode). Par ce biais, de larges échantillons d’électeurs flamands et wallons ont été soumis à des questions permettant de mesurer leurs opinions politiques et leurs orientations gauche-droite.
Dans la présente note, nous analysons tout d’abord le comportement électoral des Flamands et des Wallons à travers un regard sur le paysage partisan belge, afin d’examiner si les partis qui ont reçu leurs votes étaient plus de gauche ou plus de droite. Ensuite, sur base de notre enquête, nous examinons dans quelle mesure les électeurs Flamands et Wallons se définissent eux-même comme de gauche ou de droite, de quelles valeurs politiques ils sont porteurs, quelles sont leurs positions par rapport à des propositions politiques de gauche ou de droite, et quels thèmes ils jugent plus importants.
Mais qu’en est-il des opinions politiques qui sous-tendent le comportement électoral des deux côtés de la frontière linguistique? Est-il vrai que ‘les Wallons pensent à gauche et les Flamands pensent à droite’? Pour répondre à cette question, le consortium RepResent a mené une enquête en ligne lors des semaines précédant les élections (cf. l’annexe au sujet de la méthode). Par ce biais, de larges échantillons d’électeurs flamands et wallons ont été soumis à des questions permettant de mesurer leurs opinions politiques et leurs orientations gauche-droite.
Dans la présente note, nous analysons tout d’abord le comportement électoral des Flamands et des Wallons à travers un regard sur le paysage partisan belge, afin d’examiner si les partis qui ont reçu leurs votes étaient plus de gauche ou plus de droite. Ensuite, sur base de notre enquête, nous examinons dans quelle mesure les électeurs Flamands et Wallons se définissent eux-même comme de gauche ou de droite, de quelles valeurs politiques ils sont porteurs, quelles sont leurs positions par rapport à des propositions politiques de gauche ou de droite, et quels thèmes ils jugent plus importants.
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Cette note analyse en profondeur les déterminants des choix électoraux en 2019. Les partis ressortis vainqueurs ont-ils capté ces électeurs en manque de confiance, comme cela a souvent été pointé par les médias ou les autres partis ? Quel... more
Cette note analyse en profondeur les déterminants des choix électoraux en 2019. Les partis ressortis vainqueurs ont-ils capté ces électeurs en manque de confiance, comme cela a souvent été pointé par les médias ou les autres partis ? Quel a été le rôle du ressentiment envers la politique et les hommes et femmes politiques dans l’orientation des comportements électoraux le 26 mai 2019, en comparaison des scrutins précédents ? Ces élections ont-elles été principalement déterminées par un vote protestataire, ou les idées et politiques ont-elles également joué un rôle ? Peut-on interpréter les résultats comme une sanction des partis au pouvoir et de leur politique ?
Cette note vise à répondre à ces questions. Nous débutons par une analyse du rôle de la (faible) confiance politique et son impact sur les choix électoraux, dans une perspective longitudinale (2009-2019). Nous mettons en évidence qu’en Flandre, le VB a été le parti obtenant le plus large soutien parmi les électeurs avec un faible niveau de confiance, alors qu’en 2014 c’était la N-VA qui était la plus populaire dans ce segment de l’électorat. En Wallonie, les électeurs à faible niveau de confiance se tournaient vers des partis traditionnels en 2014, alors qu’en 2019 le PTB est le parti le plus populaire parmi ce segment de l’électorat. Nous proposons ensuite un profil des électorats des différents partis,
avec une attention particulière pour le VB et le PTB-PVDA, afin de mettre en lumière si des différences existent entre les électeurs de ces partis et ceux des autres partis sur plusieurs dimensions complémentaires. Plus spécifiquement, nous nous focalisons sur (1) les attitudes envers la politique, (2) les positionnements sur les valeurs, et (3) les enjeux saillants pour les électeurs. Enfin, nous analysons le poids de chacune de ces dimensions dans le choix des électeurs.
Cette note vise à répondre à ces questions. Nous débutons par une analyse du rôle de la (faible) confiance politique et son impact sur les choix électoraux, dans une perspective longitudinale (2009-2019). Nous mettons en évidence qu’en Flandre, le VB a été le parti obtenant le plus large soutien parmi les électeurs avec un faible niveau de confiance, alors qu’en 2014 c’était la N-VA qui était la plus populaire dans ce segment de l’électorat. En Wallonie, les électeurs à faible niveau de confiance se tournaient vers des partis traditionnels en 2014, alors qu’en 2019 le PTB est le parti le plus populaire parmi ce segment de l’électorat. Nous proposons ensuite un profil des électorats des différents partis,
avec une attention particulière pour le VB et le PTB-PVDA, afin de mettre en lumière si des différences existent entre les électeurs de ces partis et ceux des autres partis sur plusieurs dimensions complémentaires. Plus spécifiquement, nous nous focalisons sur (1) les attitudes envers la politique, (2) les positionnements sur les valeurs, et (3) les enjeux saillants pour les électeurs. Enfin, nous analysons le poids de chacune de ces dimensions dans le choix des électeurs.
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L’une des singularités du système politique belge est qu’il ne compte quasiment plus de parti politique national. A l’exception du PTB-PVDA (Parti du Travail de Belgique-Partij van de Arbeid van België, parti communiste), les partis... more
L’une des singularités du système politique belge est qu’il ne compte quasiment plus de parti politique national. A l’exception du PTB-PVDA (Parti du Travail de Belgique-Partij van de Arbeid van België, parti communiste), les partis représentés au Parlement fédéral sont soit francophones, soit néerlandophones. Cette scission du système de partis en Belgique a débuté il y a maintenant 50 ans, lorsque le PSC-CVP (Parti social-chrétien – Christelijk Volkspartij) s’est divisé entre un PSC francophone et un CVP néerlandophone suite aux tensions autour de la scission entre l’UCL (Université Catholique de Louvain) et la KUL (Katholieke Universiteit Leuven). Malgré cela, plusieurs décennies après la fin des partis nationaux, nous continuons à parler de partis frères et de familles politiques. Mais cette notion a-t-elle encore réellement un sens ? Les partis dits frères conservent-ils réellement des liens ? Présentent-ils des similitudes qui font que leur partenaire le plus proche est bien celui partageant la même couleur de l’autre côté de la frontière linguistique ?
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The Flemish party Vlaams Belang is often regarded as one of the most successful radical-right parties in Europe, but it has experienced a drop in support in recent years. Teun Pauwels and Emilie van Haute write on tensions between the... more
The Flemish party Vlaams Belang is often regarded as one of the most successful radical-right parties in Europe, but it has experienced a drop in support in recent years. Teun Pauwels and Emilie van Haute write on tensions between the party's current leadership and a faction led by Filip Dewinter, which supports taking a more radical line on issues like immigration.
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This paper argues that parties abroad are the actors of a new arena for citizenship and party politics. The proliferation of overseas voting and the development of representative institutions for emigrants has transformed and reinforced... more
This paper argues that parties abroad are the actors of a new arena for citizenship and party politics. The proliferation of overseas voting and the development of representative institutions for emigrants has transformed and reinforced the civic and political links between sending-states and their diaspora. This has also created new opportunities for political entrepreneurs and political parties tasked with reaching out to citizens living abroad. Yet research on political parties and on transnationalism has almost never crossed paths. This has created a gap in our knowledge on political parties abroad, demonstrating the timeliness of a special issue on political parties abroad. This paper introduces this special issue and presents an overview of the main theoretical questions and debates addressed in the articles. We emphasize existing gaps in the literature and stress the importance of a better understanding of the growing phenomenon of political parties abroad. We also explain why a comparative approach is necessary to tackle the issue of political parties abroad, offering a theoretically-minded framework. Our summaries of the papers in this special issue highlight how they relate to the more general questions discussed in our introduction.
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The concluding chapter synthesizes the common knowledge produced in the book based on the case studies. In doing so, the conclusion moves to a generalization stage. On the one hand, we propose a definition and classification of political... more
The concluding chapter synthesizes the common knowledge produced in the book based on the case studies. In doing so, the conclusion moves to a generalization stage. On the one hand, we propose a definition and classification of political parties abroad. On the other hand, we offer the first theoretical framework to study political parties abroad that relies on various dimensions that are systematically compared to those of parties at home: emergence and growth patterns, functions, organization, basis of support, etc. In doing so, the conclusion stresses how the book contributes to a better understanding of transnationalism, long-distance democracy and party politics. The conclusion also looks back to the existing body of research on parties abroad and considers the best way forward for further research on the topic.
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Following globalization and transnationalization trends, emigrants have increasingly obtained voting rights, but also specific representative institutions and direct representation in the national parliament in their country of origin.... more
Following globalization and transnationalization trends, emigrants have increasingly obtained voting rights, but also specific representative institutions and direct representation in the national parliament in their country of origin. These reforms have important political and electoral consequences and constitute opportunities and challenges for political parties who face the choice of engaging or not in this new arena. Combining the literature on transnational politics and classic theories of party organizations, this Special Issue investigates (1) what parties abroad are, (2) when and why do they emerge and develop, (3) how they organize, and (4) what role they play. The Special Issue intends to propose a framework for analysis of political parties abroad. All papers use original data to address the questions of the organization and functions of parties abroad. In doing so, they contribute to a better understanding of transnationalism, long-distance democracy, and party politics. Link: https://comparativemigrationstudies.springeropen.com/partiesandtransnationalpolitics
Research Interests:
Les littératures sur les partis politiques et sur le transnationalisme ne se sont presque jamais croisées. Les partis politiques à l’étranger constituent donc un angle mort académique. Ce numéro spécial présente une vue d’ensemble des... more
Les littératures sur les partis politiques et sur le transnationalisme ne se sont presque jamais croisées. Les partis politiques à l’étranger constituent donc un angle mort académique. Ce numéro spécial présente une vue d’ensemble des principales questions et débats théoriques, souligne les lacunes existantes et valorise l’importance d’une meilleure compréhension du phénomène croissant des partis politiques à l’étranger. Il soutient que les partis à l’étranger sont les acteurs d’une nouvelle arène pour la citoyenneté et la politique partisane. La généralisation du vote à l’étranger et le développement d’institutions représentatives des émigrés ont transformé et renforcé les liens civiques et politiques entre les États et leur diaspora. Cela a également créé de nouvelles opportunités pour les entrepreneurs politiques et les partis politiques, avec pour mission de toucher les citoyens vivant à l’étranger. Les partis à l’étranger se caractérisent toutefois par une grande diversité de formes et de fonctions.