- Roman Provincial Archaeology, Archaeology of Roman Limes, Archeologia Cristiana, Late Roman Pottery, Byzantine Pottery, Roman fishing and fish processing, and 48 moreCrimea, Terra Sigillata, Ancient Urbanism, Roman Military Diplomas, Sarmizegetusa Regia, Roman Archaeology, Roman Architecture, Roman Army, Roman Frontiers (Archaeology), Landscape Archaeology, Archaeology, Roman Empire, Roman Amphorae, Forts, Auxiliaries, Legions, Roman Period, Roman Dacia, Roman Auxilia, Roman Gold Mining, Roman Weapons, Roman Brick Industry - brick stamps, Roman Limes, Moesia inferior, Roman History, Roman ceramics, Late Roman and Early Byzantine Pottery, Ancient Roman economy, trade and commerce, Pontus Euxinus, Amphorae (Archaeology), Roman Pottery, Black Sea Region Archaeology, Maritime Trade Ceramics (Archaeology), Late Roman Amphorae, Late Roman Pottery Kilns, Roman Pottery Kilns, Roman Provincial Archaeology, Archaeology of Moesia and Thracia, Roman Province Moesia Superior, Trajan, Late Roman Army, Roman Art, Dacia, Imperial Rome, Lower Danube Archaeology, Roman Economy, Ancient economy, Roman brick and tiles, and Alexandru Madgearuedit
- Studied History and Archaeology at the Faculty of History – University of Bucharest (graduated in 1992), Ph.D. in Lat... moreStudied History and Archaeology at the Faculty of History – University of Bucharest (graduated in 1992), Ph.D. in Late Roman/ Early Byzantine History and Archaeology (2000). Member of the Romanian Institute of Thracology in Bucharest (1992-1999); assistant, lecturer, associate professor (2004) and vice-dean (2012-2020) at the Faculty of History (Dept. of Ancient History, Archaeology and History of Art). Habilitation (2021).
Scientific coordinator of the archaeological site in Capidava, Constanța County, Romania (since 2004); member (2008 - 2016, 2020 - 2022) and vice-president of the National Archaeological Commission (2012 - 2016, 2020), member of the National Commission for Historical Monuments (2013 - 2018). President of the National Archaeological Commission (2018 - 2020).
Teaching and research activities oriented toward Roman and Early Byzantine history and archaeology. Scientific interests in the Lower Danube Roman border provinces, urban evolution in Roman Dobrudja (1st-7th c.), epigraphy and ceramic studies, as well as the economy of the Roman world, cultural history/ historical anthropology and religious studies, with special regard to the phenomena associated with the evolution from Paganism to Christianity in the Late Roman Empire. Studies and articles, archaeological reports, research contracts and grants, volumes, conferences and lectures in Romania and abroad (France, Italy, Austria and Germany, Bulgaria, Cyprus and Greece).
Fellowships and research stages at Institut für Klassische Archäologie - Universität Wien, Deutsches Archäologisches Institut (DAI) – Abteilung Istanbul and Eurasien Abteilung-Berlin; postdoctoral scholarship at the Institut d’Histoire du Christianisme - Université « Jean Moulin » Lyon 3; alumnus of New Europe College - Institute for Advanced Study in Bucharest.edit
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This monograph comes as a result of the research carried out by the authors (Ioan Carol Opriș and Alexandru Rațiu) between 1993-1996, 2006-2010, as well as from several other survey ditches in 2011 and 2014 on a building of approx. 10 x... more
This monograph comes as a result of the research carried out by the authors (Ioan Carol Opriș and Alexandru Rațiu) between 1993-1996, 2006-2010, as well as from several other survey ditches in 2011 and 2014 on a building of approx. 10 x 11 m and a surface of 109.5 m2 situated in the southern part of the fort at Capidava, next to the main gate. The building C1 functioned during the 6th c. until a violent attack destroyed it in 582 or subsequently, in the early years of Mauricius Tiberius` reign. On this occasion the whole southeastern side of the fort (curtains G and H, as well as the gate tower no 7 and the largest building known so far intra muros – a granary/ horreum) has been heavily burnt.
Both the planimetric distribution, along the via principalis in the vicinity of the gate, and its specific architectural features, corroborated with the analysis of the finds, allowed us to establish the function of the building C1 as storage facility with commercial destination for the local distribution of annona goods (in LR 1 and LR2 amphorae), besides other expensive merchandise in Cretan, Western Asia Minor and above all Levantine containers. The latter are the unmistakable and so called Carthage LR 4 amphorae produced in Gaza - Palaestina Prima for the famous vinum Gazetum (Gazetina, Gazeticum).
Three annexes follow the text: the first one focused on the numismatic analysis of an emergency hoard of bronze folles found in situ (Andrei Gândilă – Univ. of Alabama in Huntsville) and offers key elements of further dating the moment when the building was destroyed, under heavy attack; the second is dedicated to the dendrochronology of the building, based upon its wooden elements saved from the incendium post 582 (Tomasz Ważny, Peter I. Kuniholm, Charlotte L. Pearson - Univ. of Arizona in Tucson); the third is the analysis report of an organic sample collected from inside a Pontic amphora, indicating a content of pine tar, most likely needed in treating the boats sailing on the Danube (Adriana Rizzo and Choi Mak - Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York).
Both the planimetric distribution, along the via principalis in the vicinity of the gate, and its specific architectural features, corroborated with the analysis of the finds, allowed us to establish the function of the building C1 as storage facility with commercial destination for the local distribution of annona goods (in LR 1 and LR2 amphorae), besides other expensive merchandise in Cretan, Western Asia Minor and above all Levantine containers. The latter are the unmistakable and so called Carthage LR 4 amphorae produced in Gaza - Palaestina Prima for the famous vinum Gazetum (Gazetina, Gazeticum).
Three annexes follow the text: the first one focused on the numismatic analysis of an emergency hoard of bronze folles found in situ (Andrei Gândilă – Univ. of Alabama in Huntsville) and offers key elements of further dating the moment when the building was destroyed, under heavy attack; the second is dedicated to the dendrochronology of the building, based upon its wooden elements saved from the incendium post 582 (Tomasz Ważny, Peter I. Kuniholm, Charlotte L. Pearson - Univ. of Arizona in Tucson); the third is the analysis report of an organic sample collected from inside a Pontic amphora, indicating a content of pine tar, most likely needed in treating the boats sailing on the Danube (Adriana Rizzo and Choi Mak - Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York).
Research Interests: Late Roman and Early Byzantine Pottery, Late Roman and early Byzantine fortifications, Numismatic (Late Roman, Dark Ages, Early Byzantine), Roman Limes, Early Byzantine Archaeology, and 4 moreEarly Byzantine material culture, Early byzantine architecture, Annona Militaris, and Late Antique and Early Byzantine Amphoras
This is the second monographic approach tackling the ceramic finds in the Roman forts along the Lower Danube frontier in the province of Scythia after Fl. Topoleanu`s Ceramica romană şi romano-bizantină de la Halmyris (sec. I – VII... more
This is the second monographic approach tackling the ceramic finds in the Roman forts along the Lower Danube frontier in the province of Scythia after Fl. Topoleanu`s Ceramica romană şi romano-bizantină de la Halmyris (sec. I – VII p.Chr.)/ Roman and Roman-Byzantine pottery from Halmyris (1st – 7th century AD), Tulcea, 2000.
Most of the finds come from the excavations undertaken in the southern quarter of the fort at Capidava, in the largest intra muros building known so far: a three-aisled horreum preceded by a portico, which stood next to curtain wall H and in the vicinity of the main gate. The edifice knew three major constructive phases, from early 4th century to late 6th century AD, when it has been finally destroyed during a violent attack in the 580`s.
Most of the finds come from the excavations undertaken in the southern quarter of the fort at Capidava, in the largest intra muros building known so far: a three-aisled horreum preceded by a portico, which stood next to curtain wall H and in the vicinity of the main gate. The edifice knew three major constructive phases, from early 4th century to late 6th century AD, when it has been finally destroyed during a violent attack in the 580`s.
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Along with several other pre-Roman centers of power along the Lower Danube’s final section, such as Troesmis, Noviodunum, or Aegyssus, Axiopolis (Hinog Hill, Cernavoda, Constanța county) was one of the longest and most intensively... more
Along with several other pre-Roman centers of power along the Lower Danube’s final section, such as Troesmis, Noviodunum, or Aegyssus, Axiopolis (Hinog Hill, Cernavoda, Constanța county) was one of the longest and most intensively occupied archaeological sites on the territory of Dobrudja in ancient times. It was initially a Hellenistic emporium, then an attested strategia of the client Odrysian kings, and later an important military and naval, commercial and religious center in Roman and Middle Byzantine times. During the Principate, the nautae universi Danuvii had their headquarters (collegium) there and it is very likely that a statio portorii of the publicum portorii Illyrici utriusque et ripae Thraciae was in place at Axiopolis during the 2nd-3rd centuries AD. During the Dominate, the city with Christian martyrs mentioned by the martyrologies was chosen seat for the pedatura superior of the Scythian legio II Herculia and subsequently raised to the rank of bishopric in the 6th century. Its chronology begins with the hypothetical foundation by Lysimachus and continues to the mid 11th century, under Constantine IX (1042-1055), at the time when the last known coin from Cernavoda dates.
The Axiopolis site is located approx. 3 km S of the dobrudjan end of the “King Carol I” bridge at Cernavodă, next to Hinog island, more precisely on a triangular plateau on the right bank of the Danube, at the entrance to a deep valley. It was archaeologically investigated by Pamfil Polonic in 1898-1899 and the results of the excavations were briefly published by Grigore Tocilescu in 1903. Given its importance in ancient times, with its remarkable position on the Danube line and at the mouth of the Carasu valley, Axiopolis remained, unjustly, little known for well over a century. The article aims to systematize the available information and outline the most important moments in the history of the site, based upon the known archaeological data. It includes a systematic description and interpretation of the sequence of the three enclosures of the edifices and artifacts found here, including the numismatic evidence, but also of the limestone quarry that provided building material for the erection of defensive system in the Roman and Middle-Byzantine times.
The Axiopolis site is located approx. 3 km S of the dobrudjan end of the “King Carol I” bridge at Cernavodă, next to Hinog island, more precisely on a triangular plateau on the right bank of the Danube, at the entrance to a deep valley. It was archaeologically investigated by Pamfil Polonic in 1898-1899 and the results of the excavations were briefly published by Grigore Tocilescu in 1903. Given its importance in ancient times, with its remarkable position on the Danube line and at the mouth of the Carasu valley, Axiopolis remained, unjustly, little known for well over a century. The article aims to systematize the available information and outline the most important moments in the history of the site, based upon the known archaeological data. It includes a systematic description and interpretation of the sequence of the three enclosures of the edifices and artifacts found here, including the numismatic evidence, but also of the limestone quarry that provided building material for the erection of defensive system in the Roman and Middle-Byzantine times.
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The present paper is part of a series of publications related to the research carried out in the last decade in the early Roman contexts from Capidava (Constanța County), as well. The subject of the article is a batch of 17 fragmentary... more
The present paper is part of a series of publications related to the research carried out in the last decade in the early Roman contexts from Capidava (Constanța County), as well. The subject of the article is a batch of 17 fragmentary ceramic vessels, belonging to the terra sigillata category. Of these, the first 16 items (Cat. nos. 1-16) are fragments of imported vessels produced in the famous ceramic production centre of La Graufesenque, in South Gaul. The last vessel, Cat. no. 17, is of local production, from the category called Pontic sigillata decorated by the barbotine technique. The entire batch of ceramic material was discovered during the archaeological excavation carried out at the Late Roman headquarters building (principia), during which the foundations of this building were also excavated. Beneath these foundations were discovered the ruins of an early Roman habitation level represented by military barracks-type buildings, a stone-paved street, a well, a rubbish pit and a waste drain that led to that pit. The material presented by us comes from this earliest context, respectively from all the urban planning elements listed above, especially from the waste drain and the rubbish pit. The dating of the material is early, namely the Flavian era until the end of Trajan’s reign. From this point of view, the ceramic material presented here completes the picture provided by other categories of material previously published from the same archaeological context.
Lucrarea de față face parte dintr-o serie de publicații referitoare la cercetările din ultimul deceniu desfășurate și în contextele romane timpurii de la Capidava (jud. Constanța). Subiectul articolului este un lot de 17 vase ceramice fragmentare, aparținând categoriei ceramicii fine de tip terra sigillata. Dintre acestea primele 16 piese (cat. nr. 1-16) sunt fragmente din vase de import produse în importantul centru de la La Graufesenque, din Galia de Sud. Ultimul vas, cat. nr. 17, este de producție locală, din categoria sigillatelor pontice decorate în tehnica barbotinei. Întregul lot de piese a fost descoperit cu ocazia săpăturii arheologice desfășurate la clădirea comandamentului (principia) de perioadă Romană târzie, ocazie cu care s-au săpat și fundațiile acestei clădiri. Sub aceste fundații au fost descoperite ruinele unui nivel de locuire roman timpuriu reprezentat prin clădiri de tip barăci militare, o stradelă pavată cu piatră, o fântână, o groapă de gunoi și un canal de scurgere a deșeurilor spre acea groapa. Materialul prezentat de noi provine din acest cel mai vechi context, respectiv din toate elementele urbanistice enumerate mai sus, în special din canal și groapa de gunoi. Datarea materialului este una timpurie, acoperind întreaga epocă flaviană și putând ajunge până la sfârșitul domniei lui Traian. Din acest punct de vedere materialul ceramic prezentat aici completează imaginea oferită de alte categorii de material publicate anterior din același context arheologic.
Lucrarea de față face parte dintr-o serie de publicații referitoare la cercetările din ultimul deceniu desfășurate și în contextele romane timpurii de la Capidava (jud. Constanța). Subiectul articolului este un lot de 17 vase ceramice fragmentare, aparținând categoriei ceramicii fine de tip terra sigillata. Dintre acestea primele 16 piese (cat. nr. 1-16) sunt fragmente din vase de import produse în importantul centru de la La Graufesenque, din Galia de Sud. Ultimul vas, cat. nr. 17, este de producție locală, din categoria sigillatelor pontice decorate în tehnica barbotinei. Întregul lot de piese a fost descoperit cu ocazia săpăturii arheologice desfășurate la clădirea comandamentului (principia) de perioadă Romană târzie, ocazie cu care s-au săpat și fundațiile acestei clădiri. Sub aceste fundații au fost descoperite ruinele unui nivel de locuire roman timpuriu reprezentat prin clădiri de tip barăci militare, o stradelă pavată cu piatră, o fântână, o groapă de gunoi și un canal de scurgere a deșeurilor spre acea groapa. Materialul prezentat de noi provine din acest cel mai vechi context, respectiv din toate elementele urbanistice enumerate mai sus, în special din canal și groapa de gunoi. Datarea materialului este una timpurie, acoperind întreaga epocă flaviană și putând ajunge până la sfârșitul domniei lui Traian. Din acest punct de vedere materialul ceramic prezentat aici completează imaginea oferită de alte categorii de material publicate anterior din același context arheologic.
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A dark blue 4.06 g glass disk to check the weight of the solidus was found inside of one of the storage rooms set up in the former portico of the horreum from Capidava. This paper is a review of all similar finds known from the province... more
A dark blue 4.06 g glass disk to check the weight of the solidus was found inside of one of the storage rooms set up in the former portico of the horreum from Capidava. This paper is a review of all similar finds known from the province of Scythia, from the Balkan ones and beyond. given the context records of the examples from Capidava and Luni (in Byzantine Liguria), the glass weight issued by eparch Akakios and his office as prefect of Constantinople might be tentatively dated from Justin II (565-578) to the early regnal years of Maurice (582-602). Our assumption is based upon the general dating of the Byzantine domination in Liguria (AD 568-643), corroborated with a precious terminus offered by the massive fire destruction that took place at Capidava. The latter happened at some point between 580/582-586, when a heavy attack and destruction are clearly documented on a large scale. The small stamped disks were kept in wooden boxes with weighing sets formed by equal-arm balance scales, scale-pans and other copper-alloy weights. The most notorious of the 5 th-7 th century money changer's boxes, including the lately found Yenikapı and Serdica ones, were equally reviewed. Do the known contexts of glass weights and weighing implements actually match the hoarding patterns established one decade ago by Florin Curta and Andrei gândilă for the northern and central Balkans? That was another final question I tried to formulate an answer to.
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The Late Roman principia from Capidava was built at the end of the 3 rd-beginning of the 4 th century, most likely during the general reconstruction (phase II) of the fort, as a result of the bellum Scythicum. The building was fully... more
The Late Roman principia from Capidava was built at the end of the 3 rd-beginning of the 4 th century, most likely during the general reconstruction (phase II) of the fort, as a result of the bellum Scythicum. The building was fully excavated in successive campaigns between 2013-2019. This paper is a follow-up to an initial article, published in 2017, dealing with the fine pottery finds discovered during the 2013-2014 campaigns. In what follows, we will focus on the same category of finds, resulting from the systematic excavation during the 2016 campaign. The 66 items in our catalogue belong to six different classes: African Red Slip Ware, Late Roman C / Phocean Ware, Pontic Sigillata Ware, Early Pontic Red Slip Ware, Pontic Red Slip Ware and Late Roman Light Colored Ware. Within each class our objects have been divided into several types and sub-types according to the extensive existing bibliography. The high degree of fragmentation of the vessels is also the result of the overlap of the living in the building with the semi-deep dwellings built in the final so-called Middle Byzantine period (9 th-11 th centuries). Rezumat: Ceramică fină din "Principia" de epocă romană-târzie de la Capidava (II) Principia romană târzie de la Capidava a fost construită la sfârșitul secolului al III-lea-începutul secolului al IV-lea, cel mai probabil cu ocazia reconstrucției generale (faza a II-a) a fortului, ca urmare a bellum Scythicum. Obiectivul a fost săpat integral în campanii succesive între anii 2013-2019. Această lucrare este o continuare a unui articol inițial, publicat în 2017, care se ocupa de ceramica fină descoperită în timpul campaniilor 2013-2014. În cele ce urmează ne vom concentra pe aceeași categorie, de data aceasta rezultată în urma săpăturii sistematice a 9 suprafețe (S6-S14) de 4 x 4m fiecare, în cadrul campaniei din anul 2016. Cele 66 de vase din catalogul nostru se înscriu în șase clase distincte: African Red Slip Ware, Late Roman C / Phocean Ware, Pontic Sigillata Ware, Early Pontic Red Slip Ware, Pontic Red Slip Ware și Late Roman Light Coloured Ware. În cadrul fiecărei clase obiectele noastre au fost împărțite în mai multe tipuri și subtipuri, potrivit extinsei literaturi de specialitate. Gradul ridicat de fragmentare al vaselor este rezultat și din suprapunerea locuirii în fostul ansamblu cu rol oficial (militar) de locuințe semi-adâncite construite în perioada finală de ocupare a sitului, cunoscută sub denumirea de mediobizantină (sec. IX-XI p.Chr.).
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Constantin cel Mare își inaugurează podul ridicat peste Dunăre dintre Oescus (Ghighen) și Sucidava (Celei) în iulie 328. Acesta este menționat pentru prima dată de Sextus Aurelius Victor, în Liber de Caesaribus, 41.18, iar apoi de... more
Constantin cel Mare își inaugurează podul ridicat peste Dunăre dintre Oescus (Ghighen) și Sucidava (Celei) în iulie 328. Acesta este menționat pentru prima dată de Sextus Aurelius Victor, în Liber de Caesaribus, 41.18, iar apoi de cronografi târzii în secolele VII-IX p.Chr. (Chronicon Pascale, I, 526, 16-17 (P 284) și Theophanes Confessor în Chronographia, a. 5820 (328), p. 28, (19-20 De Boor). Importantul moment constructiv apare și în secolul al XI-lea în cronica compilată a călugărului bizantin Georgios Kedrenos, Synopsis historion (Istoria sinoptică sau Compendiu de istorii). Podul apare sugerat sau figurat explicit peste secole în Index Geographicus Celsissimi Principatus Wallachiae-Harta Țării Românești a Stolnicului Constantin Cantacuzino, la sfârșitul secolului al XVII-lea, iar puțin timp după aceea în "Istoria delle moderne rivoluzioni della Valachia" (1718, Veneția), scrisă de fostul secretar al domnitorului Constantin Brâncoveanu, Anton Maria Del Chiaro. Numit de către locuitorii ambelor maluri ale Dunării "podul de aramă", din convingerea potrivit căreia picioarele sale ar fi fost turnate din metal, podul îi era în vechime atribuit lui Traian. În credința populară, pe puntea sa ar fi trecut în cursul nopții, către Câmpia Romanaților, Domnul de Rouă, îndreptându-se spre curțile lui Ler Împărat de la cetatea Antina (Romula/Reșca).
Podul lui Constantin cel Mare reapare menționat în a doua jumătate a secolului al XIX-lea în lucrarea lui Felix Kanitz, pornind de la informațiile localnicilor, ori de la piloții Societății de navigație cu aburi pe Dunăre din Viena (Erste Donau-Dampfschiffahrts-Gesellschaft-DDSG). Unul dintre pilonii din piatră ai podului de pe șenalul navigabil, aproape de malul românesc, este amintit în iulie 1869 de Cezar Bolliac. Același pasionat gazetar și arheolog diletant va dezveli portalul de nord în 1873, după ce îl identificase și îi marcase poziția în plan, patru ani mai devreme. Acoperit rapid cu pământ și gunoaie scurse de pe coasta satului Celei, portalul va fi redezvelit și cercetat într-o campanie intensivă, de către Pamfil Polonic și Grigore Tocilescu, între 16 iunie-15 august 1898. Celui din urmă îi datorăm publicarea rezultatelor, în 1902, întemeiate pe observațiile riguroase și desenele amănunțite ale inginerului topograf Pamfil Polonic. Abia în vara anului 1968, Dumitru Tudor va coordona săpături ale căror scop precis era redocumentarea portalului de nord și a pilonilor învecinați. Rezultatele acestor cercetări au fost relativ modeste, aducând, totuși, binevenite informații suplimentare. Ele s-au regăsit ulterior într-un articol al lui Octavian Toropu și în câteva studii monografice asupra sitului și a podurilor romane de la Dunărea de Jos, datorate în primul rând lui Dumitru Tudor.
Contribuția noastră face o trecere critică în revistă a tuturor datelor istorice și arheologice existente până acum pentru podul lui Constantin cel Mare de la Oescus-Sucidava. Ea introduce ca elemente de noutate absolută pentru literatura de specialitate rezultatele batimetriei realizate în 2017 prin albia Dunării și pe cele de geomagnetometrie (2022) din zona de luncă de pe malul stâng al fluviului, astăzi pășune comunală. Astfel, în cadrul proiectului FAST DANUBE, echipa de specialiști de la Marine Research a realizat măsurători batimetrice cu sonare multibeam, prilej cu care a identificat 27 posibile urme (piloni) ale Podului lui Constantin cel Mare ridicat între Oescus și Sucidava. Urmele pilelor se întind pe un traseu liniar pe 820 m, între ele distanța medie fiind de aproximativ 30 m. Investigații suplimentare de magnetometrie au fost realizate în toamna anului 2022, între portalul de nord, brațul aferent și gârla Bozahuzului sau a Banului, Celeiului. Rezultatul acestora a constat în identificarea altor 7 anomalii (piloni) datorate podului constantinian, pe o lungime de cca 210 m. Respectivele anomalii prezintă o aliniere riguroasă cu portalul de nord și pilele de zidărie puse în evidență de batimetria realizată prin albia Dunării, iar distanța între ele este, iarăși, identică.
Constantine the Great inaugurated his bridge across the Danube between Oescus (Ghighen) and Sucidava (Celei) on July 5, 328. It was first mentioned by Sextus Aurelius Victor, in Liber de Caesaribus, 41.18, and then by late chronographers during the VIIth - IXth centuries (Chronicon Pascale, I, 526, 16-17 (P 284) and Theophanes Confessor in Chronographia, a. 5820 (328), p. 28, (19-20 De Boor). The great constructive moment also appears during the 11th century in the chronicle compiled by the Byzantine monk Georgios Kedrenos, Synopsis historion (Synoptic History, also commonly rendered as A Concise History of the World). The bridge was subsequently suggested or explicitly rendered in the Index Geographicus Celsissimi Principatus Wallachiae - Map of Wallachia of vel Stolnic [High Steward] Constantin Cantacuzino by the end of the 17th century, and shortly after that in the „Istoria delle moderne rivoluzioni della Valachia” (1718, Venice). The latter was written by Anton Maria Del Chiaro, who was Constantin Brâncoveanu`s, Prince of Wallachia (1688-1714), personal secretary. Called „the brass bridge” by the local people on both banks of the Danube, according to a popular belief that its legs would have been cast from metal, the bridge was in olden times attributed to Trajan. In local folklore, the ”Domnul de Rouă” (Lord of Dew) would have passed on its wooden platform during the night, toward the Romanați Plain, heading to the courts of Ler Împărat from the fortress of Antina (Romula/ Reșca).
The bridge of Constantine the Great is also mentioned in the second half of the 19th century in the monograph of Felix Kanitz, based upon information collected from the locals and from the pilots of the Vienna Danube Steam Navigation Society (Erste Donau-Dampfschiffahrts-Gesellschaft - the DDSG). One of the masonry pillars of the bridge on the fairway close to the Romanian shore was mentioned in July 1869 by passionate journalist and amateur archaeologist Cezar Bolliac; a mere four years later, his archaeological sleuthing culminated in the discovery of the bridge’s northern portal. Quickly covered with soil and waste discharged from the hillside of Celei village, the portal was reinvestigated by Pamfil Polonic and Grigore Tocilescu during a two-month campaign, between June 16 and August 15, 1898. We owe the 1902 publication of those results to the latter, based on the rigorous observations and detailed drawings of topographical engineer Pamfil Polonic. Only in the summer of 1968, Dumitru Tudor coordinated excavations whose precise purpose was to document again the northern portal and to check the neighboring southward pillar(s). The results of these investigations have been relatively modest, but still provide welcome additional information. They were later found in an article by Octavian Toropu and several monographic studies on the site and the Roman bridges on the Lower Danube, primarily due to Dumitru Tudor.
Our contribution makes a critical review of all historical and archaeological data pertinent to the bridge of Constantine the Great at Oescus-Sucidava. It introduces as elements of absolute novelty for specialized literature the results of the bathymetry carried out in 2017 through the Danube bed and those of the magnetometric survey (October 2022) in the floodplain on the left bank of the river, today a communal pasture. Thus, within the FAST DANUBE Project, the team of specialists from Marine Research carried out bathymetric measurements with multibeam sonar, on which occasion they identified 27 possible traces (pillars) of the Constantine I Bridge erected between Oescus and Sucidava. The traces of the piles stretch along a linear route for 820 m, while the average distance between them is around 30 m. Additional magnetometric investigations were carried out in the fall of 2022, between the northern portal, the ancient tributary and the mouth of Bozahuzului (from Tr. boğaz, mouth, narrow strait or entrance), also called Banului, or Celeiului backwater. Their result consisted in the identification of seven other anomalies (pillars) due to the Constantinian bridge, over a length of approx. 210 m. The respective anomalies show a rigorous alignment with the northern portal and the masonry piles highlighted by the bathymetry carried out through the Danube bed, and the distance between them is, again, identical.
Podul lui Constantin cel Mare reapare menționat în a doua jumătate a secolului al XIX-lea în lucrarea lui Felix Kanitz, pornind de la informațiile localnicilor, ori de la piloții Societății de navigație cu aburi pe Dunăre din Viena (Erste Donau-Dampfschiffahrts-Gesellschaft-DDSG). Unul dintre pilonii din piatră ai podului de pe șenalul navigabil, aproape de malul românesc, este amintit în iulie 1869 de Cezar Bolliac. Același pasionat gazetar și arheolog diletant va dezveli portalul de nord în 1873, după ce îl identificase și îi marcase poziția în plan, patru ani mai devreme. Acoperit rapid cu pământ și gunoaie scurse de pe coasta satului Celei, portalul va fi redezvelit și cercetat într-o campanie intensivă, de către Pamfil Polonic și Grigore Tocilescu, între 16 iunie-15 august 1898. Celui din urmă îi datorăm publicarea rezultatelor, în 1902, întemeiate pe observațiile riguroase și desenele amănunțite ale inginerului topograf Pamfil Polonic. Abia în vara anului 1968, Dumitru Tudor va coordona săpături ale căror scop precis era redocumentarea portalului de nord și a pilonilor învecinați. Rezultatele acestor cercetări au fost relativ modeste, aducând, totuși, binevenite informații suplimentare. Ele s-au regăsit ulterior într-un articol al lui Octavian Toropu și în câteva studii monografice asupra sitului și a podurilor romane de la Dunărea de Jos, datorate în primul rând lui Dumitru Tudor.
Contribuția noastră face o trecere critică în revistă a tuturor datelor istorice și arheologice existente până acum pentru podul lui Constantin cel Mare de la Oescus-Sucidava. Ea introduce ca elemente de noutate absolută pentru literatura de specialitate rezultatele batimetriei realizate în 2017 prin albia Dunării și pe cele de geomagnetometrie (2022) din zona de luncă de pe malul stâng al fluviului, astăzi pășune comunală. Astfel, în cadrul proiectului FAST DANUBE, echipa de specialiști de la Marine Research a realizat măsurători batimetrice cu sonare multibeam, prilej cu care a identificat 27 posibile urme (piloni) ale Podului lui Constantin cel Mare ridicat între Oescus și Sucidava. Urmele pilelor se întind pe un traseu liniar pe 820 m, între ele distanța medie fiind de aproximativ 30 m. Investigații suplimentare de magnetometrie au fost realizate în toamna anului 2022, între portalul de nord, brațul aferent și gârla Bozahuzului sau a Banului, Celeiului. Rezultatul acestora a constat în identificarea altor 7 anomalii (piloni) datorate podului constantinian, pe o lungime de cca 210 m. Respectivele anomalii prezintă o aliniere riguroasă cu portalul de nord și pilele de zidărie puse în evidență de batimetria realizată prin albia Dunării, iar distanța între ele este, iarăși, identică.
Constantine the Great inaugurated his bridge across the Danube between Oescus (Ghighen) and Sucidava (Celei) on July 5, 328. It was first mentioned by Sextus Aurelius Victor, in Liber de Caesaribus, 41.18, and then by late chronographers during the VIIth - IXth centuries (Chronicon Pascale, I, 526, 16-17 (P 284) and Theophanes Confessor in Chronographia, a. 5820 (328), p. 28, (19-20 De Boor). The great constructive moment also appears during the 11th century in the chronicle compiled by the Byzantine monk Georgios Kedrenos, Synopsis historion (Synoptic History, also commonly rendered as A Concise History of the World). The bridge was subsequently suggested or explicitly rendered in the Index Geographicus Celsissimi Principatus Wallachiae - Map of Wallachia of vel Stolnic [High Steward] Constantin Cantacuzino by the end of the 17th century, and shortly after that in the „Istoria delle moderne rivoluzioni della Valachia” (1718, Venice). The latter was written by Anton Maria Del Chiaro, who was Constantin Brâncoveanu`s, Prince of Wallachia (1688-1714), personal secretary. Called „the brass bridge” by the local people on both banks of the Danube, according to a popular belief that its legs would have been cast from metal, the bridge was in olden times attributed to Trajan. In local folklore, the ”Domnul de Rouă” (Lord of Dew) would have passed on its wooden platform during the night, toward the Romanați Plain, heading to the courts of Ler Împărat from the fortress of Antina (Romula/ Reșca).
The bridge of Constantine the Great is also mentioned in the second half of the 19th century in the monograph of Felix Kanitz, based upon information collected from the locals and from the pilots of the Vienna Danube Steam Navigation Society (Erste Donau-Dampfschiffahrts-Gesellschaft - the DDSG). One of the masonry pillars of the bridge on the fairway close to the Romanian shore was mentioned in July 1869 by passionate journalist and amateur archaeologist Cezar Bolliac; a mere four years later, his archaeological sleuthing culminated in the discovery of the bridge’s northern portal. Quickly covered with soil and waste discharged from the hillside of Celei village, the portal was reinvestigated by Pamfil Polonic and Grigore Tocilescu during a two-month campaign, between June 16 and August 15, 1898. We owe the 1902 publication of those results to the latter, based on the rigorous observations and detailed drawings of topographical engineer Pamfil Polonic. Only in the summer of 1968, Dumitru Tudor coordinated excavations whose precise purpose was to document again the northern portal and to check the neighboring southward pillar(s). The results of these investigations have been relatively modest, but still provide welcome additional information. They were later found in an article by Octavian Toropu and several monographic studies on the site and the Roman bridges on the Lower Danube, primarily due to Dumitru Tudor.
Our contribution makes a critical review of all historical and archaeological data pertinent to the bridge of Constantine the Great at Oescus-Sucidava. It introduces as elements of absolute novelty for specialized literature the results of the bathymetry carried out in 2017 through the Danube bed and those of the magnetometric survey (October 2022) in the floodplain on the left bank of the river, today a communal pasture. Thus, within the FAST DANUBE Project, the team of specialists from Marine Research carried out bathymetric measurements with multibeam sonar, on which occasion they identified 27 possible traces (pillars) of the Constantine I Bridge erected between Oescus and Sucidava. The traces of the piles stretch along a linear route for 820 m, while the average distance between them is around 30 m. Additional magnetometric investigations were carried out in the fall of 2022, between the northern portal, the ancient tributary and the mouth of Bozahuzului (from Tr. boğaz, mouth, narrow strait or entrance), also called Banului, or Celeiului backwater. Their result consisted in the identification of seven other anomalies (pillars) due to the Constantinian bridge, over a length of approx. 210 m. The respective anomalies show a rigorous alignment with the northern portal and the masonry piles highlighted by the bathymetry carried out through the Danube bed, and the distance between them is, again, identical.
Research Interests:
This paper is presenting the very little-known late version of a specific ceramic class, i.e. the Late Roman Light-Colored Ware (LRLCW, in Turkish Açık Renkli Seramikler). It was introduced in the literature by John W. Hayes during the... more
This paper is presenting the very little-known late version of a specific ceramic class, i.e. the Late Roman Light-Colored Ware (LRLCW, in Turkish Açık Renkli Seramikler). It was introduced in the literature by John W. Hayes during the 1960s, following the excavations from Saraçhane/ St. Polyeuktos Church in Constantinople and resumed in his fundamental work, Late Roman Pottery (1972). Regarding the production area, J.W. Hayes postulated and continued to consider a South Aegean origin of the ware, in Knidos (Caria). Both recent finds and macroscopic features of the fabric might actually indicate the northeastern Aegean and (or) the southern shores of the Propontis, between Pergamon and Cyzicus. LRLCW is a ware characterized by a fine-textured, pale fabric, mostly cream or orange, and was produced between ca AD 420-450 and the early decades of the 7th century AD.
The late version of LRLCW included high-footed dishes of quite different sizes. Their maximum diameter oscillates between 13-36 cm. The specific decoration of the plates is a typically champlevé one (in Turkish, they are called Kazıma-Kabartılı Seramikler), heralding a Middle-Byzantine ware from the end of the 12th - 13th century. The catalogue included 30 pieces and a modern forgery from Odessos (nowadays Varna, Bulgaria). The latter is actually a copy of an ancient unidentified original. The known finds came from Constantinople, Nicaea, Zeitinliada and Parion, in the Propontis, from Methymna in Lesbos, from Pergamon, Allianoi, Sardis, Laodicea ad Lycum, and, finally, from Antiochia ad Orontem and Porphyreon, in the Eastern Mediterranean. Three more pieces were found in Histria and belong to contexts that could be dated during the last decades of the 6th century – early decades of the 7th century AD. The findspots were a street in the so-called ”Cetate” Sector and the northeastern annex of the Bishop’s basilica in Histria. In our opinion, it is most likely that such unusual tableware piggybacked the marble trade. The latter meant semifinished or finished pieces supplied along with specialized stonecutters from the Propontis (Proconnesus) or North Aegean, either for the Bishop’s basilica or for other churches of the city.
The decorative repertoire is very diverse: venationes and venatores that remind the Sasanian Royal Hunt, wild beasts and mythological figures, religious scenes, all enclosed by secondary, repetitive geometric or vegetal patterns. Every dish is a unicum and all were made by highly skilled craftsmen. Besides the Sasanian artistic influences, the inspiration was offered by the Early Byzantine silverware (vasa argentea) from Constantinople. Late LRLCW with champlevé decoration seems to be a regional response to the large African ceramic plates that start reconquering the Eastern Mediterranean, the Aegean and the capital subsequent to the Justinian’s victory over the Vandals in AD 533-534. Typologically, they synthesized the high ring foot of ARSW Hayes 89-90 and some of the distinctive features of the large ARSW Hayes 104-105 dishes, produced and marketed during the 6th – first half of the 7th century.
The late version of LRLCW included high-footed dishes of quite different sizes. Their maximum diameter oscillates between 13-36 cm. The specific decoration of the plates is a typically champlevé one (in Turkish, they are called Kazıma-Kabartılı Seramikler), heralding a Middle-Byzantine ware from the end of the 12th - 13th century. The catalogue included 30 pieces and a modern forgery from Odessos (nowadays Varna, Bulgaria). The latter is actually a copy of an ancient unidentified original. The known finds came from Constantinople, Nicaea, Zeitinliada and Parion, in the Propontis, from Methymna in Lesbos, from Pergamon, Allianoi, Sardis, Laodicea ad Lycum, and, finally, from Antiochia ad Orontem and Porphyreon, in the Eastern Mediterranean. Three more pieces were found in Histria and belong to contexts that could be dated during the last decades of the 6th century – early decades of the 7th century AD. The findspots were a street in the so-called ”Cetate” Sector and the northeastern annex of the Bishop’s basilica in Histria. In our opinion, it is most likely that such unusual tableware piggybacked the marble trade. The latter meant semifinished or finished pieces supplied along with specialized stonecutters from the Propontis (Proconnesus) or North Aegean, either for the Bishop’s basilica or for other churches of the city.
The decorative repertoire is very diverse: venationes and venatores that remind the Sasanian Royal Hunt, wild beasts and mythological figures, religious scenes, all enclosed by secondary, repetitive geometric or vegetal patterns. Every dish is a unicum and all were made by highly skilled craftsmen. Besides the Sasanian artistic influences, the inspiration was offered by the Early Byzantine silverware (vasa argentea) from Constantinople. Late LRLCW with champlevé decoration seems to be a regional response to the large African ceramic plates that start reconquering the Eastern Mediterranean, the Aegean and the capital subsequent to the Justinian’s victory over the Vandals in AD 533-534. Typologically, they synthesized the high ring foot of ARSW Hayes 89-90 and some of the distinctive features of the large ARSW Hayes 104-105 dishes, produced and marketed during the 6th – first half of the 7th century.
Research Interests:
The topic of the paper focused on three architectural projects at service of the leading national idea in the 19th century: the latinitas of the modern Romanians and the bellum Dacicum Traiani, the ”founding story”, dated 101-102, 105-106... more
The topic of the paper focused on three architectural projects at service of the leading national idea in the 19th century: the latinitas of the modern Romanians and the bellum Dacicum Traiani, the ”founding story”, dated 101-102, 105-106 AD. It galvanized the most important historians, statesmen, famous Romanian linguists or journalists, public opinion. They all contributed to an identity concept, later on ascribed to the most prominent Romanian historian, Nicolae Iorga: ”Romania and the Romanians - a Latin enclave at the Gates of Orient, a Latin island in a Slavic sea”.
All three projects were designed to embellish central places of Bucharest, the capital of the United Principalities (after 1862) and of the Kingdom of Romania (after 1881). The full scale of the key monuments – the copy of Trajan`s Column and the reconstruction of Tropaeum Traiani (Trajan`s Trophy at Adamklissi, in Moesia Inferior) – pleads for the high official role designed for the architectural ensembles around them.
A first attempt dated 1887 belonged to German Architects Heino Schmieden, Weltzien and Speer who issued an ambitious project of a thorough cultural ensemble, i.e. a large square hosting the National Museum, Library, State Archives, Pinacoteca and a proper seat for the Romanian Academy. Trajan's Column was supposed to dominate in full scale from the very center of this large square on the south bank of the Dâmbovița river. A second project belongs to Giulio Magni, who lived and worked in Bucharest at that time (from 1893-1894 to 1906). The Italian architect proposed in 1896 a monumental square (168 x 100m) in front of the University, with two main classical buildings, a Library and a Museum, and again a cast bronze copy of the Column. At the top of the Collona Traiana a copy of Trajan`s statue in the Museum of Naples would have overlooked the square. According to the plans of Magni, the Column stood at the center of an axis given by the classical frontón with columns of the University and was equally aligned to both Library and Museum. The topographic position of the ensemble was conceived as the very “bellybutton” (omphalos) of modern Bucharest.
Finally, an attempt of reconstructing the Tropaeum Traiani in a central place of Bucharest gathered high political proponents and major financial support during the same last two decades of the 19th century. The monument was raised by Trajan and offered to Mars Ultor in 109 AD, after the war with the Dacians and was investigated between 1882-1894 by Grigore Tocilescu, Professor at the University in Bucharest and Director of the National Museum of Antiquities. Neither plans nor any topographic distribution survived. Still, one knows for sure that the intention was precisely that of anastylosis, i.e. the reconstructing of the monument with original parts (including metopes) in a central place of Bucharest. The original site, the village of Adamklissi, was à vol d'oiseau at ca 150 km away from the capital, after crossing the Danube. The reconstructed circular monument, topped by the trophy, should have virtually equaled in height the Collona Traiana.
None of the three generous projects succeeded, none got to be ever put into place.
All three projects were designed to embellish central places of Bucharest, the capital of the United Principalities (after 1862) and of the Kingdom of Romania (after 1881). The full scale of the key monuments – the copy of Trajan`s Column and the reconstruction of Tropaeum Traiani (Trajan`s Trophy at Adamklissi, in Moesia Inferior) – pleads for the high official role designed for the architectural ensembles around them.
A first attempt dated 1887 belonged to German Architects Heino Schmieden, Weltzien and Speer who issued an ambitious project of a thorough cultural ensemble, i.e. a large square hosting the National Museum, Library, State Archives, Pinacoteca and a proper seat for the Romanian Academy. Trajan's Column was supposed to dominate in full scale from the very center of this large square on the south bank of the Dâmbovița river. A second project belongs to Giulio Magni, who lived and worked in Bucharest at that time (from 1893-1894 to 1906). The Italian architect proposed in 1896 a monumental square (168 x 100m) in front of the University, with two main classical buildings, a Library and a Museum, and again a cast bronze copy of the Column. At the top of the Collona Traiana a copy of Trajan`s statue in the Museum of Naples would have overlooked the square. According to the plans of Magni, the Column stood at the center of an axis given by the classical frontón with columns of the University and was equally aligned to both Library and Museum. The topographic position of the ensemble was conceived as the very “bellybutton” (omphalos) of modern Bucharest.
Finally, an attempt of reconstructing the Tropaeum Traiani in a central place of Bucharest gathered high political proponents and major financial support during the same last two decades of the 19th century. The monument was raised by Trajan and offered to Mars Ultor in 109 AD, after the war with the Dacians and was investigated between 1882-1894 by Grigore Tocilescu, Professor at the University in Bucharest and Director of the National Museum of Antiquities. Neither plans nor any topographic distribution survived. Still, one knows for sure that the intention was precisely that of anastylosis, i.e. the reconstructing of the monument with original parts (including metopes) in a central place of Bucharest. The original site, the village of Adamklissi, was à vol d'oiseau at ca 150 km away from the capital, after crossing the Danube. The reconstructed circular monument, topped by the trophy, should have virtually equaled in height the Collona Traiana.
None of the three generous projects succeeded, none got to be ever put into place.
Research Interests:
The article is focused on the 2nd to 4th century milestones recorded by archaeological excavations at Capidava and within a range not exceeding 15 miles, as the crow flies. Our inquiry pinpointed several finds from Dorobanțu, Seimenii... more
The article is focused on the 2nd to 4th century milestones recorded
by archaeological excavations at Capidava and within a range not exceeding 15 miles, as the crow flies. Our inquiry pinpointed several finds from Dorobanțu, Seimenii Mari, Capidava and the nearby Topalu (10 pillars), set up on the occasion of the road construction works under emperors Hadrian (?), Antoninus Pius and Septimius Severus, Aurelian, by the Tetrachs and, finally, during Constantine.
One should highlight the find cluster of Aurelian’s milliaria in the area Topalu – Capidava (3 out of 10 referred supra, comparable in Moesia Inferior only to the situation from around Sexaginta Prista). Considering that unusual clustering, as well as all archaeological pieces of evidence we have for now on the begining of the general reconstruction of the castellum at Capidava under Aurelian and Probus, at the end of the bellum Scythicum, one might rightly infer a local major event.
To such an interpretation, a well-known building inscription (Bauinschrift, CIL III 12456 = ISM IV 88) from Durostorum honored Aurelian for bringing the city back to its former splendour (in pristinam splendorem restituta). The inscription was equally and prominently set into one wall to the memory of the war against the Carpi, somewhere inter Carsium et Sucidavam. But what if Capidava and the area around it had actually to do with those fierce battles?
by archaeological excavations at Capidava and within a range not exceeding 15 miles, as the crow flies. Our inquiry pinpointed several finds from Dorobanțu, Seimenii Mari, Capidava and the nearby Topalu (10 pillars), set up on the occasion of the road construction works under emperors Hadrian (?), Antoninus Pius and Septimius Severus, Aurelian, by the Tetrachs and, finally, during Constantine.
One should highlight the find cluster of Aurelian’s milliaria in the area Topalu – Capidava (3 out of 10 referred supra, comparable in Moesia Inferior only to the situation from around Sexaginta Prista). Considering that unusual clustering, as well as all archaeological pieces of evidence we have for now on the begining of the general reconstruction of the castellum at Capidava under Aurelian and Probus, at the end of the bellum Scythicum, one might rightly infer a local major event.
To such an interpretation, a well-known building inscription (Bauinschrift, CIL III 12456 = ISM IV 88) from Durostorum honored Aurelian for bringing the city back to its former splendour (in pristinam splendorem restituta). The inscription was equally and prominently set into one wall to the memory of the war against the Carpi, somewhere inter Carsium et Sucidavam. But what if Capidava and the area around it had actually to do with those fierce battles?
Research Interests:
The military bath house (balneum) from Capidava was excavated first in 1988-1993, by a team lead by V. Cheluță-Georgescu, but unfortunately was never published. The authors of this paper made a second excavation of the building in 2017,... more
The military bath house (balneum) from Capidava was excavated first in 1988-1993, by a team lead by V. Cheluță-Georgescu, but unfortunately was never published. The authors of this paper made a second excavation of the building in 2017, and together with the few data from the first excavation, are trying to shed some light on this subject. The building is a small bathing complex, with a simple circuit, erected during the reign of Trajan. It has two main phases, an early 2nd century phase and another dating from early 3rd century, with several reparations or enlargements in between. The only dating elements are those resulted from the comparative typology of the brick stamps, namely the legio XI Claudia pia fidelis (in tabula ansata) type from the first decade of the 2nd century to the early 3rd century legio XI Claudia Antoniniana one (LEGXICPF/ LEGXICL/ LEGXICLANT, with ANT in ligature). One should also add several early stamps of the legio V Macedonica (LEGVMAC, with MA in ligature), supposedly used for building interventions to the balneum, happening no later than 168 AD, when the legion left the headquarters in Troesmis for its new assignment in Dacia, at Potaissa. As an interesting feature one should mention the presence of a sudatio/laconicum (hot sauna), quite uncommon for the smaller baths such as this.
Research Interests:
A stray find from Rasova (Constanța county, Romania) bearing a CLASF[M] inscription made me tackle again the issue of the construction material with stamps of Classis Flavia Moesica, typology included. The tile has a special importance.... more
A stray find from Rasova (Constanța county, Romania) bearing a CLASF[M] inscription made me tackle again the issue of the construction material with stamps of Classis Flavia Moesica, typology included. The tile has a special importance. It is actually the missing puzzle piece for inferring an early Trajanic fleet installation in Rasova. I found it at the top of the so-called ”Fortress Hill”. The latter is located next to a horreum and monumental context with a Bauinschrift (dated during the autumn of 106 AD or a little later) and moreover along to the limes road in precisely the same place where later on Flaviana and Milites Nauclarii were mentioned in Notitia Dignitatum (Or., XXXIX, 20). Given the lack of clear archaeological contexts, it is hard to say for now if the CLASFM stamps are early 2nd century or later ones. The production must be cautiously distributed between, roughly speaking, Trajan's bellum Dacicum and the end of the Antonine dinasty.
Research Interests:
Abstract: Few things have been written on Roman Rasova, although the subject proves to be a generous one and invites to further archaeological investigations. A fragmentary tile bearing a CLASF[M] inscription that I recently found at the... more
Abstract: Few things have been written on Roman Rasova, although the subject proves to be a generous one and invites to further archaeological investigations. A fragmentary tile bearing a CLASF[M] inscription that I recently found at the top of the so-called ”Fortress Hill” made me tackle again the issue of the construction material with stamps of Classis Flavia Moesica on the Lower Danube. It was the perfect argument for inferring an early Trajanic fleet installation southwest of the modern village of Rasova, on the right bank of Baciu Lake. The statio was located next to a horreum and an undetermined monumental context with a building inscription (Bauinschrift dated 106 AD) and moreover along to what must have been the limes road. That was most likely the same place where later on Flaviana was rebuilt by Constantine the Great and the milites nauclarii must have been garrisoned, according to Notitia Dignitatum (Or., XXXIX, 20). For such purpose, the right bank of Baciu Lake was offering much more appropriate conditions than the next Caramancea and Cochirleni Lake valleys. The mapping of all three – statio, horreum and via militaris – was just the starting point of a thorough and critical discussion on the archaeological sites, inscriptions, coins, ancient roads and landscape of the area, based upon existing pieces of information and map analysis. It became conspicuous that the statio in Rasova with its storage facilities was as early as Trajan’s time vital for provisioning the new inland imperial foundation in Tropaeum Traiani. The logical conclusion is as follows: the anonymous statio from Rasova was from the very beginning the supply port of the new interior city. The latter stood within a day’s reach (fourteen miles) from the Danube and a road was built via Hațeg village, in order to sustain both military and civil fast expanding consumption index.
Research Interests:
Rezumat: Articolul aduce în prim plan descoperirile de echipament militar roman din ultimile patru campanii de la Capidava, respectiv între anii 2015 și 2019. Echipamentul prezentat este, în marea parte a sa, caracteristic echipamentului... more
Rezumat:
Articolul aduce în prim plan descoperirile de echipament militar roman din ultimile patru campanii de la Capidava, respectiv între anii 2015 și 2019. Echipamentul prezentat este, în marea parte a sa, caracteristic echipamentului călăreților auxiliari romani din secolele I-II p. Chr. Piesele au fost descoperite în contextul cel mai timpuriu cercetat vreodată la Capidava, respectiv prima fază de piatră a castrului, mai exact ruinele unor clădiri, pe care le bănuim a fi barăci militare, situate în retentura dextra. Aceste clădiri au fost descoperite cu ocazia cercetării arheologice exhaustive a edificiului numit Principia romană târzie, o clădire mare cu absidă, care datează din secolul IV p. Chr. Acesta suprapune barăcile timpurii, care au fost anterior demolate până la nivelul primei asize de elevație din zidărie de piatră legată cu pământ.
Abstract:
This paper emphasizes on the discoveries of Roman military equipment from the last four campaigns form Capidava (2015-2019). The equipment presented is, for the most part, characteristic of the equipment of Roman auxiliary horsemen from the 1st and 2nd centuries AD. The artefacts were discovered in the earliest context ever researched at Capidava, respectively the first stone-masonry phase of the fort, more precisely the remains of some buildings, which we believe to be military barracks, located in the retentura dextra. These buildings were discovered during the exhaustive archaeological research of the building that we believe to be the Late Roman Principia, a large building with an apse, dating from the 4th century AD. It overlaps the early barracks, which were previously demolished to the level of the first elevation course, made from stone masonry bonded with earth mortar.
Articolul aduce în prim plan descoperirile de echipament militar roman din ultimile patru campanii de la Capidava, respectiv între anii 2015 și 2019. Echipamentul prezentat este, în marea parte a sa, caracteristic echipamentului călăreților auxiliari romani din secolele I-II p. Chr. Piesele au fost descoperite în contextul cel mai timpuriu cercetat vreodată la Capidava, respectiv prima fază de piatră a castrului, mai exact ruinele unor clădiri, pe care le bănuim a fi barăci militare, situate în retentura dextra. Aceste clădiri au fost descoperite cu ocazia cercetării arheologice exhaustive a edificiului numit Principia romană târzie, o clădire mare cu absidă, care datează din secolul IV p. Chr. Acesta suprapune barăcile timpurii, care au fost anterior demolate până la nivelul primei asize de elevație din zidărie de piatră legată cu pământ.
Abstract:
This paper emphasizes on the discoveries of Roman military equipment from the last four campaigns form Capidava (2015-2019). The equipment presented is, for the most part, characteristic of the equipment of Roman auxiliary horsemen from the 1st and 2nd centuries AD. The artefacts were discovered in the earliest context ever researched at Capidava, respectively the first stone-masonry phase of the fort, more precisely the remains of some buildings, which we believe to be military barracks, located in the retentura dextra. These buildings were discovered during the exhaustive archaeological research of the building that we believe to be the Late Roman Principia, a large building with an apse, dating from the 4th century AD. It overlaps the early barracks, which were previously demolished to the level of the first elevation course, made from stone masonry bonded with earth mortar.
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Eight different fortifications of unequal size and strategic importance are tackled in this contribution, namely the ones along the Danube limes, starting at Seimenii Mari, Stânca Topalu-Cariera Cekirgea, Gârliciu-Cius, Luncavița-Milan,... more
Eight different fortifications of unequal size and strategic importance are tackled in this contribution, namely the ones along the Danube limes, starting at Seimenii Mari, Stânca Topalu-Cariera Cekirgea, Gârliciu-Cius, Luncavița-Milan, Isaccea-Noviodunum, Tulcea-Aegyssus, and two more Late Roman quadriburgia, controlling the inner roads at Mihai Bravu and Mircea Vodă. Excepting for Noviodunum and Aegyssus, none of the above mentioned limes forts was subject to thorough archaeological investigations which is why all of them entered lately into the scope of the Romanian LIMES National Programme. As a matter of fact, within the framework of the World Heritage List nomination preparings, the entire Lower Danube Roman frontier became subject to detailed surveys and drone flight records (with orthographic and oblique shots) which were corroborated with all the information available so far in the archives. Therefore, a partial Forschungsstand for all this intensive research is presented in the following pages. Our approach is formally a holistic one, aiming at integrating and understanding the dynamics of both limes and interior communities, covering their communication mediums, landscape and resources. In this respect, new promising steps were also taken for identifying civitas Ausdecensium at Cetatea (commune of Dobromir, Constanța county), in southern Dobrudja. What we already know for sure is that in the 4th century the members of a prosperous habitation along the imperial road from Marcianopolis, running through Zaldapa, Tropaeum Traiani (possibly, Mircea Vodă) and Ulmetum, to Noviodunum peacefully dwelt within the area of the modern village. T his paper represents an updated synthesis of the most recent results yielded by multidisciplinary research carried out in a number of Roman fortifications by the Lower Danube frontier, within the LIMES National Programme 1. The results of field data collection through field walks, surveys and drone flight records (orthographic and oblique photos and shots) 2 , corroborated with the current available archives information, 1 http://limesromania.ro 2 Daniel Costea-https://filmarecudrona.ro/
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Rezumat: Articolul își propune realizarea unui stadiu al cercetărilor din provincia Scythia privitor la o categorie de amfore de mici dimensiuni, cunoscute sub numele de spatheion (σπάθειον) iar în tipologii drept tipul Bonifay 33/... more
Rezumat: Articolul își propune realizarea unui stadiu al cercetărilor din provincia Scythia privitor la o categorie de amfore de mici dimensiuni, cunoscute sub numele de spatheion (σπάθειον) iar în tipologii drept tipul Bonifay 33/ Berenice LRA 8a/ Peacock-Williams 51/ Kuzmanov VIII/ Scorpan 1976 tip 16 S. Aceste amfore cilindrice, de volum redus (cca. 1,5 l) se găsesc între produsele importate din exarhatul Africii în ultima jumătate de veac de stăpânire romană la Dunărea de Jos. Cu această ocazie sunt publicate 5 noi piese, dintre care 3 provin de la Capidava și alte 2 de la Axiopolis (?). Piesele de la Capidava sunt datate în contexte din ultimele două decenii ale sec. al VI-lea – începutul sec. al VII-lea, în timp ce spatheia din colecția Muzeului Axiopolis de la Cernavoda provin din descoperiri întâmplătoare, dar aparțin aceluiași orizont cronologic.
Abstract: The topic of our article is an overview of the current status of research for the whole province of Scythia regarding an unmistakeable small 6 th century AD amphora type. It is commonly known in the scientific literature as spatheion (σπάθειον) and currently appears in typologies as type Bonifay 33 / Berenice LRA 8a / Peacock-Williams 51 / Kuzmanov VIII / Scorpan 1976 type 16 S. Such cylindrical small sized and low-volume containers (about 1.5 l) arrived in Scythia with other products imported from the Exarchate of Africa during the last half century of Roman rule on the Lower Danube. On this occasion 5 new spatheia are introduced to the scientific literature, i.e. 3 from Capidava and another 2 from Axiopolis (?). The amphorae from Capidava have all secured contexts dating from the last two decades of the 6th century – beginning of the 7th century, whereas the twin spatheia kept in the collection of the Axiopolis Museum in Cernavoda yielded from accidental discoveries, even if they clearly belong to the same chronological horizon.
Abstract: The topic of our article is an overview of the current status of research for the whole province of Scythia regarding an unmistakeable small 6 th century AD amphora type. It is commonly known in the scientific literature as spatheion (σπάθειον) and currently appears in typologies as type Bonifay 33 / Berenice LRA 8a / Peacock-Williams 51 / Kuzmanov VIII / Scorpan 1976 type 16 S. Such cylindrical small sized and low-volume containers (about 1.5 l) arrived in Scythia with other products imported from the Exarchate of Africa during the last half century of Roman rule on the Lower Danube. On this occasion 5 new spatheia are introduced to the scientific literature, i.e. 3 from Capidava and another 2 from Axiopolis (?). The amphorae from Capidava have all secured contexts dating from the last two decades of the 6th century – beginning of the 7th century, whereas the twin spatheia kept in the collection of the Axiopolis Museum in Cernavoda yielded from accidental discoveries, even if they clearly belong to the same chronological horizon.
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Our paper presents all modern historical sources and maps available mentioning the Roman Fort at the southern limit of Seimenii Mari village (Constanța County), on a 60 ha plateau next to the Danube. The first professional visitor of the... more
Our paper presents all modern historical sources and maps available mentioning the Roman Fort at the southern limit of Seimenii Mari village (Constanța County), on a 60 ha plateau next to the Danube. The first professional visitor of the site was Pamfil Polonic, most likely during his intensive activity for over one decade at the National Museum of Antiquities (1892-1902), under the direction of Grigore Tocilescu. He drew up a site plan of the plateau and left relevant information regarding a recently discovered Roman fort destroyed by the river, the position of a second watchtower and of a civil settlement surrounded by a vallum and ditch defensive system. The ”large” Roman fort had a rectangular (square?) shape with sides of at least 80 m (i.e. the measured length of the eastern wall, not long before Polonic's visit); the watchtower was subsequent and had a 20 m long eastern side, with northern and southern walls partially preserved. One of the unresolved issues is the one regarding the dating of the civil settlement, the vallum and the ditch enclosure: Pamfil Polonic, Grigore Florescu and most of the Romanian historiography assigned it to the Roman epoch; K. Skorpil, on the other hand, briefly formulated the hypothesis of an Early Bulgar fortified settlement and he was followed by S. Torbatov. Since no archaeological investigation followed after the short campaign of Gr. Florescu at Seimeni (1924), it is impossible for the moment to formulate a relevant answer. Cartographic sources were also an essential part of our approach, namely Charta României Meridionale/ Map of Southern Romania (1864), also known as The Szatmari Map, Jakob Weiss' map (dated 1911) or the Romanian Military Maps, ”Planurile Directoare de Tragere”, drafted at a 1: 20000 scale after World War I, with the short notice ”La cetate”/ „At the Citadel”. Mapping the numismatic evidence at Seimenii Mari, Seimenii Mici and the surrounding area might also help us understand the anthropic habitation, well attested after emperor Aurelian until the Hunic raids in the 5th century and once again during Justinian (538/539) and Tiberius II Constantine (580/581). Both older and more recent surveys carried out along the Siliștea Valley (with the Domneasca Mare and Domneasca Mică lakes) and the successive Purcăreți, Ramazan (or Ramadan) and Țibrinu Lakes, unveiled numerous Hallstatt (Babadag I), Latène, to Early and Late Roman, Romano-Byzantine and Middle Byzantine (Dridu) habitation sites in the area between the Danube and the tributary valleys. Last but not least, epigraphy is essential for the accurate mapping of the Roman fortified site at Seimenii Mari. It stood along the limes road (via militaris), precisely six miles (or 6000 paces) from Axiopolis, according to the two preserved milestones found in the civil settlement and dating back to the last year of Antoninus Pius (AD 160) and the reign of Septimius Severus (AD 200), under governors L. Iulius Statilius Severus and C. Ovinius Tertullus. A Tetrarchic "Bauinschrift" dated 293-305 from Seimenii Mari belongs to a Lower Danube series (Zernes/ Donje Butorke, Sexaginta Prista/ Ruse, Transmarisca/ Tutrakan, Durostorum/ Silistra and Halmyris/ Murighiol), attesting the (re)construction of the local burgus/ praesidium.
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This paper is a preliminary report of the newest results from pluridisciplinary research undertaken on the Lower Danube limes, between Durostorum and Dunavățu de Jos. Our goal is to bring up to date the available information regarding the... more
This paper is a preliminary report of the newest results from pluridisciplinary research undertaken on the Lower Danube limes, between Durostorum and Dunavățu de Jos. Our goal is to bring up to date the available information regarding the fortifications located on the Early and Later Roman limes in Dobrudja, in a similar manner to the reports on the various areas/sites of the frontiers of the Roman Empire, published periodically in the proceedings of the international Limes congresses. For Dobrudja, the most recent ones were published almost two decades ago (1997-2005).
The data were gathered throughout the progress of the Romanian National Limes Programme. The monuments were identified through multiple approaches, as specified in the Action Plan of the programme, such as field walking and sampling, topographical measurements and drone flights (aerial photography, oblique, orthophotography and recordings) and compared to the available archives. We focus on the fortifications and the adjacent areas in order to establish a proper protection plan management and to include these sites on the World Heritage list.
The data were gathered throughout the progress of the Romanian National Limes Programme. The monuments were identified through multiple approaches, as specified in the Action Plan of the programme, such as field walking and sampling, topographical measurements and drone flights (aerial photography, oblique, orthophotography and recordings) and compared to the available archives. We focus on the fortifications and the adjacent areas in order to establish a proper protection plan management and to include these sites on the World Heritage list.
Research Interests:
The preventive excavations of the entire complex of the southeastern gate (main gate) of the Capidava fort took place during August-September 2015 (more precisely 13.08-05.09.2015) and was part of a general investigation on the precincts... more
The preventive excavations of the entire complex of the southeastern gate (main gate) of the Capidava fort took place during August-September 2015 (more precisely 13.08-05.09.2015) and was part of a general investigation on the precincts and towers of the Late Roman fort. The respective project was entitled ”Restoration, consolidation, protection, conservation and enhancement of the archaeological site Capidava fort”. It belongs to the Regional Operational Program 2007-2013, Priority Axis 5, Major Field of intervention 5.1. The beneficiary of the project are the Constanța County Council and the appointed general designer SC Abral Art Product SRL, under the coordination of architect Ioan Aurel Botez (project leader) and architect Anișoara Sion (deputy project leader).
Despite the fact that the area and the period of the excavation might seem reduced, the research was intensive and undoubtedly represents an essential contribution to the evolution of the Roman and the Romano-Byzantine fortifications from Capidava.
To summarize, the results of the investigation revealed four constructive phases of the gate tower: the first phase dates from the 2nd century to the first half of the 3rd century AD and had ended violently during the great Gothic invasions that took place in mid-3rd century AD. Phase 2 dates from the second half of the 3rd century, sometime between the reign of Emperors Aurelian, Probus and Diocletian (284-305), enclosing the remains of the previous tower and having a much larger front. It is the stage that corresponds to the erection of smaller U shaped towers (towers 3, 5 and 9), along the eastern and southern precincts. Phases 3 and 4 were built either to follow or in some places to amplify the limits of the previous phase. Their dating covers the 4th century, respectively the last part of the 5th to the beginning of the 6th century AD. The last construction phase most likely happened sometime during the reign of Emperor Anastasius (491-518), also involved in the repair of Curtain Wall H, attached to
the gate tower. This construction logic ended during the 9th decade of the 6th century after the dramatic attacks that occurred between 582-586 AD, when the curtains G and H together with the gate and the gate tower, were destroyed. Sometime, at the end of the 6th century - the beginning of the 7th century AD. (these events took place
after 595/596 or maybe even in the time of Emperor Phocas) a “late castellum” was hastily erected in the southern quarter of the fort, but it was just an ephemeral defensive ensemble. The heroic “life among ruins” and precarious living structures lasted until the second decade of the 7th century as proven by a last follis, issued under Emperor Heraclius and dated around 612/613 AD.
The re-documenting and redefining of all levels of construction of the military precinct brought new, precious information, allowing multiple interpretations and associations with dramatic events from the history of the Lower Danube limes throughout early 2nd to early 7th century.
Despite the fact that the area and the period of the excavation might seem reduced, the research was intensive and undoubtedly represents an essential contribution to the evolution of the Roman and the Romano-Byzantine fortifications from Capidava.
To summarize, the results of the investigation revealed four constructive phases of the gate tower: the first phase dates from the 2nd century to the first half of the 3rd century AD and had ended violently during the great Gothic invasions that took place in mid-3rd century AD. Phase 2 dates from the second half of the 3rd century, sometime between the reign of Emperors Aurelian, Probus and Diocletian (284-305), enclosing the remains of the previous tower and having a much larger front. It is the stage that corresponds to the erection of smaller U shaped towers (towers 3, 5 and 9), along the eastern and southern precincts. Phases 3 and 4 were built either to follow or in some places to amplify the limits of the previous phase. Their dating covers the 4th century, respectively the last part of the 5th to the beginning of the 6th century AD. The last construction phase most likely happened sometime during the reign of Emperor Anastasius (491-518), also involved in the repair of Curtain Wall H, attached to
the gate tower. This construction logic ended during the 9th decade of the 6th century after the dramatic attacks that occurred between 582-586 AD, when the curtains G and H together with the gate and the gate tower, were destroyed. Sometime, at the end of the 6th century - the beginning of the 7th century AD. (these events took place
after 595/596 or maybe even in the time of Emperor Phocas) a “late castellum” was hastily erected in the southern quarter of the fort, but it was just an ephemeral defensive ensemble. The heroic “life among ruins” and precarious living structures lasted until the second decade of the 7th century as proven by a last follis, issued under Emperor Heraclius and dated around 612/613 AD.
The re-documenting and redefining of all levels of construction of the military precinct brought new, precious information, allowing multiple interpretations and associations with dramatic events from the history of the Lower Danube limes throughout early 2nd to early 7th century.
Research Interests:
The article is specifically tackling the Constantinople Hayes 8 type of clay lamps, dating from the second half of the 5th century to early 7th century AD. Our analysis pinpoints the sites where such lighting devices have been found in... more
The article is specifically tackling the Constantinople Hayes 8 type of clay lamps, dating from the second half of the 5th century to early 7th century AD. Our analysis pinpoints the sites where such lighting devices have been found in the Balkans, along the Lower Danube and in the Black Sea basin, as well as their specific clustering (namely at Constantinople, in association to the Church of St. Polyeuktos at Saraçhane, at Halmyris in the Lower Danube province of Scythia, as well as at Tauric Chersonesos in Northern Pontus). The keywords for understanding these lamps are urban sites, maritime or river distribution, the connection to pilgrims and pilgrimage sites, Eastern Mediterranean and Pontic trade network, not to forget the annona maritime route within the Quaestura Iustiniana exercitus. Considering the uncommon canopy on the discus and based upon known archaeological evidence and contexts, our terracotta lamps are arguably embodying concurrent plebeian iconic ways and profound symbolic multiplications of the Holy City with the Edicule of the Holy Sepulchre.
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Our paper aims at bringing more facts to light over one of the Lower Danube forts – i.e. Cius (Gârliciu), by using all available data, including cartographic information, archive mentions by Pamfil Polonic, other epigraphic and numismatic... more
Our paper aims at bringing more facts to light over one of the Lower Danube forts – i.e. Cius (Gârliciu), by using all available data, including cartographic information, archive mentions by Pamfil Polonic, other epigraphic and numismatic elements, or aero-photogrammetric high-resolution imagery.
In early 3rd century AD it was mentioned in Itinerarium Antonini Augusti 224.5, at a distance of 10000 steps from Carsium (Hârșova) and other 14000 steps from Beroe (Piatra Frecăței). Both forts identified at Cius are situated on Hissarlık Hill, at the end of a 1.5 km long narrow peninsula mentioned by Themistius in the 4th century AD, almost surrounded by water and wetland. In ancient times, Cius must have had direct contact to the river and very likely had its own port. Nobody knows anything on the earlier 2nd-3rd century castellum and if it stood on the same plateau or if it exploited some other vantage point in the area.
On the contrary, Late Roman Cius (120 x 120 m) was built, as most of the fortifications along the Lower Danube frontier, in the last decades of the 3rd — early decades of the 4th century. Equipped with U-shaped towers and possibly with a splayed fan-shaped or rectangular (?) corner-tower projecting outward, the larger fortification presents typical Tetrarchic / Constantinian characteristics, revealed by interpreting recent aerial photos.
A second, smaller fort (85 x 60 m) has been identified at the end of the peninsula towards the Hasarlâc Lake. With its Bauinschrift dated AD 369 found somewhere in the middle of its northern side, the latter must be the one explicitly mentioned by Themistius in his On the Peace – 10th Oration, as being built on a personal initiative of Emperor Valens, during his Gothic war against Athanaric.
In early 3rd century AD it was mentioned in Itinerarium Antonini Augusti 224.5, at a distance of 10000 steps from Carsium (Hârșova) and other 14000 steps from Beroe (Piatra Frecăței). Both forts identified at Cius are situated on Hissarlık Hill, at the end of a 1.5 km long narrow peninsula mentioned by Themistius in the 4th century AD, almost surrounded by water and wetland. In ancient times, Cius must have had direct contact to the river and very likely had its own port. Nobody knows anything on the earlier 2nd-3rd century castellum and if it stood on the same plateau or if it exploited some other vantage point in the area.
On the contrary, Late Roman Cius (120 x 120 m) was built, as most of the fortifications along the Lower Danube frontier, in the last decades of the 3rd — early decades of the 4th century. Equipped with U-shaped towers and possibly with a splayed fan-shaped or rectangular (?) corner-tower projecting outward, the larger fortification presents typical Tetrarchic / Constantinian characteristics, revealed by interpreting recent aerial photos.
A second, smaller fort (85 x 60 m) has been identified at the end of the peninsula towards the Hasarlâc Lake. With its Bauinschrift dated AD 369 found somewhere in the middle of its northern side, the latter must be the one explicitly mentioned by Themistius in his On the Peace – 10th Oration, as being built on a personal initiative of Emperor Valens, during his Gothic war against Athanaric.
Research Interests:
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În anul 2006 a fost realizat un sondaj în fortificația romană de la Stânca Topalu (com. Topalu, jud. Constanța) în vederea obținerii informațiilor stratigrafice. Fortificația de la Stânca Topalu, conform informației istorice disponibile,... more
În anul 2006 a fost realizat un sondaj în fortificația romană de la Stânca Topalu (com. Topalu, jud. Constanța) în vederea obținerii informațiilor stratigrafice. Fortificația de la Stânca Topalu, conform informației istorice disponibile, este un castru ridicat de o unitate auxiliară, pe un promontoriu situat la 4 km Nord de satul Topalu. Fortificația romană avea o formă patrulateră cu laturi de cca 170 x 116 m, ruinele antice fiind vizibile la suprafață în anul 1890. Mare parte din latura de vest şi de nord au fost distruse de o veche carieră de piatră, astăzi râmând o suprafața de aproximativ 0,66 ha. Autorii articolului valorifică toate datele cunoscute până în prezent despre fortificația de la Stânca Topalu. Noua documentare fotografică, realizată în cadrul Programului Național Limes, evidențiază nu doar sistemul defensiv, dar și un edificiu cu absidă (biserică?), amplasat la mică distanță de jumătatea laturii de Sud. Toate aceste date, vor constitui foarte probabil punct de plecare pentru noi cercetări arheologice sistematice ale acestei fortificații.
Abstract (The Roman fortress from Stânca Topalu, Quarry 'Margela' (or 'Mariella').
The archaeological file for a well-deserved historical retrieval) In 2006, a survey was carried out in the Roman fortification of Stânca Topalu (the 'Cliff Topalu', Topalu commune, Constanța County) in order to g stratigraphic information. The Stânca Topalu Fort, according to the available historical information, is most likely a fort built by an auxiliary unit, on a promontory located 4 km North of Topalu village. The Roman fortification had a quadrilateral shape with sides of about 170 x 116 m, the ancient ruins being visible on the surface in 1890. Most of the western and northern sides were destroyed by an old stone quarry, today it preserves only an area of approx. 0.66 ha. The authors of the article make use of all the known data on the fortification of Stânca Topalu. The new photographic documentation, made within the Limes National Program, highlights not only the defensive system, but also an edifice with an apse (church?), located at a short distance from the south precinct. All these data will very likely be the starting point for new systematic archaeological investigations of this fortification.
Abstract (The Roman fortress from Stânca Topalu, Quarry 'Margela' (or 'Mariella').
The archaeological file for a well-deserved historical retrieval) In 2006, a survey was carried out in the Roman fortification of Stânca Topalu (the 'Cliff Topalu', Topalu commune, Constanța County) in order to g stratigraphic information. The Stânca Topalu Fort, according to the available historical information, is most likely a fort built by an auxiliary unit, on a promontory located 4 km North of Topalu village. The Roman fortification had a quadrilateral shape with sides of about 170 x 116 m, the ancient ruins being visible on the surface in 1890. Most of the western and northern sides were destroyed by an old stone quarry, today it preserves only an area of approx. 0.66 ha. The authors of the article make use of all the known data on the fortification of Stânca Topalu. The new photographic documentation, made within the Limes National Program, highlights not only the defensive system, but also an edifice with an apse (church?), located at a short distance from the south precinct. All these data will very likely be the starting point for new systematic archaeological investigations of this fortification.
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Rezumat Băile militare de la Capidava au fost săpate pentru prima dată în 1988-1993 de un alt colectiv, dar din păcate nu au fost niciodată publicate. Autorii prezentei lucrări au întreprins o a doua săpătură a clădirii în 2017 și,... more
Rezumat
Băile militare de la Capidava au fost săpate pentru prima dată în 1988-1993 de un alt colectiv, dar din păcate nu au fost niciodată publicate. Autorii prezentei lucrări au întreprins o a doua săpătură a clădirii în 2017 și, împreună cu puținele date din prima săpătură, încearcă să aducă în lumină acest subiect. Clădirea este un mic complex de îmbăiere, cu un circuit simplu, ridicat în timpul domniei lui Traian. Are două faze, o fază timpurie a secolului al II-lea și alta datând din secolul al III-lea, cu mai multe reparații intermediare între ele. Singurele elemente de datare sunt ștampilele tegulare, respectiv tipologia lor comparativă, în special cele aparținând legiunii XI Claudia pia fidelis sau în sec. III p. Chr. legiunii XI Claudia Antoniniana. Ca o caracteristică interesantă menționăm prezența unui/unei sudatio/laconicum (saună fierbinte), destul de neobișnuit pentru băile de dimensiuni reduse precum aceasta.
Abstract (Roman Baths from Capidava. Preventive archaeological excavation report)
The military bath from Capidava was excavated first in 1988-1993, by a different team, but unfortunately was never published. The authors of this paper made a second excavation of the building, in 2017, and in addition to the few data from the first excavation, are trying to shed some light on this subject. The building is a small bathing complex with a simple circuit, erected during the reign of Trajan. It has two phases, an early 2nd century phase and another dating from early 3rd century, with several reparations in between. The only dating elements are the brick stamps, namely their comparative typology, especially those from legio XI Claudia pia fidelis and the early 3rd century legio XI Claudia Antoniniana. As an interesting feature we mention the presence of a sudatio/laconicum (hot sauna), quite uncommon for the smaller baths such as this.
Cuvinte cheie: Băi romane, legiunea XI Claudia, limes-ul Dunării de Jos, castru auxiliar
Key words: Roman Baths, Legio XI Claudia, Lower Danube limes, auxiliary Roman fort
Băile militare de la Capidava au fost săpate pentru prima dată în 1988-1993 de un alt colectiv, dar din păcate nu au fost niciodată publicate. Autorii prezentei lucrări au întreprins o a doua săpătură a clădirii în 2017 și, împreună cu puținele date din prima săpătură, încearcă să aducă în lumină acest subiect. Clădirea este un mic complex de îmbăiere, cu un circuit simplu, ridicat în timpul domniei lui Traian. Are două faze, o fază timpurie a secolului al II-lea și alta datând din secolul al III-lea, cu mai multe reparații intermediare între ele. Singurele elemente de datare sunt ștampilele tegulare, respectiv tipologia lor comparativă, în special cele aparținând legiunii XI Claudia pia fidelis sau în sec. III p. Chr. legiunii XI Claudia Antoniniana. Ca o caracteristică interesantă menționăm prezența unui/unei sudatio/laconicum (saună fierbinte), destul de neobișnuit pentru băile de dimensiuni reduse precum aceasta.
Abstract (Roman Baths from Capidava. Preventive archaeological excavation report)
The military bath from Capidava was excavated first in 1988-1993, by a different team, but unfortunately was never published. The authors of this paper made a second excavation of the building, in 2017, and in addition to the few data from the first excavation, are trying to shed some light on this subject. The building is a small bathing complex with a simple circuit, erected during the reign of Trajan. It has two phases, an early 2nd century phase and another dating from early 3rd century, with several reparations in between. The only dating elements are the brick stamps, namely their comparative typology, especially those from legio XI Claudia pia fidelis and the early 3rd century legio XI Claudia Antoniniana. As an interesting feature we mention the presence of a sudatio/laconicum (hot sauna), quite uncommon for the smaller baths such as this.
Cuvinte cheie: Băi romane, legiunea XI Claudia, limes-ul Dunării de Jos, castru auxiliar
Key words: Roman Baths, Legio XI Claudia, Lower Danube limes, auxiliary Roman fort
Research Interests:
Capidava is a castellum built on the Danubian frontier as early as the years of the Dacian war of emperor Trajan (101-102; 105-106 AD). It remained under Roman rule until the second decade of the 7th century AD. Forgotten after being... more
Capidava is a castellum built on the Danubian frontier as early as the years of the Dacian war of emperor Trajan (101-102; 105-106 AD). It remained under Roman rule until the second decade of the 7th century AD. Forgotten after being definitively abandoned by the Byzantines at the middle of the 11th century AD, the site gradually gained attention in the first two decades of the 20th century due to the stone quarry which cut off the native limestone rock on which ancient Capidava was set.
During an archaeological field trip in 1912 Vasile Pârvan identified the fortification from Capidava and Pamfil Polonic sketched a first situation plan of the ruins. A systematic research began in 1924 led by Grigore Florescu, one of the close students of the Magister as coordinator. The present study exploits a second plan drawn by Pamfil Polonic during the field trip of 1912. The plan is kept in the Library of the Romanian Academy in the Manuscripts and Rare Book Section - P. Polonic Archive and was virtually unknown up until now. The plan illustrates the orderly aspect of the ancient defensive programme and offers additional valuable observations. Starting from each of the corner towers 2 and 6, on NW and SE sides, Pamfil Polonic points out additions to the fortress on which he will further offer more information in Natura. Revistă pentru răspândirea științei [Nature. Magazine for the proliferation of science], XXIV, 7, 1935.
These triangular extensions of the inhabited area undoubtedly pertain to the Middle Byzantine stages of Capidava. The current study exhaustively sums up the information on the Middle Byzantine defence wall, starting with the first reports of its discoverer (Grigore Florescu) in Dacia (Journal of Archaeology and Ancient History, old series) to the systematic research reports published by Zeno Pinter, Marian Țiplic and Claudia Urduzia, which recently checked in 11 research campaigns (2001-2012) in extra muros the existence of the SE extension. The study discusses the course, the constructive details, the preserved areas, analogies and hypothesis concerning the moment when this fortification of stone and earth with an outer ditch was erected. This late fortification system was running round three sides, overlapping the Roman curtains of the castellum.
Keywords: Kale-köy/ Calachioi, Capidava, stone quarry, Vasile Pârvan, Pamfil Polonic, 3rd of August 1912 survey, Grigore Florescu, National Museum of Antiquities, Romanian Commission on Historical Monuments, Roman castellum, Middle Byzantine defence wall.
During an archaeological field trip in 1912 Vasile Pârvan identified the fortification from Capidava and Pamfil Polonic sketched a first situation plan of the ruins. A systematic research began in 1924 led by Grigore Florescu, one of the close students of the Magister as coordinator. The present study exploits a second plan drawn by Pamfil Polonic during the field trip of 1912. The plan is kept in the Library of the Romanian Academy in the Manuscripts and Rare Book Section - P. Polonic Archive and was virtually unknown up until now. The plan illustrates the orderly aspect of the ancient defensive programme and offers additional valuable observations. Starting from each of the corner towers 2 and 6, on NW and SE sides, Pamfil Polonic points out additions to the fortress on which he will further offer more information in Natura. Revistă pentru răspândirea științei [Nature. Magazine for the proliferation of science], XXIV, 7, 1935.
These triangular extensions of the inhabited area undoubtedly pertain to the Middle Byzantine stages of Capidava. The current study exhaustively sums up the information on the Middle Byzantine defence wall, starting with the first reports of its discoverer (Grigore Florescu) in Dacia (Journal of Archaeology and Ancient History, old series) to the systematic research reports published by Zeno Pinter, Marian Țiplic and Claudia Urduzia, which recently checked in 11 research campaigns (2001-2012) in extra muros the existence of the SE extension. The study discusses the course, the constructive details, the preserved areas, analogies and hypothesis concerning the moment when this fortification of stone and earth with an outer ditch was erected. This late fortification system was running round three sides, overlapping the Roman curtains of the castellum.
Keywords: Kale-köy/ Calachioi, Capidava, stone quarry, Vasile Pârvan, Pamfil Polonic, 3rd of August 1912 survey, Grigore Florescu, National Museum of Antiquities, Romanian Commission on Historical Monuments, Roman castellum, Middle Byzantine defence wall.
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This paper is a development from a recently published monograph, i.e. Ioan Carol Opriș, Alexandru Rațiu, CAPIDAVA II. Building C1 - Contributions to the history of annona militaris in the 6th century (with contributions by Andrei Gandilă,... more
This paper is a development from a recently published monograph, i.e. Ioan Carol Opriș, Alexandru Rațiu, CAPIDAVA II. Building C1 - Contributions to the history of annona militaris in the 6th century (with contributions by Andrei Gandilă, Tomasz Ważny, Peter I. Kuniholm, Charlotte L. Pearson, Adriana Rizzo and Choi Mak), Mega Publishing House, Cluj-Napoca, 2017.
The topic deals with the current state of research on the annona system in the Eastern Provinces of the Roman Empire during the 6th century AD, precisely after the creation by Justinian of the quaestura exercitus in 536 AD. Estimations of the military manpower in the Balkans and along the limes in the Danubian Provinces, guideline figures on the total of the civilian population depending on this distribution system, as well as reliable quantitative data regarding the circulation of amphora types carrying the annona goods and associated merchandise have been reassessed.
The topic deals with the current state of research on the annona system in the Eastern Provinces of the Roman Empire during the 6th century AD, precisely after the creation by Justinian of the quaestura exercitus in 536 AD. Estimations of the military manpower in the Balkans and along the limes in the Danubian Provinces, guideline figures on the total of the civilian population depending on this distribution system, as well as reliable quantitative data regarding the circulation of amphora types carrying the annona goods and associated merchandise have been reassessed.
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The article is presenting a collection of several terracotta Christian objects of either liturgical or devotional use found in the province of Scythia. A first category is that of the ceramic holy water stoups (or fonts): a truncated... more
The article is presenting a collection of several terracotta Christian objects of either liturgical or devotional use found in the province of Scythia. A first category is that of the ceramic holy water stoups (or fonts): a truncated column on which the basin part rested was found at Beroe/ Piatra Frecăței, but the most spectacular one came out of the excavations of the Late Roman – Early Byzantine monastic complex at Slava Rusă/ (L)ibida. The former was decorated with vine elements and the ”Kyrie boethi” (gr.) text. Both sites are situated in the Northern part of Dobrudja (Tulcea county).
A beautiful used terracotta censer (turibulum), of similar dimensions to the known bronze analogies of the time was found at Tropaeum Traiani, next to the so-called ”simple basilica” (or basilica A); one should also add here the turibulum, or maybe (more likely) the open float-wick clay lamp with three handles from Capidava.
Last, but not least important, three pilgrim flasks (ampullae) dating from the 6th century were found during the excavations from the last decades at Capidava and Callatis. They directly attest long-distance pilgrimage. Purchased at pilgrimage sites, they were carried back home by individual pilgrims with holy oils, holy water, other secondary contact relics at the end of their journey. Besides the holy sites in Palestine, the most famous Christian shrines of the time were St Menas` at Mareotis (modern Abu Mina, in Egypt), or the popular Asia Minor church of St. John in Ephesus etc. One of these flasks is of Abu Mina Egyptian origin (Capidava), whereas the other two were purchased somewhere in Asia Minor (Capidava and Callatis).
A beautiful used terracotta censer (turibulum), of similar dimensions to the known bronze analogies of the time was found at Tropaeum Traiani, next to the so-called ”simple basilica” (or basilica A); one should also add here the turibulum, or maybe (more likely) the open float-wick clay lamp with three handles from Capidava.
Last, but not least important, three pilgrim flasks (ampullae) dating from the 6th century were found during the excavations from the last decades at Capidava and Callatis. They directly attest long-distance pilgrimage. Purchased at pilgrimage sites, they were carried back home by individual pilgrims with holy oils, holy water, other secondary contact relics at the end of their journey. Besides the holy sites in Palestine, the most famous Christian shrines of the time were St Menas` at Mareotis (modern Abu Mina, in Egypt), or the popular Asia Minor church of St. John in Ephesus etc. One of these flasks is of Abu Mina Egyptian origin (Capidava), whereas the other two were purchased somewhere in Asia Minor (Capidava and Callatis).
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The article presents the Modern historical and cartographic sources rediscovering Capidava – both the toponym and the description of the surviving ruins of a castellum built on the Danube limes as early as the Trajan's war against the... more
The article presents the Modern historical and cartographic sources rediscovering Capidava – both the toponym and the description of the surviving ruins of a castellum built on the Danube limes as early as the Trajan's war against the Dacians in early 2nd century Fallen into oblivion after its definitive abandonment by the middle of the 11th century, the site gradually reverted to public attention after the Romanian War of Independence 1877-1878 and was subsequently repopulated with colonists coming from the Romanian Plain across the Danube. Topalu and Calachioi gain notoriety after 1884 and in the first two decades of the 20th century for their stone quarries, which also damaged the limestone massif with the ancient fort in Capidava guarding the local ford of the Danube.
Our paper offers a methodic review of the first Modern scientific mentions of Capidava, which we owe to Marin Ionescu-Dobrogianu (1904), Grigore Tocilescu (1894-1903), Jakob Weiss (1911), Vasile Pârvan and Pamfil Polonic (1912). Cartographic sources are also mentioned, namely Charta României Meridionale/ Map of Southern Romania (1864), or the local drawing of the Romanian Army's ”Planurile Directoare de Tragere” drafted under 1: 20000 scale after World War I.
During an archaeological survey undertaken in 1912, Vasile Pârvan identified the
fortress of Capidava, and Pamfil Polonic sketched the first ground plan of the ruins. The following year the stone quarry that partially destroyed the fortress was stopped, and the monument could be subsequently placed under the protection of the Commission on Historical Monuments. After a new dramatic moment threatening its state of conservation in 1922, the systematic research of the ancient Capidava was finally authorized by the end of July 1924. This happened under the supervision of Grigore Florescu, assistant at the National Museum of Antiquities and a close disciple of Vasile Pârvan. Several little known or entirely new documents are presented: the first two excavation permits dating from 1924 and 1928, published now for the first time, the manuscripts of Pamfil Polonic kept by the Romanian Academy, official correspondence, plans and photos coming from public and private collections. All mentioned pieces of information contribute at sketching an overview of the preliminary conditions, reasons and backgrounds of the systematic excavations at Capidava. Started off in 1924, and very modern for its time, the Capidava project kept on bringing added value and occasionally paradigmatic contributions to this very day to the archaeology of the Lower Danube Limes in Dobruja.
Our paper offers a methodic review of the first Modern scientific mentions of Capidava, which we owe to Marin Ionescu-Dobrogianu (1904), Grigore Tocilescu (1894-1903), Jakob Weiss (1911), Vasile Pârvan and Pamfil Polonic (1912). Cartographic sources are also mentioned, namely Charta României Meridionale/ Map of Southern Romania (1864), or the local drawing of the Romanian Army's ”Planurile Directoare de Tragere” drafted under 1: 20000 scale after World War I.
During an archaeological survey undertaken in 1912, Vasile Pârvan identified the
fortress of Capidava, and Pamfil Polonic sketched the first ground plan of the ruins. The following year the stone quarry that partially destroyed the fortress was stopped, and the monument could be subsequently placed under the protection of the Commission on Historical Monuments. After a new dramatic moment threatening its state of conservation in 1922, the systematic research of the ancient Capidava was finally authorized by the end of July 1924. This happened under the supervision of Grigore Florescu, assistant at the National Museum of Antiquities and a close disciple of Vasile Pârvan. Several little known or entirely new documents are presented: the first two excavation permits dating from 1924 and 1928, published now for the first time, the manuscripts of Pamfil Polonic kept by the Romanian Academy, official correspondence, plans and photos coming from public and private collections. All mentioned pieces of information contribute at sketching an overview of the preliminary conditions, reasons and backgrounds of the systematic excavations at Capidava. Started off in 1924, and very modern for its time, the Capidava project kept on bringing added value and occasionally paradigmatic contributions to this very day to the archaeology of the Lower Danube Limes in Dobruja.
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La borne fragmentaire de l’époque d’Aurélien découverte à Capidava en 2011 s’ajoute à la série, très probablement issue du même atelier, qui comprend déjà deux autres exemplaires retrouvés à Topalu, qui mentionnent l’activité du... more
La borne fragmentaire de l’époque d’Aurélien découverte à Capidava en 2011 s’ajoute à la série, très probablement issue du même atelier, qui comprend déjà deux autres exemplaires retrouvés à Topalu, qui mentionnent l’activité du gouverneur Sallius Aristaenetus.
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Our paper is analyzing a first series of fine imported tableware (vasa escaria) found during the excavation seasons 2013-2015 at Capidava (Constanța county, Romania). The architectural object where these records came from is a large... more
Our paper is analyzing a first series of fine imported tableware (vasa escaria) found during the excavation seasons 2013-2015 at Capidava (Constanța county, Romania). The architectural object where these records came from is a large building (cca 23 by 16 m), with an apsis facing south; it was previously known as Principia - Late Roman Headquarters. The excavations fully confirmed this function for late 3rd - 4th century AD.
The analyzed tableware (belonging to Çandarli and Phocean /Late Roman C Wares, African Red Slip Wares, respectively) was found in the area from the northern corner of the edifice, in Late Roman (4th-5th century) and Early Byzantine (6th century) contexts. The assemblage is made of 31 fragmentary plates and bowls used for table service. One should point out # 7 in the catalogue, belonging to form ARS Hayes 103A. Its morphological details and above all the unique outer rim grooves make up a kind of a ”missing link” between the ARS 84, 86 and the typical ARS 103 analogies known. The direct lineage was postulated by J.W. Hayes already in his Late Roman Pottery (1972). This unicum might represent an early product (103 A), dated in the first part of the 6th century.
This paper is the first from a series dedicated to the above-mentioned architectural object, conceived as preliminary steps to the future monograph of the ensemble. The Late Roman Headquarters actually represents the most important official building identified so far intra muros at Capidava.
The analyzed tableware (belonging to Çandarli and Phocean /Late Roman C Wares, African Red Slip Wares, respectively) was found in the area from the northern corner of the edifice, in Late Roman (4th-5th century) and Early Byzantine (6th century) contexts. The assemblage is made of 31 fragmentary plates and bowls used for table service. One should point out # 7 in the catalogue, belonging to form ARS Hayes 103A. Its morphological details and above all the unique outer rim grooves make up a kind of a ”missing link” between the ARS 84, 86 and the typical ARS 103 analogies known. The direct lineage was postulated by J.W. Hayes already in his Late Roman Pottery (1972). This unicum might represent an early product (103 A), dated in the first part of the 6th century.
This paper is the first from a series dedicated to the above-mentioned architectural object, conceived as preliminary steps to the future monograph of the ensemble. The Late Roman Headquarters actually represents the most important official building identified so far intra muros at Capidava.
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Während der im letzten Jahrzehnt in Capidava durchgeführten systematischen Ausgrabungen konnten im Verlauf mehrerer Kampagnen Teile der späten Befestigungsanlage direkt oder indirekt erforscht werden. Es handelt sich dabei um die letzten... more
Während der im letzten Jahrzehnt in Capidava durchgeführten systematischen Ausgrabungen konnten im Verlauf mehrerer Kampagnen Teile der späten Befestigungsanlage direkt oder indirekt erforscht werden. Es handelt sich dabei um die letzten römischen Befestigungsbemühungen im südlichen Bereich des alten römischen Lagers am Ende des 6. und zu Beginn des 7. Jahrhunderts n. Chr. Durch die archäologischen Grabungen, die an mehreren Stellen entlang des Verlaufs der späten Befestigung und deren Verteidigungsgraben durchgeführt wurden, insbesondere auf der Nordostseite entlang der via principalis, konnten stratigrafische und chronologische Abschnitte aus dem 4.–6. Jahrhundert bis zur Zerstörung der gesamten Befestigung in den letzten Jahrzehnten des 6. Jahrhunderts n. Chr. erfasst werden. Erst durch diese Zerstörung kam es zur notgedrungenen und temporären Umgestaltung der Befestigung im südlichen Viertel.
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The subject of this paper is a thorough analysis of an amphorae deposit excavated during several campaigns in Building C1 at Capidava. The context of the discovery is dated at the end of the 6 th c. A.D., representing the final... more
The subject of this paper is a thorough analysis of an amphorae deposit excavated during several campaigns in Building C1 at Capidava. The context of the discovery is dated at the end of the 6 th c. A.D., representing the final occupational level for the Byzantine rule, at Capidava, in the province of Scythia Minor. Our intention is to publish the artefacts and their unique context in this preliminary study; subsequently, they are to be published in a monographic volume later this year. Although some of the artefacts have been published before, this is the first time that they are presented as a group, in a catalogue and with complete illustration.
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Two inscriptions from the 2nd century AD found during the early archaeological research at Capidava are related to equestrians involved with the customs station (statio portorii) functioning on the right bank of the Danube. Cohors... more
Two inscriptions from the 2nd century AD found during the early archaeological research at Capidava are related to equestrians involved with the customs
station (statio portorii) functioning on the right bank of the Danube. Cohors Germanorum having its garrison in the fort supervised the toll station, the ford of the
river, as well as both civil and military navigation along the Danube. The inscriptions
revisited mention a conductor – T. Iulius Saturninus and most likely a procurator,
from the late reign of Antoninus Pius and from the time of Marcus Aurelius
or Commodus, subsequently. On this occasion has been tackled the whole file mentioning stationes portorii in both Dacian provinces and Moesia Inferior, administratively composing the same tertia pars within the large customs district of Illyricum.
Historical data (archaeological and toponymical elements, maps) regarding the
fording of the river at Capidava and the corresponding crossing point to the Romanian
Plain at Bordușani, have been inventored and revealed a territoriality pattern
for the functioning of the buffer zone between Roman right bank and Barbaricum
during the 2nd–3rd centuries. Based upon literary texts (Themistius, Oration X), as
well as founding inscriptions from the 4th century at Cius (Gârliciu) and Carcaliu,
we aimed at offering a functional image of the two sides – Romans and Gothic Sântana de Mureș – Chernyakhov one separated by the marshy 10–20 km wide buffer
territory of Balta Brăilei and Balta Ialomiței. To this respect, an updated mapping
of the Sântana de Mureș – Chernyakhov archaeological finds has been provided.
Keywords: statio (publici) portorii, publicum portorium Illyrici utriusque et ripae
Thraciae, publicum portorium vectigalis Illyrici, T. Iulius Saturninus, Carcaliu, Cius,
Sântana de Mureș-Chernyakhov, Valens, Themistius – Oration X
station (statio portorii) functioning on the right bank of the Danube. Cohors Germanorum having its garrison in the fort supervised the toll station, the ford of the
river, as well as both civil and military navigation along the Danube. The inscriptions
revisited mention a conductor – T. Iulius Saturninus and most likely a procurator,
from the late reign of Antoninus Pius and from the time of Marcus Aurelius
or Commodus, subsequently. On this occasion has been tackled the whole file mentioning stationes portorii in both Dacian provinces and Moesia Inferior, administratively composing the same tertia pars within the large customs district of Illyricum.
Historical data (archaeological and toponymical elements, maps) regarding the
fording of the river at Capidava and the corresponding crossing point to the Romanian
Plain at Bordușani, have been inventored and revealed a territoriality pattern
for the functioning of the buffer zone between Roman right bank and Barbaricum
during the 2nd–3rd centuries. Based upon literary texts (Themistius, Oration X), as
well as founding inscriptions from the 4th century at Cius (Gârliciu) and Carcaliu,
we aimed at offering a functional image of the two sides – Romans and Gothic Sântana de Mureș – Chernyakhov one separated by the marshy 10–20 km wide buffer
territory of Balta Brăilei and Balta Ialomiței. To this respect, an updated mapping
of the Sântana de Mureș – Chernyakhov archaeological finds has been provided.
Keywords: statio (publici) portorii, publicum portorium Illyrici utriusque et ripae
Thraciae, publicum portorium vectigalis Illyrici, T. Iulius Saturninus, Carcaliu, Cius,
Sântana de Mureș-Chernyakhov, Valens, Themistius – Oration X
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In the proximity of the main gate and near the Gate Tower no. 7, from Capidava, a building was investigated during several archaeological campaigns (1993-1996; 2007-2011) referred to in this article as Building C1. The building is one of... more
In the proximity of the main gate and near the Gate Tower no. 7, from Capidava, a building was
investigated during several archaeological campaigns (1993-1996; 2007-2011) referred to in this article
as Building C1. The building is one of medium size neighbouring a large basilica-plan edifice, with
three naves preceded by a portico, namely the Horreum (granary).
Although during early excavations the building did not seem to raise any extraordinary scientific
interest, once the research was completed, along with several archaeological and topographical surveys,
this edifice assumed a clear paradigmatic value.
investigated during several archaeological campaigns (1993-1996; 2007-2011) referred to in this article
as Building C1. The building is one of medium size neighbouring a large basilica-plan edifice, with
three naves preceded by a portico, namely the Horreum (granary).
Although during early excavations the building did not seem to raise any extraordinary scientific
interest, once the research was completed, along with several archaeological and topographical surveys,
this edifice assumed a clear paradigmatic value.
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In order to construct a „Belvedere” tower as part of the restoration project from Capidava, an extensive archaeological research was undertaken in 2015 by opening an initial excavation surface of 6 × 6m, conventionally referred to as S I... more
In order to construct a „Belvedere” tower as part of the restoration project from Capidava, an extensive archaeological research was undertaken in 2015 by opening an initial excavation surface of 6 × 6m, conventionally referred to as S I (Pl. II/1–2), comprising the limits of its foundation. At the same time, from the beginning, two extensions of S I have been projected, namely S II (6 × 2m) and S III (3 × 2m), meant to provide a 15m cross-section, perpendicular on the ditch of the late fortlet and to research this defensive structure in the respective area where it was little known at the time.
Among the 7 different archaeological contexts (Pl. III), three walls have been found, discovered in contexts 5 and 6, conventionally referred as Z1, Z2 and Z3. The three walls can be attributed to the occupational levels from the 5th c. AD for Z1 and Z2, respectively 5th–6th c. AD for Z3. On this occasion, there have also been researched elements of the 7th c. fortlet (late castellum), identified on the ground by a defence ditch preceded by a wide berm and by a poorly built stone wall. The ditch is locally preserved at a maximum depth of 1.5m versus the maximum height of the berm; it has a “V” shape with equally inclined slopes, with a maximum opening of approx. 6m; the berm has a currently preserved height of approx. 0.3–0.4m versus its base construction level (a level clearly determined by the dismantling of Z3) and a maximum width of 7.22m; the stone wall that precedes the berm is 0.7m wide with a preserved height of aprox. 1m.
KEY WORDS: fortlet, defence ditch, African red slip ware, berm, dolia.
CUVINTE CHEIE: castellum, șanț de apărare, ceramică ștampilată africană, bermă, dolia.
Among the 7 different archaeological contexts (Pl. III), three walls have been found, discovered in contexts 5 and 6, conventionally referred as Z1, Z2 and Z3. The three walls can be attributed to the occupational levels from the 5th c. AD for Z1 and Z2, respectively 5th–6th c. AD for Z3. On this occasion, there have also been researched elements of the 7th c. fortlet (late castellum), identified on the ground by a defence ditch preceded by a wide berm and by a poorly built stone wall. The ditch is locally preserved at a maximum depth of 1.5m versus the maximum height of the berm; it has a “V” shape with equally inclined slopes, with a maximum opening of approx. 6m; the berm has a currently preserved height of approx. 0.3–0.4m versus its base construction level (a level clearly determined by the dismantling of Z3) and a maximum width of 7.22m; the stone wall that precedes the berm is 0.7m wide with a preserved height of aprox. 1m.
KEY WORDS: fortlet, defence ditch, African red slip ware, berm, dolia.
CUVINTE CHEIE: castellum, șanț de apărare, ceramică ștampilată africană, bermă, dolia.
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Archaeological research conducted in the campaign of 1977 in Roman-Byzantine necropolis from Capidava gave good results on the funeral horizon of the fourth century. Some of the graves investigated in that campaign included in their... more
Archaeological research conducted in the campaign of 1977 in Roman-Byzantine necropolis from Capidava gave good results on the funeral horizon of the fourth century. Some of the graves investigated in that campaign included in their inventory bronze accessories for garments that were in good preservation status.
The lot includes 7 late Roman brooches of ’crossbow’ type with onion-shaped knobs, dating from the 4th century. Beside this, the discussion concerns a miniature high quality bronze eagle, found inside the fortress in unspecified conditions. The entire lot remained unpublished until today and in the absence of stratigraphic data, these bronze pieces were analyzed both typological and chronological.
They are accompanied by a metallographic analysis report, in order to complete the information regarding the economical and social life at Capidava during the Late Roman period.
The lot includes 7 late Roman brooches of ’crossbow’ type with onion-shaped knobs, dating from the 4th century. Beside this, the discussion concerns a miniature high quality bronze eagle, found inside the fortress in unspecified conditions. The entire lot remained unpublished until today and in the absence of stratigraphic data, these bronze pieces were analyzed both typological and chronological.
They are accompanied by a metallographic analysis report, in order to complete the information regarding the economical and social life at Capidava during the Late Roman period.
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This article analyzes a shield umbo discovered at Capidava, during the 2007 archeological excavation campaign, respectively in the area of the main gate, in the Building C 1, room 3. The umbo was casted of iron, with a diameter of 17.50... more
This article analyzes a shield umbo discovered at Capidava, during the 2007 archeological excavation campaign, respectively in the area of the main gate, in the Building C 1, room 3. The umbo was casted of iron, with a diameter of 17.50 cm and a height of 6.70 cm, which are standard dimensions for discoveries of this type. The context in which it was found, along with numerous ceramic pieces and near a bronze coin hoard (51 pieces - 46.50 folles), dates the complex to the early-middle 580`s AD, when the building was destroyed in a violent attack attributed to the Slavs or Avars. The umbo belongs to an infantry shield, and the solitary presence of this military piece in a civilian context hypothetically allows its assignment to a member of the local community on the frontier. One should not nevertheless exclude the possibility that the presence this object in the said building could have had a commercial purpose. The article also tackles known typologies, technical aspects regarding production, structure and use, analogies and dating of such finds.
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The author reviews all the data available in the current state of research regarding the intensive strategic building activities along the Lower Danube limes during or shortly after the famous bellum Dacicum in A.D. 101-106. An imperious... more
The author reviews all the data available in the current state of research regarding the intensive strategic building activities along the Lower Danube limes during or shortly after the famous bellum Dacicum in A.D. 101-106.
An imperious strategic need of strengthening the eastern flank, at the back of the Roman advance north of the Danube expeditiously came to life, following to the harsh lesson of the surprise attack of the Dacians and their allies in Moesia Inferior, during the winter A.D. 101-102. Thus, Trajan decided the mise en oeuvre of an extensive constructive program, by building reliable fortifications in Dobrudja, and installing legions along with auxiliary units in the dense line of garrisons on this final section of the Lower Danube limes. A comparable dimension of this huge military program will be later on resumed by the Tetrarchs and Constantine the Great (during the late IIIrd – early IVth c. A.D.), as well as by Justinian (VIth c. A.D.).
An imperious strategic need of strengthening the eastern flank, at the back of the Roman advance north of the Danube expeditiously came to life, following to the harsh lesson of the surprise attack of the Dacians and their allies in Moesia Inferior, during the winter A.D. 101-102. Thus, Trajan decided the mise en oeuvre of an extensive constructive program, by building reliable fortifications in Dobrudja, and installing legions along with auxiliary units in the dense line of garrisons on this final section of the Lower Danube limes. A comparable dimension of this huge military program will be later on resumed by the Tetrarchs and Constantine the Great (during the late IIIrd – early IVth c. A.D.), as well as by Justinian (VIth c. A.D.).
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The paper is presenting a new epitaph found at Capidava, dating from the last part of 3rd – early 4th century AD. It belongs to a praepositus Aurelius…, leading the cavalry unit garrissoned in the Lower Danube fort (the vexillatio equitum... more
The paper is presenting a new epitaph found at Capidava, dating from the last part of 3rd – early 4th century AD. It belongs to a praepositus Aurelius…, leading the cavalry unit garrissoned in the Lower Danube fort (the vexillatio equitum scutariorum). The deceased might even be Aurelius Valens who offered an altar (aram posuit) to Deus sanctus Hero (or Herrone) at Ulmetum, pro salute sua et vexillationis Capidabesium.
The 1997 found epitaph is actually the first to explicitly mention in situ the name of the place and fort. Moreover, it draws attention by the Christian final formula [... in] pac[e (re)quiescit] dating from a transitory phase before 325 AD.
Dans le camp de Capidava a été mis au jour un nouveau monument à caractère funéraire. Il fut érigé vers la fin du IIIème - début du IVème siècle à la mémoire d'Aurelius..., préposé de la vexillatio equitum scutariorum. Ce commandant pourrait être Aurelius Valens, déjà connu grâce à une inscription trouvée à Ulmetum. Cette pièce confirme également de manière explicite le nom du site de Capidava.
Du point de vue artistique, on mentionne un ornement inédit pour les stèles funéraires de Mésie: un meuble pliant. L'association des éléments décoratifs, suivant un schéma iconographique traditionnel, avec la formule chrétienne finale semble illustrer à la fois les hésitations artistiques et une dualité d'ordre religieux correspondant à cette époque antérieure à l'année 325.
The 1997 found epitaph is actually the first to explicitly mention in situ the name of the place and fort. Moreover, it draws attention by the Christian final formula [... in] pac[e (re)quiescit] dating from a transitory phase before 325 AD.
Dans le camp de Capidava a été mis au jour un nouveau monument à caractère funéraire. Il fut érigé vers la fin du IIIème - début du IVème siècle à la mémoire d'Aurelius..., préposé de la vexillatio equitum scutariorum. Ce commandant pourrait être Aurelius Valens, déjà connu grâce à une inscription trouvée à Ulmetum. Cette pièce confirme également de manière explicite le nom du site de Capidava.
Du point de vue artistique, on mentionne un ornement inédit pour les stèles funéraires de Mésie: un meuble pliant. L'association des éléments décoratifs, suivant un schéma iconographique traditionnel, avec la formule chrétienne finale semble illustrer à la fois les hésitations artistiques et une dualité d'ordre religieux correspondant à cette époque antérieure à l'année 325.
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On the occasion of the archaeological preventive excavations campaign in 1993, imposed by the architectural reshaping-works at the Scala-President Hotel, has been discovered a rare devotional object, namely a so-called pilgrim flask of... more
On the occasion of the archaeological preventive excavations campaign in 1993, imposed by the architectural reshaping-works at the Scala-President Hotel, has been discovered a rare devotional object, namely a so-called pilgrim flask of Asia Minor (or Anatolian) origin. One should also mention a brief location of the site, situated in the southern area of the antique city of Callatis, in the close proximity of its perimetral southern defence walls.
The artefact is the first of its kind ever published for the territory of the province of Scythia. It came out in S. 2 (-1.80 m), on the floor made of bricks of a dwelling dating from the end of the 6th c. A.D. The ampulla is oviform, with a lenticular section (height 0,075 m; width 0,048 m) and has two pierced handles (Schnurlöcher) on the shoulder. The pink-yellowish fabric, containing minute micaceous inclusions, is uniform, well-levigated and well-fired; a smooth slip-coating of same colour could be also observed.
As to the ornamentation elements, the vessel is characterised by a decorative cross (identically rendered on both sides) with the arms approximately equal in length, that flare slightly at the ends. Concentrical circular patterns are to be noticed all over its interior surface; four other diagonal petal-shaped patterns belong to its exterior field.
Artistic connections can be traced, by analogy with the well-known ampullae from Monza and Bobbio (coming from the Holy Land), with several silver, silver-gilt or cast-bronze processional, reliquary and votive Oriental crosses and, naturally, with further earthenware flasks of same origin.
Considering the both economic and cultural prosperous relationships of the province with the East Mediterranean centres (and on the whole with the Oriental ones), as reflected by archaeologic and epigraphic evidence (ceramics, inscriptions mentioning Orientals or, for offering a specific Callatian example, the use of the Syrian basilical planimetric model etc.), the appearance of such a flask is far from being unusual.
Brought back home pro benedictione by a pilgrim returning from one of the Orient's Christian sanctuaries, the Callatian ampulla could be interpreted as a common devotional artefact. Generically speaking, these objects constitute, however, a direct index providing us with an accurate image on the pilgrimage — in its fully dimension of cultural phenomenon with a remarkable development during the 4th -6th centuries — and therefore deserve both more attention and appropriate synthetic interpretation.
The artefact is the first of its kind ever published for the territory of the province of Scythia. It came out in S. 2 (-1.80 m), on the floor made of bricks of a dwelling dating from the end of the 6th c. A.D. The ampulla is oviform, with a lenticular section (height 0,075 m; width 0,048 m) and has two pierced handles (Schnurlöcher) on the shoulder. The pink-yellowish fabric, containing minute micaceous inclusions, is uniform, well-levigated and well-fired; a smooth slip-coating of same colour could be also observed.
As to the ornamentation elements, the vessel is characterised by a decorative cross (identically rendered on both sides) with the arms approximately equal in length, that flare slightly at the ends. Concentrical circular patterns are to be noticed all over its interior surface; four other diagonal petal-shaped patterns belong to its exterior field.
Artistic connections can be traced, by analogy with the well-known ampullae from Monza and Bobbio (coming from the Holy Land), with several silver, silver-gilt or cast-bronze processional, reliquary and votive Oriental crosses and, naturally, with further earthenware flasks of same origin.
Considering the both economic and cultural prosperous relationships of the province with the East Mediterranean centres (and on the whole with the Oriental ones), as reflected by archaeologic and epigraphic evidence (ceramics, inscriptions mentioning Orientals or, for offering a specific Callatian example, the use of the Syrian basilical planimetric model etc.), the appearance of such a flask is far from being unusual.
Brought back home pro benedictione by a pilgrim returning from one of the Orient's Christian sanctuaries, the Callatian ampulla could be interpreted as a common devotional artefact. Generically speaking, these objects constitute, however, a direct index providing us with an accurate image on the pilgrimage — in its fully dimension of cultural phenomenon with a remarkable development during the 4th -6th centuries — and therefore deserve both more attention and appropriate synthetic interpretation.
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The African Red Slip Wares presented in this article belong to unmistakable forms: the first two fragments were horizontal rims of Late Roman relief-decorated rectangular plates (lances quadratae) - ARS Hayes 56, whereas the latter is a... more
The African Red Slip Wares presented in this article belong to unmistakable forms: the first two fragments were horizontal rims of Late Roman relief-decorated rectangular plates (lances quadratae) - ARS Hayes 56, whereas the latter is a bowl with slightly convex rim, tilted downwards, with edge scalloped to form ten sides (ARS Form 97). The first form is dated, according to John W. Hayes, ca. 360-430, but its presence at Capidava didn't plausibly go beyond the end of the 4th century. As for the latter, ARS form 97, generally produced c. 470/480 – 550, must have been delivered at Capidava in the first half of the 6th century, most likely in the early decades of Justinian's reign.
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The authors publish a well preserved milestone found during the 1996 archaeological season at Capidava (Moesia Inferior), along the Lower Danube frontier. The milestone is dating from the final part of Antoninus Pius` reign (december 158... more
The authors publish a well preserved milestone found during the 1996 archaeological season at Capidava (Moesia Inferior), along the Lower Danube frontier. The milestone is dating from the final part of Antoninus Pius` reign (december 158 - december 159), when governor (legatus Augusti pro praetore) of Moesia Inferior was Iulius Severus (in office between 159-161/2 AD). The inscription mentions a distance of 3 miles (III milia passuum), either from the Roman fort or from a local unidentified crossroads.
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Les fouilles archéologiques dirigées par R. Florescu dans le secteur I du camp de Capidava ont permis la découverte d`un important témoignage épigraphique pour l`histoire militaire de la Mésie Inférieure. Il s`agit d`une brique... more
Les fouilles archéologiques dirigées par R. Florescu dans le secteur I du camp de Capidava ont permis la découverte d`un important témoignage épigraphique pour l`histoire militaire de la Mésie Inférieure. Il s`agit d`une brique estampillée avec les lettres COH(ors) VBIOR(um).
Cette pièce confirme l`hypothesè de Gr. Florescu concernant le stationnement de la Ire cohorte d`Ubiens à Capidava. Du point de vue chronologique, on peut préciser que la cohorte d`Ubiens stationnait en Mésie Inférieure en 99 apr. J.-C. Et en Dacie Supérieure en 144, tandis que la Ire cohorte de Germains, qui a remplacé la cohorte d`Ubiens à Capidava, est attestée en Germanie Supérieure en 134 et en Mésie Inférieure en 145.
En regroupant les données épigraphiques et littéraires, on peut considérer que ce changement de troupes a eu lieu durant les premières années du règne d`Antonin le Pieux.
Cette pièce confirme l`hypothesè de Gr. Florescu concernant le stationnement de la Ire cohorte d`Ubiens à Capidava. Du point de vue chronologique, on peut préciser que la cohorte d`Ubiens stationnait en Mésie Inférieure en 99 apr. J.-C. Et en Dacie Supérieure en 144, tandis que la Ire cohorte de Germains, qui a remplacé la cohorte d`Ubiens à Capidava, est attestée en Germanie Supérieure en 134 et en Mésie Inférieure en 145.
En regroupant les données épigraphiques et littéraires, on peut considérer que ce changement de troupes a eu lieu durant les premières années du règne d`Antonin le Pieux.
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The article is presenting five platters found at Capidava (Constanța County, Romania), a Lower Danube fort along the frontier, in the Late Roman and Early Byzantine province of Scythia. They all possibly belong to African Red Slip Ware... more
The article is presenting five platters found at Capidava (Constanța County, Romania), a Lower Danube fort along the frontier, in the Late Roman and Early Byzantine province of Scythia.
They all possibly belong to African Red Slip Ware Forms Hayes 103 (?) and surely to 104A and B, roughly dated in 6th century AD. The five different platters were either found in well preserved contexts or came from old excavations with no relevant additional information. The stamped decoration patterns are Christian and all belong to Eii style, with some unprecedented human figure variants (cat. no. 2, ARS Hayes 104A).
They all possibly belong to African Red Slip Ware Forms Hayes 103 (?) and surely to 104A and B, roughly dated in 6th century AD. The five different platters were either found in well preserved contexts or came from old excavations with no relevant additional information. The stamped decoration patterns are Christian and all belong to Eii style, with some unprecedented human figure variants (cat. no. 2, ARS Hayes 104A).
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Acest newletter este realizat pe baza articolului "Frontiera romană din Dobrogea. O trecere în revistă și o actualizare / Roman frontier in Dobrudja. A review and an update", autori Ovidiu Țentea, Ioan Carol Opriș, Florian Matei-Popescu,... more
Acest newletter este realizat pe baza articolului "Frontiera romană din Dobrogea. O trecere în revistă și o actualizare / Roman frontier in Dobrudja. A review and an update", autori Ovidiu Țentea, Ioan Carol Opriș, Florian Matei-Popescu, Alexandru Rațiu și Vlad Călina - https://www.academia.edu/43720718/Frontiera_roman%C4%83_din_Dobrogea_O_trecere_%C3%AEn_revist%C4%83_%C8%99i_o_actualizare_Roman_frontier_in_Dobrudja_A_review_and_an_update
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This is a short preliminary report on Ukrainian-Romanian excavations at Tyras (Belgorod-Dnestrovskij/ Cetatea Albă), led by A.A. Rosohackij, V. Cojocaru, I.C. Opriş, G.V. Batizat and V. Bârcă (1996-1998). The excavations started in 1996... more
This is a short preliminary report on Ukrainian-Romanian excavations at Tyras (Belgorod-Dnestrovskij/ Cetatea Albă), led by A.A. Rosohackij, V. Cojocaru, I.C. Opriş, G.V. Batizat and V. Bârcă (1996-1998). The excavations started in 1996 and continued during the next two seasons and focused on Greek to Roman layers and defensive contexts in ancient Tyras, from late 5th century BC to 2nd-3rd centuries AD, on an area of cca 1000 sq m.