- Scuola Normale Superiore, COSMOS -Center on Social Movement Studies, Department MemberScuola Normale Superiore, Faculty of Political and Social Sciences, Department Memberadd
- Political Sociology, Social Movements, Historical Sociology, Protest, Political Parties, Protest Movements, and 22 moreChilean Politics, Contentious Politics, Squatting, Urban Squatting, Student Protest, Comparative Politics, Student movements, Latin American social movements, Social protests, Labor Movements, Social Movements (Political Science), Spanish politics, Latin American Politics (Political Science), Qualitative comparative analysis (QCA), Social movements and revolution, Revolutions, Collective Action, Occupy Wall Street, Historical and Comparative Sociology, Antiglobalization Social Movements, New social movements, and Marxismedit
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Latin America witnessed a resurgence of protests during the 1990s and early 2000s. Citizens took to the streets to protest against the liberalization of public services and rising levels of inequalities and poverty. This situation partly... more
Latin America witnessed a resurgence of protests during the 1990s and early 2000s. Citizens took to the streets to protest against the liberalization of public services and rising levels of inequalities and poverty. This situation partly changed in the decade of the 2000s when the region experienced a period of sustained social policy expansion intended to extend protections to formerly excluded groups. Did popular mobilization have an influence on the turn toward universalism in Latin American social policy? This paper explores this question by looking at the relationship between protest, the strength of the Left and the adoption of expansive reforms in healthcare, conditional cash transfers and non-contributory pensions. The findings bring support to the idea that protest is a relevant aspect of the politics of social policy reform, although its effects are both sensitive to other characteristics of the political environment and the particular policy dimension considered. RESUMEN América Latina presenció un resurgimiento de las protestas durante los 1990s y principios de la década siguiente. Las personas salieron a las calles para oponerse a la liberalización de los servicios públicos y a niveles crecientes de desigualdad y pobreza. Esta situación parcialmente cambió en la década de 2000, cuando la región experimentó un período de expansión de las políticas sociales que extendió protecciones a grupos antes excluidos. ¿Qué rol tuvo la movilización popular en el giro al universalismo en las políticas sociales latinoamericanas? Este artículo explora este tema observando la relación entre la protesta, la fuerza electoral de la izquierda, y la adopción de reformas expansivas en salud, transferencias condicionadas, y pensiones no contributivas. El análisis ofrece evidencia de que la protesta es un aspecto relevante de las reformas de las políticas sociales, aunque sus efectos son sensibles a otras características del contexto político, y a la dimensión específica de la política considerada.
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The insurrection of October 2019 and the rapid spread of the COVID-19 since March 2020 have put Chile in a major historical juncture. To the political crisis triggered by the massive protests of last year, the pandemic has added a major... more
The insurrection of October 2019 and the rapid spread of the COVID-19 since March 2020 have put Chile in a major historical juncture. To the political crisis triggered by the massive protests of last year, the pandemic has added a major social and economic crisis as unemployment and poverty levels soar. Undoubtedly, as a consequence of the popular protests, the government faced the COVID-19 crisis in a weak position that has severely affected its capacity to manage the health crisis. In a context of a sudden collapse of the economy and employment, the same networks that emerged during the insurrection –to organize rallies, mobilize protesters and counter repression– have rapidly transformed into solidarity networks that help local communities to cope with the worst consequences of the pandemic. In this short essay, I attempt to show that issues of space are central to understanding both the revolt and the unfolding of the COVID-19 crisis.
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Le proteste di questi giorni sono spontanee, senza organizzazioni o leader. Ciò impedisce al presidente Piñera di fare manovre e trattative, e pone una sfida sia alla sinistra comunista che a quella eterodossa del Frente Amplio
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Antes de la segunda vuelta se asumía que el techo de Piñera estaba en la suma de lo que él había obtenido más la votación de Kast. Pero logró 855 mil votos más. ¿De dónde vinieron esos sufragios? ¿Del Frente Amplio? En esta columna el... more
Antes de la segunda vuelta se asumía que el techo de Piñera estaba en la suma de lo que él había obtenido más la votación de Kast. Pero logró 855 mil votos más. ¿De dónde vinieron esos sufragios? ¿Del Frente Amplio? En esta columna el sociólogo César Guzmán-Concha examina el probable traspaso de votos de cada sector y sugiere que entre un 40% y un 60% de los que optaron por Carolina Goic terminó con Piñera, al igual que un 11,4%, al menos, de los votantes que se habían inclinado originalmente por un candidato de izquierda. A ellos, dice, se sumaron votantes inclinados a la derecha que no acudieron a las urnas en noviembre y que se activaron con la campaña “Chilezuela”.
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Their unusual combination of disruptiveness, numbers, equality, consensus, efficacy, heterogeneity, and cross-class support have made Chile’s recent protests an insurrection of truly historic significance. The resulting constitutional... more
Their unusual combination of disruptiveness, numbers, equality, consensus, efficacy, heterogeneity, and cross-class support have made Chile’s recent protests an insurrection of truly historic significance. The resulting constitutional reform process offers Chilean society the chance to transition away from power as the capacity to influence elite decision-making and towards power as a genuine realisation of its own interests, writes Cesár Guzmán Concha (University of Geneva).
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Within many societies across the world, new social and political movements have sprung up that either challenge formal parliamentary structures of democracy and participation, or work within them and, in the process, fundamentally alter... more
Within many societies across the world, new social and political movements have sprung up that either challenge formal parliamentary structures of democracy and participation, or work within them and, in the process, fundamentally alter the ideological content of democratic potentials. At the same time, some parliamentary political parties have attracted a new type of 'populist' political rhetoric and support base. This collection, along with its accompanying Volume 1, examines the emergence of, and the connections between, these new types of left-wing democracy and participation. Through an array of examples from different countries, it explains why left-wing activism arises in new and innovative spaces in society, and how this joins up with conventional left-wing politics, including parliamentary politics. It demonstrates how these new forms of politics can resonate with the real-life experiences of ordinary people and thereby win support for left-wing agendas.
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El interés de académicos, organizaciones de la sociedad civil, y de la opinión pública en general en la corrupción política y la captura del estado por parte de empresas y grupos de interés, ha crecido significativamente en las últimas... more
El interés de académicos, organizaciones de la sociedad civil, y de la opinión pública en general en la corrupción política y la captura del estado por parte de empresas y grupos de interés, ha crecido significativamente en las últimas décadas. Desde comienzos de la década de 2000, diversas instituciones internacionales, incluyendo el Banco Mundial, Transparencia Internacional y el Transnational Institute, se han interesado por investigar y medir los procesos en que las empresas privadas configuran políticas y entornos legales para su propio beneficio, a expensas del interés general de la sociedad. Los conceptos de captura del estado o captura regulatoria se hicieron populares para señalar un tipo de corrupción en el que las empresas ejercen influencia y se alían con funcionarios públicos y políticos para extraer ventajas particulares. El término captura fue primero acuñado por Stigler en la década de 1970 para describir un proceso en el que grupos económicos específicos usaban recursos y poderes públicos para mejorar su situación económica. A nivel global, la atención se ha centrado en la capacidad del capital financiero de influir gobiernos e instituciones supranacionales (ver, por ejemplo, el informe “Estado del Poder 2018” del Transnational Institute”). En países con alta concentración de la riqueza, la capacidad de influir políticas tiende a estar monopolizada por las grandes corporaciones debido a su alta
disposición de capital económico y capacidad de acceso al Estado. Las grandes empresas obtienen ventajas sobre otros actores para extraer beneficios del Estado como contratos públicos, regulaciones a medida o beneficios fiscales.
Para entender el contexto de la corrupción y la captura del Estado en
Chile, este artículo cuenta con dos secciones. En la primera se analizan varios estudios comparados, los que contienen evidencia mixta sobre la profundidad y extensión de la corrupción en Chile. En la segunda sección, se estudia en profundidad un factor estructural que favorece la captura del estado por parte de las grandes empresas, a saber, las redes de las elites empresariales. En particular, se analizan tanto las redes por compartir directivos (interlocking directorates) como las redes por tener accionistas comunes (interlocking ownership).
disposición de capital económico y capacidad de acceso al Estado. Las grandes empresas obtienen ventajas sobre otros actores para extraer beneficios del Estado como contratos públicos, regulaciones a medida o beneficios fiscales.
Para entender el contexto de la corrupción y la captura del Estado en
Chile, este artículo cuenta con dos secciones. En la primera se analizan varios estudios comparados, los que contienen evidencia mixta sobre la profundidad y extensión de la corrupción en Chile. En la segunda sección, se estudia en profundidad un factor estructural que favorece la captura del estado por parte de las grandes empresas, a saber, las redes de las elites empresariales. En particular, se analizan tanto las redes por compartir directivos (interlocking directorates) como las redes por tener accionistas comunes (interlocking ownership).
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The relationship between students and activism has long interested sociologists, especially since the wave of social unrest of 1968 (Barker, 2008). However, the works that have looked at the topic can hardly be identified as a coherent,... more
The relationship between students and activism has long interested sociologists, especially since the wave of social unrest of 1968 (Barker, 2008). However, the works that have looked at the topic can hardly be identified as a coherent, clearly identifiable strand of the literature. Furthermore, scholarly attention has fluctuated over time, with researchers reacting to the course of events and especially to the waves of student protests. Attention waned after the 1970s as governments proposed higher education reforms that succeeded in pacifying campuses, especially in Europe and the US (Daalder and Shils, 1982); and has risen again over the last decade or so as students seem to have made a comeback (Altbach and Klemencic, 2014). I suggest that the relevance of student protests for sociological thinking can be summarized around three main issues: (a) the potential political role of students in national politics; (b) the role of the university, and more broadly of educational institutions, in the economy and society; and (c) the political socialization of young people and its consequences. Furthermore, these issues overlap to a certain degree with the three main approaches adopted by scholars of student protests: social movements, sociology of education, and sociology of generations/youth. These issues and approaches are not mutually exclusive, but should rather be seen as sets that overlap with each other, creating subsets.
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This article aims at explaining the emergence and magnitude of student protests in Chile in 2011 and in Quebec in 2012. These two societies witnessed unprecedented levels of student mobilization that cannot be accounted for simply by... more
This article aims at explaining the emergence and magnitude of student protests in Chile in 2011 and in Quebec in 2012. These two societies witnessed unprecedented levels of student mobilization that cannot be accounted for simply by pointing out existing resources and political cultures. Although the latter did play a role in shaping the mobilization – insofar as in both Chile and Quebec the student movement is well organized, is composed of dense networks of formal as well as informal organizations and has been characterized by contentious practices for a long time – they cannot alone explain the timing and the duration of the 2011–2012 protests. The authors thus propose to treat organizational resources and political culture as initial conditions and draw on the work of McAdam, Tarrow and Tilly to focus on three processes that were critical in determining the growth and trajectory of the conflict: (1) mediation, as a result of communication and coalition work among student organizations and the emergence of new collectives that redefined past lines of division; (2) polarization, as a result of both a closed structure of political opportunities and a radicalization of student demands; and (3) spillover, as student movements extended beyond initial issues and goals and fostered other mobilizations. These three processes did not evolve in sequence but instead in parallel, conditioning one another. By showing that similar mechanisms can generate relatively similar effects in different contexts, this study contributes to assessing their robustness. Furthermore, by comparing a case from the Global North with one from the Global South the study contributes to making social movement studies less parochial.
Research Interests: Social Movements, Latin American politics, Political Science, Protest, Chile, and 14 moreQuébec Studies, Chilean Politics, Student movements, Conflictos Sociales, Student activism in higher education, Movimientos sociales, Protest Movements, Contentious Politics, Canadian and Quebec Politics, Social Conflict, Mouvements Sociaux, Grève étudiante Québec 2012, Student Activism, and Student Protest
Research Interests: Sociology, Political Sociology, Social Movements, Comparative Politics, Social Policy, and 10 moreWelfare State, Unemployment, Protest, Fuzzy Sets, Social Movements (Political Science), Qualitative comparative analysis (QCA), Welfare State Change, Comparative Social Policy, Unemployment Insurance, and Comparative Social Policy. Welfare State Research. Sociology of Work. Migration and care
The major topics of interest for those studying Chile in the 1990s and 2000s—democratization and consolidation, growth, equity, regulation, governance—have lost their centrality among Chilean social scientists, who are now calling for a... more
The major topics of interest for those studying Chile in the 1990s and 2000s—democratization and consolidation, growth, equity, regulation, governance—have lost their centrality among Chilean social scientists, who are now calling for a critical reexamination of the political and economic arrangements that have prevailed in the country since the end of its military dictatorship in 1989. Old topics such as class, power, and conflict have made a comeback. The five books discussed in this review essay are good examples of this renewed interest in a critical reexamination of the origins and trajectory of contemporary Chile. A close reading of these works reveals similar starting points, a number of analogies and broad complementarities among them, but also important limitations
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Several recent episodes of massive student protests in countries in Europe, Latin America, and Africa, raise the question of whether we are witnessing to a new surge of student protests. This profile offers an interpretation of the... more
Several recent episodes of massive student protests in countries in Europe, Latin America, and Africa, raise the question of whether we are witnessing to a new surge of student protests. This profile offers an interpretation of the socio-economic and political processes that have caused contentious reactions among students, paying special attention to changes in the major characteristics of the higher education sector. In last decades, governments of all colors have enacted laws promoting the outsourcing of personnel, the managerialization of governing bodies, and the introduction of tuition fees as well as cuts to public funding. These changes are inspired by a new paradigm, which promotes the ‘discipline of the market place, the power of the consumer and the engine of the competition.’ In this context, various forms of resistance and opposition can be observed. Here, we focus on three dimensions: (1) financing and autonomy of universities; (2) governance and managerialization; (3) precarization of labor conditions. The profile shows how recent protests in Chile and England are related to changes in the afore-mentioned dimensions. We conclude that the reappearance of students as political actors is related to the emergence of a range of distributional conflicts stemming from the implementation of the neoliberal agenda in the field of higher education.
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This article focuses on the education reforms of the current government of Michelle Bachelet (Chile, 2014-2018). These reforms were triggered by the student protests of 2011 – the " Chilean winter " – and the overwhelming support of the... more
This article focuses on the education reforms of the current government of Michelle Bachelet (Chile, 2014-2018). These reforms were triggered by the student protests of 2011 – the " Chilean winter " – and the overwhelming support of the public for the movement's demands. The students' main demands included free education and a greater involvement of the state in education. The parties of the centre-left alliance, then the opposition, embraced these demands and promised broad educational reforms including free post-secondary education. After the center-left coalition (Nueva Mayoría, New Majority) won the presidential election it introduced three major education bills: the " short law " of free education, the creation of two new public universities and fifteen Centers of Technical Formation, and the reform of higher education's regulatory framework (still under discussion in parliament). While these bills are aimed at increasing the state's role in higher education, they fall far short of the students' aspirations. In fact, as implemented the bill have consolidated a mixed public-private higher education model resting on a vision of post-secondary education as a marketplace in which institutions compete for students, subsidies and funding. The conclusion discusses the inherent limitations of these reforms, especially how the weakness of a welfare coalition made it impossible to transform the students' demands into sustainable higher education policy.
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This article analyses the material and ideological implications of a highly commodified mass higher education system on the 2011 students' mobilisations in Chile. Drawing upon quantitative and qualitative data, we show that the grievances... more
This article analyses the material and ideological implications of a highly commodified mass higher education system on the 2011 students' mobilisations in Chile. Drawing upon quantitative and qualitative data, we show that the grievances denounced by the movement emerged from the differences in the process of socialisation/reproduction of intellectual labour among universities, which in turn correspond to forms of class exploitation. Moreover, we demonstrate that students' engagement in/with the movement varies across universities in accordance with the differentiation of these institutions along class and political cleavages. The article offers insights to understand why a sectoral conflict became the most significant challenge to the neoliberal consensus that has prevailed since the late-1980s.
Research Interests: Critical Theory, Sociology, Political Sociology, Social Movements, Latin American Studies, and 57 moreEducation, Sociology of Education, Marxism, Higher Education, Sociology of Knowledge, Latin American politics, Jurgen Habermas, Post-Marxism, Language and Ideology, Collective Action, Public Universities, Ideology, Transformation of University Systems, Neoliberalism, Chile, Sociology of the Middle Classes, Sociology of Professions, Political Ideology, Higher Education Policy, Chilean Politics, Student movements, Sociologia, Students, Acción Colectiva, Sociología De La Educación, Movimientos sociales, Privatization, Contentious Politics, University, Sociología, Postmarxism, Latin American higher education, Teoría Crítica, Ideología, Discursos Y Dominación, Luc Boltanski, Educación superior, Universities, Ideologia, Chilean University Students Movements, Política y Sociología de Educación Superior. Sociología de la ciencia. Sociología de la acción pública., Private Higher Education, Universidad, Sociología Política, Cognitive Capitalism, Sociologia Política, Post-Marxismo, Neoliberalismo Y Educación, Neoliberalism and Education, Movimientos estudiantiles, Movimiento Estudiantil Latinoamericano, Neoliberalismo, Ideología Política, Clases Medias, Social Movements and Contentious Politics, Política Educacional, Political Sociology of the Middle Class, and Massification of Education
Research Interests: Political Sociology, Social Movements, Comparative Politics, Social Policy, Welfare State, and 8 morePolitical Coalitions, Politics Of Social Policy, Protest, Social Movements (Political Science), Welfare State Change, Protest Movements, Party Politics, and Comparative Social Policy. Welfare State Research. Sociology of Work. Migration and care
Este artículo ofrece un resumen de la trayectoria, componentes y repertorio de acción colectiva del movimiento estudiantil chileno durante las jornadas de protesta de 2011. El propósito es triple: (a) explorar en sus causas; (b) describir... more
Este artículo ofrece un resumen de la trayectoria, componentes y repertorio de acción colectiva del movimiento estudiantil chileno durante las jornadas de protesta de 2011. El propósito es triple: (a) explorar en sus causas; (b) describir sus implicancias y significado histórico; y (c) determinar la especificidad del movimiento en el contexto de la ola mundial de protesta iniciada aquel año. Se concluye que una serie de causas confluyeron para generar el movimiento estudiantil de 2011. En particular, la convergencia de agravios, oportunidades políticas, recursos de organización, identidades, y lazos de solidaridad, generó condiciones para que las tradicionales protestas de estudiantes que se suceden cada inicio de año escolar se transformaran en el ciclo de protesta popular más intenso y con mayores efectos de las últimas 4 décadas.
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The year 2011 with its series of massive episodes of popular mobilisation in Europe, North America and the Arab region, signals a symbolic comeback of students as a political actor and higher education as a locus of contention and... more
The year 2011 with its series of massive episodes of popular mobilisation in Europe, North America and the Arab region, signals a symbolic comeback of students as a political actor and higher education as a locus of contention and dispute. Yet in many Latin American countries, students had mobilised well before the aforementioned events, including those studied in this special issue. Latin American campuses had been protesting against austerity before this very concept was part of the vocabulary of politicians and the media in industrialised economies. The so-called Washington consensus, that emerged in 1989 as a set of policy recommendations aimed at tackling the main problems of Latin American economies (hyperinflation and stagnation or recession), represented a framework endorsed by most countries in the region. (In a way, the Washington consensus represents a functional equivalent for Latin America of the Maastricht treaty (1992) for the EU.) But its success proved temporary and attempts by governments to impose reforms (e.g. the privatisation of public companies, the de-nationalisation of natural resources, the deregulation of labour laws and of many previously protected sectors such as pensions or education) rapidly encountered resistance. Students engaged in successive waves of protest during the 1990s and 2000s, joining urban and rural workers, indigenous groups, and left parties and unions.
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This article analyses the material and ideological implications of a highly commodified mass higher education system on the 2011 students' mobilisations in Chile. Drawing upon quantitative and qualitative data, we show that the grievances... more
This article analyses the material and ideological implications of a highly commodified mass higher education system on the 2011 students' mobilisations in Chile. Drawing upon quantitative and qualitative data, we show that the grievances denounced by the movement emerged from the differences in the process of socialisation/reproduction of intellectual labour among universities, which in turn correspond to forms of class exploitation. Moreover, we demonstrate that students' engagement in/with the movement varies across universities in accordance with the differentiation of these institutions along class and political cleavages. The article offers insights to understand why a sectoral conflict became the most significant challenge to the neoliberal consensus that has prevailed since the late-1980s.
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Squatters occupy and restore empty buildings to establish self-managed social centres, where they put in practice alternatives ways of living while engaging in various protest campaigns. Episodes of squatters’ activism have occurred in... more
Squatters occupy and restore empty buildings to establish self-managed social centres, where they put in practice alternatives ways of living while engaging in various protest campaigns. Episodes of squatters’ activism have occurred in many European cities, including the ‘occupy’ movement and the demonstrations against austerity measures in several countries. Despite this trajectory, there is little comparative research on squatters’ movements. This article addresses this gap by examining the determinants of the strength of squatters’ movements in Western Europe using an original dataset of 61 cities (2001–2007). Employing logistic regression analysis, this article investigates the influence of factors that have not been previously examined in a comparative framework. The study shows that large leftist communities provide crucial resources for the squatters’ movement, while prominent extreme right parties polarize the local society, triggering squatters’ activism. Moreover, it demonstrates that larger cities are related to stronger movements and discusses the mechanisms that explain this association. Finally, this article shows that youth unemployment impinges on stronger movements when it interacts with other variables, but overall higher levels of youth unemployment are related to stronger movements. Therefore, resources, polarization and the structural configuration of the city are important determinants of the differential strength of this movement across locations.
Research Interests: Social Movements, Social Movements (Political Science), Urban Social Movements, Logistic Regression, Contentious Politics, and 6 moreSquatting, Squatters, Logistic Regression Odds Ratio for Categorical Data Analysis, Autonomous Social Centers, Antiglobalization Social Movements, and Anti Capitalist Social Movements
There has been little comparative research on the differences across radical social movements in the context of consolidated democracies. This paper analyses the squatting movement, as an exemplary case of contemporary radical movement.... more
There has been little comparative research on the differences across radical social movements in the context of consolidated democracies. This paper analyses the squatting movement, as an exemplary case of contemporary radical movement. This study aims to identify the causal contexts that explain the differences of strengths within these movements across 52 large cities in Western Europe. It examines three main hypotheses drawn from the literature on social movements concerning the characteristics of political systems, the availability of resources, and the presence of economic grievances. I use fuzzy sets Qualitative Comparative Analysis (fsQCA) to identify configurations of causal conditions. The findings show that diverse contexts (multi-causation) lead to strong movements. A first causal context combines grievances, resources, and closed or unresponsive institutions, and is typically found in Southern European cities. A second context highlights the presence of robust far-right parties in combination with less severe grievances and relative scarcity of resources, and is typically found in Northern European cities. These findings demonstrate that resources and grievances are quasi-necessary conditions for strong radical movements, although polarization can lead to a similar outcome where these characteristics are not present
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The most significant progress in the study of political conflict has been related to turmoil, insurrections and rebellions. Revolts against colonial powers in Africa, Asia or the Middle East, transitions to democracy and the struggles... more
The most significant progress in the study of political conflict has been related to turmoil, insurrections and rebellions. Revolts against colonial powers in Africa, Asia or the Middle East, transitions to democracy and the struggles against dictatorships in Latin America or Southern Europe, guerrilla and insurrectionary movements in Asia or Central America, the fall of communism in Russia and Eastern Europe, or the sequence of demonstrations against international institutions and global financial powers that started in 1999 in Seattle, all these processes of conflict and resistance have invigorated the field of studies in successive waves. The seminal works of authors such as Charles Tilly, Sidney Tarrow and many others are related to the rise of the civil rights movement and the student protests of the 1960s and 1970s. The influence of these authors is enormous, and the debate they generated and the criticisms they received prove it. In Europe, the events of 1968 were the breeding ground and inspiration for many scholars – not only sociologists – which paved the way to the incorporation of these concerns in universities and research institutions.
Currently, we are witnessing a renewed interest in political protest and civil disobedience. To a large extent, this is due to the episodes of massive turmoil starting from 2011 in several countries, including several European countries and the USA. But public attention on these issues is not only a function of ‘contentious facts’ going on here and there. It also depends greatly on who is observing and attributing importance to events that lie outside the boundaries of institutional politics. In other words, it depends on who names and denotes these facts as worthy of public concern. In the case of the events of 2011 and afterwards, there has been the confluence of two simultaneous effects. First, the most …
Currently, we are witnessing a renewed interest in political protest and civil disobedience. To a large extent, this is due to the episodes of massive turmoil starting from 2011 in several countries, including several European countries and the USA. But public attention on these issues is not only a function of ‘contentious facts’ going on here and there. It also depends greatly on who is observing and attributing importance to events that lie outside the boundaries of institutional politics. In other words, it depends on who names and denotes these facts as worthy of public concern. In the case of the events of 2011 and afterwards, there has been the confluence of two simultaneous effects. First, the most …
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Este artículo ofrece un resumen de la trayectoria y características del movimiento estudiantil chileno durante las jornadas de protesta de 2011. El propósito es triple: (a) explorar en sus causas; (b) describir sus implicancias y... more
Este artículo ofrece un resumen de la trayectoria y características del movimiento estudiantil chileno durante las jornadas de protesta de 2011. El propósito es triple: (a) explorar en sus causas; (b) describir sus implicancias y significado histórico; y (c) determinar la especificidad del movimiento en el contexto de la ola mundial de protesta iniciada aquel año. Se observa que una serie de causas confluyeron para generar el movimiento estudiantil de 2011. En particular, la convergencia de agravios, oportunidades políticas, recursos de organización, identidades, y lazos de solidaridad, generó condiciones para que las tradicionales protestas de estudiantes que se suceden cada inicio de año académico se transformaran en el ciclo de protesta popular más intenso y con mayores efectos de las últimas cuatro décadas.
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Research Interests: Trade unionism, Chilean Political Economy, Chilean Politics, Trade unions, Labour Unions, and 7 moreSindicalismo, Movimiento obrero, Movimientos Sociales Y Sindicalismo, Sindicalismo Empresario, Historia Del Movimiento Obrero Y La Izquierda En Argentina, Latinoamérica Y El Mundo En La Primer Mitad Del Siglo XX, Mujeres Y Sindicalismo En Argentina, and Argentinian Politics
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Dos investigadores expertos en análisis de redes estudiaron los directorios empresas chilenas para determinar el nivel de concentración de la elite empresarial. En un grupo de 50 grandes empresas, 40 de ellas comparten directores y... more
Dos investigadores expertos en análisis de redes estudiaron los directorios empresas chilenas para determinar el nivel de concentración de la elite empresarial. En un grupo de 50 grandes empresas, 40 de ellas comparten directores y conforman una red cohesionada en que el grupo Luksic ocupa en rol central. Esto da cuenta da una pauta endogámica de reclutamiento de directores, a diferencia de lo que ocurre con las empresas extranjeras que actúan en el país. Se aleja también del ideal de una economía realmente competitiva, donde las empresas actúan de manera completamente independiente.
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This chapter discusses long-term and short-term political-economic changes occurring in the field of higher education (HE) related to the recent wave of student protests. It offers a historical overview of the trend of marketization... more
This chapter discusses long-term and short-term political-economic changes occurring in the field of higher education (HE) related to the recent wave of student protests. It offers a historical overview of the trend of marketization affecting the HE sectors of Chile, England, Italy, and Quebec in recent decades. The four regions under investigation cover different HE systems, from those where the role of the state is still prominent (Italy and Quebec), and the commodification trend is not so strong, to others in which the market, along with the commodification of the sector, have acquired greater relevance over recent decades (England and Chile). The chapter argues that the different pace and form of the marketization process have heavily affected the ways in which students mobilized in terms of action repertoires, political goals and demands, and organizational structures. Exploring the variety and the institutional differences in the field of HE helps one assess the variety of the student movements embedded in such fields.
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The most significant progress in the study of political conflict has been related to turmoil, insurrections and rebellions. Revolts against colonial powers in Africa, Asia or the Middle East, transitions to democracy and the struggles... more
The most significant progress in the study of political conflict has been related to turmoil, insurrections and rebellions. Revolts against colonial powers in Africa, Asia or the Middle East, transitions to democracy and the struggles against dictatorships in Latin America or Southern Europe, guerrilla and insurrectionary movements in Asia or Central America, the fall of communism in Russia and Eastern Europe, or the sequence of demonstrations against international institutions and global financial powers that started in 1999 in Seattle, all these processes of conflict and resistance have invigorated the field of studies in successive waves. The seminal works of authors such as Charles Tilly, Sidney Tarrow and many others are related to the rise of the civil rights movement and the student protests of the 1960s and 1970s. The influence of these authors is enormous, and the debate they generated and the criticisms they received prove it. In Europe, the events of 1968 were the breeding ground and inspiration for many scholars – not only sociologists – which paved the way to the incorporation of these concerns in universities and research institutions.
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American interventions in Central America and fee hikes at Sonoma State University—he achieved mixed results around local initiatives. Th ose events provide further evidence of Savio’s democratic leadership, but they remain undeniably... more
American interventions in Central America and fee hikes at Sonoma State University—he achieved mixed results around local initiatives. Th ose events provide further evidence of Savio’s democratic leadership, but they remain undeniably anticlimactic. Even in those closing chapters, Cohen highlights the impact of Savio’s democratic oratory. Cohen’s deconstruction of Savio’s oratorical oeuvre—including an entire chapter about “Bodies Upon the Gears” and a generous selection of speeches—illustrates how 1960s activism sometimes approached high art and even religion. For Savio, “Th e holy . . . was right actions performed with great power” (77). If so, Savio’s oratory inspired sacraments of radicalism that Marxists and Catholics could both embrace.
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ABSTRACT Squatters occupy and restore empty buildings to establish self-managed social centres, where they put in practice alternatives ways of living while engaging in various protest campaigns. Episodes of squatters’ activism have... more
ABSTRACT Squatters occupy and restore empty buildings to establish self-managed social centres, where they put in practice alternatives ways of living while engaging in various protest campaigns. Episodes of squatters’ activism have occurred in many European cities, including the ‘occupy’ movement and the demonstrations against austerity measures in several countries. Despite this trajectory, there is little comparative research on squatters’ movements. This article addresses this gap by examining the determinants of the strength of squatters’ movements in Western Europe using an original dataset of 61 cities (2001–2007). Employing logistic regression analysis, this article investigates the influence of factors that have not been previously examined in a comparative framework. The study shows that large leftist communities provide crucial resources for the squatters’ movement, while prominent extreme right parties polarize the local society, triggering squatters’ activism. Moreover, it demonstrates that larger cities are related to stronger movements and discusses the mechanisms that explain this association. Finally, this article shows that youth unemployment impinges on stronger movements when it interacts with other variables, but overall higher levels of youth unemployment are related to stronger movements. Therefore, resources, polarization and the structural configuration of the city are important determinants of the differential strength of this movement across locations.
Research Interests: Sociology, Social Movements, Political Science, Social Movements (Political Science), Urban Social Movements, and 9 moreLogistic Regression, Contentious Politics, Austerity, Squatting, Squatters, Logistic Regression Odds Ratio for Categorical Data Analysis, Autonomous Social Centers, Antiglobalization Social Movements, and Anti Capitalist Social Movements
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Latin America witnessed a resurgence of protests during the 1990s and early 2000s. Citizens took to the streets to protest against the liberalization of public services and rising levels of inequalities and poverty. This situation partly... more
Latin America witnessed a resurgence of protests during the 1990s and early 2000s. Citizens took to the streets to protest against the liberalization of public services and rising levels of inequalities and poverty. This situation partly changed in the decade of the 2000s when the region experienced a period of sustained social policy expansion intended to extend protections to formerly excluded groups. Did popular mobilization have an influence on the turn toward universalism in Latin American social policy? This paper explores this question by looking at the relationship between protest, the strength of the Left and the adoption of expansive reforms in healthcare, conditional cash transfers and noncontributory pensions. The findings bring support to the idea that protest is a relevant aspect of the politics of social policy reform, although its effects are both sensitive to other characteristics of the political environment and the particular policy dimension considered.
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This article focuses on the education reforms of the current government of Michelle Bachelet (Chile, 2014-2018) triggered by the large student protests of 2011 – the “Chilean winter” – and the overwhelming support of the public for the... more
This article focuses on the education reforms of the current government of Michelle Bachelet (Chile, 2014-2018) triggered by the large student protests of 2011 – the “Chilean winter” – and the overwhelming support of the public for the movement’s demands. The students’ main demands included free education and a greater involvement of the state in education. The parties of the centre-left alliance, then the opposition, embraced these demands and promised broad educational reforms including free post-secondary education. After the center-left coalition (Nueva Mayoría, New Majority) won the presidential election it introduced three major education bills: the “short law” of free education, the creation of two new public universities and fifteen Centers of Technical Formation, and the reform of higher education’s regulatory framework (still under discussion in parliament). While these bills are aimed at increasing the state’s role in higher education, they fall far short of the students’...
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Within many societies across the world, new social and political movements have sprung up that either challenge formal parliamentary structures of democracy and participation, or work within them and, in the process, fundamentally alter... more
Within many societies across the world, new social and political movements have sprung up that either challenge formal parliamentary structures of democracy and participation, or work within them and, in the process, fundamentally alter the ideological content of democratic potentials. At the same time, some parliamentary political parties have attracted a new type of 'populist' political rhetoric and support base. This collection, along with its accompanying Volume 1, examines the emergence of, and the connections between, these new types of left-wing democracy and participation. Through an array of examples from different countries, it explains why left-wing activism arises in new and innovative spaces in society, and how this joins up with conventional left-wing politics, including parliamentary politics. It demonstrates how these new forms of politics can resonate with the real-life experiences of ordinary people and thereby win support for left-wing agendas.
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This article aims at explaining the emergence and magnitude of student protests in Chile in 2011 and in Quebec in 2012. These two societies witnessed unprecedented levels of student mobilization that cannot be accounted for simply by... more
This article aims at explaining the emergence and magnitude of student protests in Chile in 2011 and in Quebec in 2012. These two societies witnessed unprecedented levels of student mobilization that cannot be accounted for simply by pointing out existing resources and political cultures. Although the latter did play a role in shaping the mobilization – insofar as in both Chile and Quebec the student movement is well organized, is composed of dense networks of formal as well as informal organizations and has been characterized by contentious practices for a long time – they cannot alone explain the timing and the duration of the 2011–2012 protests. The authors thus propose to treat organizational resources and political culture as initial conditions and draw on the work of McAdam, Tarrow and Tilly to focus on three processes that were critical in determining the growth and trajectory of the conflict: (1) mediation, as a result of communication and coalition work among student organi...
Research Interests: Sociology, Social Movements, Latin American politics, Political Science, Protest, and 15 moreChile, Québec Studies, Chilean Politics, Student movements, Conflictos Sociales, Student activism in higher education, Movimientos sociales, Current Sociology, Protest Movements, Contentious Politics, Canadian and Quebec Politics, Social Conflict, Mouvements Sociaux, Student Activism, and Student Protest
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Research Interests: Sociology, Transformation of University Systems, Higher Education Policy, Student movements, Student activism in higher education, and 7 moreProtest Movements, Language Culture and Communication, Estudiantes Universitarios, Social Movement Studies, Movimientos estudiantiles, Routledge, and Student Protest
Research Interests: Sociology, Anthropology, Political Science, Latin American social movements, Equity and Social Justice in Higher Education, and 7 moreStudent movements, Literary studies, Students, Contentious Politics, Chilean University Students Movements, Movimiento Estudiantil Latinoamericano, and Student Protest
Research Interests: Sociology, Political Sociology, Social Movements, Anthropology, Education, and 15 moreHigher Education, Political Science, Jurgen Habermas, Chile, Higher Education Management, Chilean Politics, Literary studies, Movimientos sociales, Contentious Politics, Luc Boltanski, Educación superior, Chilean University Students Movements, Cognitive Capitalism, Movimientos estudiantiles, and Movimiento Estudiantil Latinoamericano
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Research Interests: Sociology, Political Sociology, Social Movements, Economics, Comparative Politics, and 15 morePolitical Economy, Social Policy, Welfare State, Unemployment, Protest, Fuzzy Sets, Qualitative comparative analysis (QCA), Welfare State Change, Comparative Social Policy, Retrenchment, Protest Movements, Contentious Politics, Party Politics, Unemployment Insurance, and Political protest and resistance
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Higher education policies have been shaped by various waves of student mobilization. Looking at recent waves of protest with different outcomes in four countries - Quebec, Chile, Italy and England - this book embeds these movements within... more
Higher education policies have been shaped by various waves of student mobilization. Looking at recent waves of protest with different outcomes in four countries - Quebec, Chile, Italy and England - this book embeds these movements within a broader concept of student politics, looking at movement but also non-movement dynamics. These four cases explored cover different higher education systems, from those in which the role of the state is still prominent (Italy, Quebec) to others in which the market has acquired greater relevance over the last decades (England, Chile). The book's main argument is that to understand the capacity of social movements to influence the policy-making process, we must look at the triangle formed by movements, political parties and public opinion.
Research Interests: Sociology, Political Sociology, Social Movements, Political Economy, Political Philosophy, and 13 moreSocial Sciences, Marxism, Higher Education, Political Science, Politics, International Political Economy, Neoliberalism, Student movements, Language Culture and Communication, Bristol University, Social Movement Studies, Neoliberalism and Education, and Student
Viernes 28 de mayo de 2021 14.00hs Buenos Aires // 13.00hs EDT Coordinan Nayla Pis Diez y Guadalupe Seia Modera Sara Musotti Exponen Juan Califa Yann Cristal Mariano Millán Natalia Vega Carlos Durán Migliardi César Guzmán-Concha Víctor... more
Viernes 28 de mayo de 2021
14.00hs Buenos Aires // 13.00hs EDT
Coordinan
Nayla Pis Diez y Guadalupe Seia
Modera
Sara Musotti
Exponen
Juan Califa
Yann Cristal
Mariano Millán
Natalia Vega
Carlos Durán Migliardi
César Guzmán-Concha
Víctor Muñoz Tamayo
Indira Palacios-Valladares
Pablo Toro Blanco
Heather Vrana
Denisse Cejudo Ramos
Gabriela González Vaillant
Vania Markarian
14.00hs Buenos Aires // 13.00hs EDT
Coordinan
Nayla Pis Diez y Guadalupe Seia
Modera
Sara Musotti
Exponen
Juan Califa
Yann Cristal
Mariano Millán
Natalia Vega
Carlos Durán Migliardi
César Guzmán-Concha
Víctor Muñoz Tamayo
Indira Palacios-Valladares
Pablo Toro Blanco
Heather Vrana
Denisse Cejudo Ramos
Gabriela González Vaillant
Vania Markarian
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In this chapter, we describe the situation, trajectories and prospects of left-wing parties and groups in Chile, focusing on the period beginning with the massive student protests of 2011
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Several recent episodes of massive student protests in countries in Europe, Latin America, and Africa, raise the question of whether we are witnessing to a new surge of student protests. This profile offers an interpretation of the... more
Several recent episodes of massive student protests in countries in Europe, Latin America, and Africa, raise the question of whether we are witnessing to a new surge of student protests. This profile offers an interpretation of the socio-economic and political processes that have caused contentious reactions among students, paying special attention to changes in the major characteristics of the higher education sector. In last decades, governments of all colors have enacted laws promoting the outsourcing of personnel, the managerialization of governing bodies, and the introduction of tuition fees as well as cuts to public funding. These changes are inspired by a new paradigm, which promotes the ‘discipline of the market place, the power of the consumer and the engine of the competition.’ In this context, various forms of resistance and opposition can be observed. Here, we focus on three dimensions: (1) financing and autonomy of universities; (2) governance and managerialization; (3) precarization of labor conditions. The profile shows how recent protests in Chile and England are related to changes in the afore-mentioned dimensions. We conclude that the reappearance of students as political actors is related to the emergence of a range of distributional conflicts stemming from the implementation of the neoliberal agenda in the field of higher education.
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University students have traditionally engaged in contentious collective action. New generations of political leaders have emerged out of the student movement, often associated to broader hopes of renewal and regeneration. The events of... more
University students have traditionally engaged in contentious collective action. New generations of political leaders have emerged out of the student movement, often associated to broader hopes of renewal and regeneration. The events of 1968 show students as a key actor committed to a varied program of progressive change which included issues such as the fight against bureaucratism, oppression, and imperialism. The most common depiction of students doing radical politics stems from the images of rallies and clashes with the police in the streets of Paris or Los Angeles. To be sure, education has been traditionally a contentious issue. The right to attend educational programs was one of the core demands of worker movements in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries all over the world. The origins of the welfare state are closely related to the granting of primary education and the idea of minimum levels of compulsory instruction. Education systems have been one of the components of the welfare state, although scholars have paid far more attention to other aspects such as health and pension systems. In historical perspective, the granting of access to higher education to the lower classes was the culmination of the extension of demands that consolidate the access to education (and state provision of it) as social right. Student activism has been sometimes related to the emergence of new middle classes and the expansion of the public sector but also as expressions of demands of emerging sectors so far excluded from the political system. Over the course of the twentieth century, and in successive waves which combine contentious and non-contentious mechanisms and their participation in broader struggles along with other actors such as labour unions, women and peace movements, and left parties, student political activism has resulted in democratization (either restoration or further consolidation), the expansion of the welfare state, and overall in the creation of more opened and inclusive societies. Several recent episodes of massive student protests in countries in Europe, Latin America and Africa, have triggered questions over the main characteristics of a new wave of campus activism taking place across the world. For sure, these protests address the
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Los estallidos sociales de Chile y Colombia emergen de las tensiones causadas por una doble crisis de representación política incubada durante décadas, y del modelo económico neoliberal –que combina la mercantilización de una amplia gama... more
Los estallidos sociales de Chile y Colombia emergen de las tensiones causadas por una doble crisis de representación política incubada durante décadas, y del modelo económico neoliberal –que combina la mercantilización de una amplia gama de áreas de la vida social, con un débil sistema de protección social–. La intensificación del conflicto social, entonces, es consecuencia de la superposición y profundización de ambas crisis. ¿En qué consiste, cómo emergió y qué implicaciones tiene esta doble crisis?