Artsakh

Riccardo Pasqualin, Metz Yeghérn. Breve storia del genocidio degli armeni di Claude Mutafian [recensione], in Sololibri.net, 25-02-2021: Metz Yeghérn. Breve storia del genocidio degli armeni - Claude Mutafian - Recensione libro
(sololibri.net)

THE INTERNAL DISCOURSE IN THE ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN ON THE ARTSAKH CONFLICT UNDER THE RULE OF PRESIDENT HASSAN ROUHANI (2013-2020)

The paper presents a study of the IRI internal discourse related to the Artsakh (Nagorno Karabakh) conflict during the presidency of Hassan Rouhani. It is aimed to emphasize the key concerns and principles discussed by analysts, popular media, and some public figures and to determine the main directions of the discourse.

This study is the main part of my BA thesis - with an edited Introduction and without Appendix attached.

In this analysis I try to explain the historical and political background of the conflict in and around Nagorno-Karabakh (Armenian: Artsakh). In doing so, I address the Azerbaijani leadership's attempt to "Albanize" the history of the disputed region and describe the current difficulties of Armenian-Azerbaijani attempts at understanding. My article can be found on pages 338-357 of the "Religious Freedom Yearbook 2021."

The paper aims to present the historical trace and the development of the idea of national sovereignty and the right of nations to self-determination from the Peace of Westphalia (1648) to Helsinki Final Act (1975). It tends to evaluate Grotius’ place in the context of the European enlightenment and the history of the formulation of the right of nations to self-determination. According to these approaches nations are constructed with common beliefs and organizational structures. Therefore, nations, i.e. the organized political communities, have the right to political self-determination. The Peace of Westphalia symbolized the transformation of the European-world order based on the hierarchical structures of medieval Christendom to the horizontal system of sovereign territorial states. The rising sense of national individualism was promoted by the Renaissance and Reformation. Meanwhile, the start of the secularization and its adjacent idea of self-determination entailed the principle of peaceful coexistence among legally equal members of international society, which found its fundamental expression in the Helsinki Final Act. Thus, socio-philosophical as well as geo-strategic incentives of the European nation building process are taken into consideration. In the time of the French Revolution new patterns of loyalty and national cohesion were created and new paradigms of identity formation emerged. The paper offers a new interpretation of the historical trace and the logic of development of the idea of political self-determination and a comparative analysis of its enforcement history. Then, in the aforementioned context, it analyzes the case of self-determination of the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic (Republic of Artsakh), a successful European de facto state in the Eastern-most Europe. Therefore, one of the highly articulated features in the discourse of the Armenian leadership about Nagorno-Karabakh’s belonging to the European family and to the European international community is the notion that “Europe starts in Nagorno Karabakh.”

While there were some relations existed between Armenia and Diaspora in the years of the Soviet government, Artsakh, which had to exist within the artificial borders of Azerbaijan, was absolutely deprived from the opportunity to communicate with Diaspora. The situation has been changed since the initiation of the Artsakh movement and proclamation of independence of the Artsakh Republic.
A lot of organizations and individuals in Diaspora used their material and non-material resources to help Artsakh and support its struggle in the international arena. The contribution of the volunteer-fighters from Diaspora into the military victory of the Artsakh struggle is invaluable. Since the cease-fire Diaspora has deeply immersed into the post-war rehabilitation of the economy, infrastructures, education and other fields of Artsakh life, continuing the political support on the international level. Thus, the relations between Artsakh and Diaspora can be divided into two main trends:
The socio-economic aspect. The contribution of Diaspora into the socio-economic activity of Artsakh is huge. There have been a lot of personal and collective donations. The society even does not know about the most part of these donations, however, we all have taken part or at least followed the annual telethons: most of the collected funds are directed to heal Artsakh’s wounds. Much more important are the investments or the funds, not yet invested by Diaspora into the business in Artsakh, allowing to provide jobs and stable source of income for the local population. The invested funds are not finished after the end of concrete projects (asphalt, construction), stimulating production of goods, providing revenues to the investor and incomes for the personnel to keep their families.
The Government of the Artsakh Republic proclaimed the agriculture a priority sphere of economy, intending to stimulate investments into this branch. The inflow of funds into this field of economy is quite visible, but it is also obvious that a significant part of the agricultural potential of Artsakh is still unused. So in such conditions foreign investments should be stimulated. It is clear that because of high risk in the area of the Karabakh conflict foreign investments pass by Artsakh, but funds from Diaspora do come to Artsakh, being invested not only for getting revenues. The favorable tax field and privileges can become a good stimulus for the Diaspora organizations, which could invest money into the Artsakh agriculture and get revenues. Everybody understands how strategically important is the correct use of the agricultural potential. It is not only capable to secure the foods self-sufficiency of the country, but also to solve the problems of unemployment in the rural areas, re-connecting peasants to the land and dissuading them from moving to town or abroad. The stimulation of investments by means of tax and other privileges can work on the whole Artsakh economic area.
The more frequent visits of the Artsakh officials to the active Diaspora communities have become an effective way of building relations between Artsakh and Diaspora. For example, after the visit of Prime-Minister Ara Harutiunyan to some Middle Eastern countries an agreement has been achieved on the investment of several millions of dollars. Certainly, it is good, but the necessary factor, allowing to attract investments favorable, is just economic conditions.
The political aspect. Various organizations from Diaspora have provided political support to Artsakh since the very first days of the Artsakh movement. The decision of the U.S. Congress, made by the efforts of the Armenian lobbyist organizations, thanks to which a direct financial assistance is provided to Artsakh is one of the most striking examples of that. In addition to the social and economic importance, this aid is also very much important from the political point of view.
Anti-Artsakh resolutions have been prevented and anti-Azerbaijani documents have been adopted several times in the countries where Armenian communities are strong. One of the most recent political achievements of the Diaspora is the statement by the Uruguayan Foreign Minister on the necessity of the recognition of Artsakh independence. Probably, it can be considered as the biggest achievement of the Diaspora in its political assistance to Artsakh. The mentioned statement marks the beginning of the international recognition of the rights of Artsakh Armenians (to independence or reunification with Armenia). It is necessary to use all our resources to make this process work. Organizations in Diaspora can play a huge role in the process, trying to urge their governments to make appropriate statements on the readiness to recognize Artsakh or even recognize it directly. First of all, such states can be those, where the Turkish-Azerbaijani lobby does not counter-act against the Armenian influence. So some Latin American countries can be a convenient field for the activity of the local Armenian communities.
It is necessary to point out that organizations in the Armenian Diaspora do a lot for presentation of Artsakh to the international community. They hold conferences on Artsakh topics in European countries, the United States, organize visits of MPs to Artsakh, making Azerbaijan nervously convulse. Undoubtedly, these activities allow political figures from given countries to get a true picture of the Artsakh conflict, being some sort of PR-actions, addressed to the residents of those states.
Meanwhile the organizations of the Armenian Diaspora in Europe and the United States consider the international recognition of the Genocide as priority, which has its reflection on their activity in the Artsakh issue, the Russian community is passive in both – the recognition of the Genocide and in the Artsakh direction. However, it is necessary to stress that there are quite a lot of people in the Armenian community in Russia, who are of the Artsakh origin, which supposes a more active struggle. Maybe it is explained by the fact that the community in Russia is too disperse and is not well-organized. So it is this direction that should be discussed and analyzed more attentively to search and find the ways to urge Armenian organizations in Russia to be more active in their work with the society and government, taking into account that Russia is one of the three co-chairmen of the OSCE Minsk Group, occupied with the Karabakh conflict settlement.
However, it is obvious that organizations carry out a serious work in the Artsakh direction, also helping the Armenian Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
Summing up, I would like to state that Diaspora has carried out a colossal work in assisting Artsakh, but there is some need in coordinating the efforts and increasing the effectiveness. And finally it is necessary to point out that Artsakh should not be presented separately in the relations between the homeland with Diaspora, as far as we are one nation, one culture and one state – Armenia.

The current research aims at proposing a new legal approach regarding the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict between The Nagorno-Karabakh (Artsakh) Republic and Azerbaijan, as well as The Republic of Armenia as a third party involved in the case.
The conflict emerged with its current embodiment in late 1980s, due to the national movement of the Armenians in Karabakh for self-determination and reunification with Armenia. The non-violent phase of the conflict lasted no more than half a year and soon after the emergence of the Armenian movement, Azerbaijani then authorities with the help of the Soviet Internal Security Forces and OMON, launched a military attack towards the Armenian population in Karabakh intending to disarm the local Armenian self-defense militia detachments and uproot the Armenian livings in the given region.
The active phase of the conflict, i.e. war of national liberation of Karabakh Armenians against the newly independent Azerbaijani Republic lasted from 1991 till 1994. During the war the newly independent Republic of Armenia conducted humanitarian, military and moral support to its compatriots in Karabakh. Azerbaijan in its turn gained the full support of The Republic of Turkey, as well as solidarity of some Islamic states etc. Russia was amongst the sole countries conducting a policy of keeping balance between belligerents both by arms supply and diplomatic stance.
Generally by the Russian mediation the Armenian sides and the Azerbaijani side signed a truce agreement in May, 1994 which is in force up till now.
The OSCE Minsk Group is delegated the mandate to provide a multilaterally acceptable peaceful resolution for both sides. The negotiations so far proved a little success, though they are an
effective tool in keeping the fragile peace in the front line. The current research presents a thorough investigation of the historical roots of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, the current legal paradigm of the conflict, as well as some basic postulates and theoretical approaches necessary for understanding and dealing with the conflict both on the scientific and academic sphere and on the “realpolitik” level.
As the quintessence of the paper, the author suggests a new legal approach towards the conflict resolution assuming as a basis both the principles and norms of international law as well as the local conditions and factors peculiar to this single conflict.

The study covers the legal aspects of Nagorno-Karabagh problem.
It examines the issues of law as they affected the legal status of Nagorno-Karabagh.
The author – Shahen Avakian, is an expert in international law, professor of law in Yerevan State University and French University of Armenia.
He has graduated from the Paris Sorbonne University and is specialized in international public law and international organizations law.
This study is the third edited publication. It was also translated and published in Armenian, Russian, Arabic and Greek.

"Germanac’i akanatesi vkayowt’ownẹ hyowsisayin Arc’axowm 1905 t’. hay-adrbedžanakan ēndharowmneri masin" (A German eyewitness testimony on the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict of 1905 in Getabek/North Artsakh). "Lraber hasarakakan gitowt’yownneri" (Bulletin of Social Sciences of the Academy of Sciences of the Armenian SSR), Yerevan, P'etrvar 1990, No. 2 (566), pp. 82-87

First translation into Armenian of a letter of 10/23 January 1906 by the then representative of Siemens & Comp., Dr. Adolf Oehrn, to Werner von Siemens, reporting on anti-Armenian excesses on 23 November 1905 in Getabek (Gouvernment Yelisavetpol). The translator from original German into Armenian is Ashot Hayruni.

Π ρόσφατα με πολλή χαρά και συγκίνηση πληροφορηθήκαμε από την αξιότιμη κυρία Αγγελική Καραπάνου, υπεύθυνη των ειδικών συλλογών της Βιβλιοθήκης της Βουλής των Ελλήνων, για το μοναδικό αρμενικό χειρόγραφο της Βιβλιοθήκης, και προσκληθήκαμε για τη μελέτη του. Το υπ'αριθμόν 263 (παλαιός αριθμός: 201) χειρόγραφο είναι ένα Υμνολόγιο (στα Αρμενικά: Σαρακνότς) 1. Έχει διαστάσεις 12,2 Χ 8,7 εκ., αποτελείται από 390 φύλλα περγαμηνής. Ευτυχώς, ανεκτίμητες πληροφορίες για τον χρόνο, τόπο, μικρογράφο και παραγγελιοδότη μας προσφέρει το Σημείωμα, που βρίσκεται στο τέλος του κώδικα. Παρακάτω το παραθέτουμε σε δική μας μετάφραση από τα Αρμενικά: «Εν έτει 1113 της χρονολογίας του αρμενικού γένους, ωλοκληρώθη το πνευματοφόρον αυτό Υμνολόγιον, το επονομαζόμενον «Σαρακνότς». Αυτό ήτο γεγραμμένο εν χώρα Βαγαρσαπάτ και το βιβλίον ούτο εζήτει ο καθαρώτατος και ιερώτατος επίσκοπος κυρ Γρηγόρ, έφορος και κηδεμών της αγίας αδελφότητος και της Μονής,-εις ην οικούν Άγγελοι,της Ερήμου του Γαραμουράτ. Και ότε έφερε εις εμέ, τον ανάξιον και άχρηστον αντιγραφέαν Γρηγόρ, που μόνον κατ' όνομα ειμί Ιερεύς, και μοι ανέθεσε όπως κοσμήσω αυτό διαφόροις χρώμασιν και χρυσώ, εις μνήμην της ψυχής αυτού, και του πνευματικού αυτού γονέως-του ισαγγέλου μοναχού

This paper discusses the competing notions of the self-determination of peoples and territorial integrity of states in the international system. In particular, the paper seeks to understand why the two concepts, which are seemingly at odds with one another, are selectively and differently applied depending on a particular nation’s circumstances. Why is it that in certain cases, nations wishing to secede from their parent state are successful in obtaining a sovereign state of their own, whilst in others, they are not? The paper uses a central case study to explore this dilemma.

Through the case of the de facto Republic of Artsakh, the paper investigates why the latter has been unsuccessful in its plea for independence, when Azerbaijan, its parent state, was able to secede from the Soviet Union, through its own project of self-determination. A rigorous two-step qualitative analysis incorporating theories of secession from political philosophy, as well as legal theories of statehood, help the paper derive its conclusions. It is deduced that great power politics and the “big game of chess” ultimately determine which regions will acquire sovereignty. In the case of Artsakh, the paper rests its case, arguing that its independence will only be actualised when the competing interests of great powers voluntarily converge, supporting its claims to sovereign statehood.

Azərbaycan və Ermənistanın Dağlıq Qarabağ münaqişəsinin həll prinsipləri haqqında mövqeləri fərqlidir. Bu fərqlilik mövqelərin antoqonizminə gətirib çıxarır və nəticə olaraq münaqiş davam etməkdədir. Burada hər iki tərəfin mövqeyi qısa şəkildə göstərilib.

The Republic of Nagorno-Karabakh declared its independence in 1991 and confirmed its secession from the Soviet Union through referendum. The people of Nagorno- Karabakh gained their right for self-determination through struggle and in the war, imposed by Azerbaijan. Further to long-lasting negotiations, the international recognition of the Republic appears on the agenda. In the regional context, Nagorno- Karabakh/Artsakh displays rather a high degree of statehood and therefore serves as a cornerstone of the regional stability of South Caucasus. For Europe, this is a challenge to enhance the long-term stability and welfare in its Eastern boundary in accordance with its own values.

In the book, prominent scientists represent their own solutions to the issue. They substantiate their positions from the point of view of international law, political science, history, security policy and philosophy of law.

Articles by Otto Luchterhandt (Hamburg), Egbert Jahn (Mannheim), Eckart D. Stratenschulte (Berlin), Alexander Manasyan (Yerevan), Martin Malek (Vienna), Sebastian Weber (Berlin), Franz Eder (Innsbruck), Dittmar Schorkowitz (Berlin) and Christian Stadler (Vienna).

The book was presented in Frankfurt Book Fair 2010.

The April 3-7, 2001, OSCE-led peace talks on the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict in Key West, Florida, brought a narrowing of differences between the positions of the Azerbaijani and Armenian heads of state. Although no major breakthrough has been announced, the negotiating trio of the U.S., Russian, and French mediators were cautiously optimistic about chances of a peace agreement to be made after Key West.

The phenomenon of anthropomorphic stelae in Western Asia is known for millennia. Among them are the dis- tinguished stelae discovered in Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh). Their systematic investigation was launched in 2013 as a part of a scientific project of the Artsakh archaeological expedition of the Institute of Archaeology and Ethnography of Armenia. As a result of five years of investigation the initial locations of previously known, but relocated stelae were identified and their cultural and archaeological environment has been defined. A substantial number of new stelae have been discovered. This paper aims to present the main results of the study. The issues of chronology and function are the main topic of this contribution.

The disclosures that surfaced in 2002 regarding a possible swap of territories that the presidents of Armenia and Azerbaijan had allegedly contemplated in an attempt to settle the conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh, can be interpreted by an assumption that the idea of exchanging territories in this conflict is unrealistic and is no longer on the negotiating agenda.

In order to explore an instance from the Nachleben of Caucasian Albania (in the present-day Azerbaijan), the present paper focuses on the Armenian-Albanian marchlands stretching along the right bank of the middle Kur (Kura). Right tributaries of that river became the main axes of the new statelets. The distinct cultural and political identity that was in the process of crystallisation in these valleys during the tenth–beginning of the eleventh century would largely determine, in the period of the Turkic and Mongol invasions, the history of a much vaster area encompassing the eastern spurs of the Lesser Caucasus. Various features of the documents preserved betray a peculiar modus vivendi established between Christianity and Islam on the eastern slopes of the Lesser Caucasus. I take into examination a case of kingship shared between brothers, which has not yet been elucidated in scholarship. In that form of kingship we can discern some characteristic features of the dynastic principle which had been codified in the ancient Armenian society by the customary law. The study enables us to make important conclusions regarding the form of rulership exercised in former Caucasian Albania and regarding the idea of kingship that developed there at the end of the tenth century.

The ceramics of the Classical period revealed from Tigranakert of Artsakh that is dating back to the I century BC – III century AD is presented in wide morphological and functional variability.
In the ceramic complex of Tigranakert there is a separate group of pottery that was used as tableware. In this paper we revise one of the most common types of this cookware – the bowls. The bowls were discovered within the layers of the Classical period both in the citadel area, and in the living quarters.
This kind of ware has flat bottom and widening upwards body. The bowls of Tigranakert presented by rich collection are morphologically similar and slightly differ only in the rim shapes.
According to the studies of the morphological peculiarities and the aesthetic treatment of the bowls revealed from Tigranakert of Artsakh, we can venture a hypothesis that in the I century BC – III century AD its population was presented by urban-dwellers who had cultural relations and led an active trade not only with other cities of Armenia and neighboring countries of the Greco-Roman world, but also with Iranian centers.

The Azerbaijani government has embraced a national identity that states that Azeris are the region’s original inhabitants, using a group called the Caucasian Albanians, despite the lack of any non-Azerbaijani academic support for this claim. Google Arts and Culture until recently unwittingly backed this claim.

Ο έλεγχος του Ναγκόρνο Καραμπάχ έχει αποτελέσει διαχρονικά σημαντικό «αγκάθι» στις σχέσεις μεταξύ Αρμενίας και Αζερμπαϊτζάν, ή τουλάχιστον για όσο διάστημα αυτά τα κράτη ήταν και είναι ανεξάρτητα. Η πρώτη φορά που οι δύο χώρες συγκρούστηκαν για την περιοχή αυτή ήταν το 1918, όταν απέκτησαν την ανεξαρτησία τους από την Ρωσική Αυτοκρατορία. Πέρα από το Καραμπάχ, οι δύο χώρες επίσης διαφωνούσαν ως προς τον έλεγχο των περιοχών Ζανγκεζούρ (σήμερα Αρμενία) και Ναχτσιβάν (σήμερα Αζερμπαϊτζάν), αλλά με δεδομένα τα πολλά και έντονα προβλήματα που προκάλεσε η μετάβασή τους στην ανεξαρτησία, καμία από τις δύο δεν μπορούσε να επιβληθεί αποφασιστικά στην άλλη. Οι Βρετανοί συνέστησαν και στις δύο πλευρές αυτοσυγκράτηση και πρότειναν την διευθέτηση των διαφορών τους στο Συνέδριο Ειρήνης στο Παρίσι το 1919, αλλά το συνέδριο απέφυγε τελικά να ορίσει τα σύνορα μεταξύ των χωρών του Καυκάσου. Στο μεταξύ, το 1920 οι Μπολσεβίκοι ανακατέλαβαν μεγάλο μέρος του Αζερμπαϊτζάν και επιδίωξαν μια συμφωνία με την Αρμενία, στο πλαίσιο της οποίας πρότειναν το Καραμπάχ να γίνει (ή παραμείνει) τμήμα της, υπό την προϋπόθεση ότι θα επέστρεφαν σημαντικά εδάφη στα δυτικά στην κεμαλική Τουρκία, σε αντίθεση με όσα προέβλεπε η Συνθήκη των Σεβρών (10 Aυγούστου 1920).

"Le radici storiche della guerra in Artsakh e il genocidio armeno, conversazione con Antonia Arslan", in Historia Regni,
23/11/2020: https://www.historiaregni.it/le-radici-storiche-della-guerra-in-artsakh-e-il-genocidio-armenoconversazione-
con-antonia-arslan/

THE EXISTENCE AND INDEPENDENCE OF NKR IN THE LIGHT OF ETHNOPSYCHOLOGY
In the current work the fact of separate and independent existence of  Nagorno-Karabakh Republic (Artsakh) is discussed in the light of ethnopsychology. Different points of views respecting the independence of  NKR are enumerated, which are summarized in three ethnopsychological approaches. These approaches are introduced for the first time by the author of the article. The “Federal approach or theory of historical regularity” explains the existence of NKR by the almost permanent presence of independent Armenian statehood in the territory of Artsakh throughout the history. “Independence theory” considers the existence of NKR as a natural result of the struggle and war waged by Artskah for its self-determination. Those who advocate this approach regard the international recognition of NKR as the main objective and ideal of the Nagorno-Karabakh issue. Theory of “indifference and neglect” is a set of views with the rejection of the very idea of Artsakh independence in its basis. Social and political groups adhering to this approach strongly believe that the formation of the NKR is a grave blunder both from political and legal and from national-ideological points of views made by previous and current political elite.
    A logical conclusion is drawn at the end of the article that despite the political and legal developments regarding Nagorno-Karabakh regulation process, it is highly necessary to shape an atmosphere in which Artsakh will be apprehended as a former and current indivisible part of The Great Armenia.

Обеспечение продовольственной безопасности является важной составляющей
национальной безопасности. В этом контексте особый интерес представляет собой проблема
обеспечения продовольственной безопасности непризнанных и частично признанных государств, что
обусловлено, прежде всего, ограниченными возможностями последних в выстраивании самостоятельной
внешнеэкономической и внешнеторговой политики. В особенности данная проблема проявляется в
условиях широкомасштабных военных действий с участием непризнанных или частично признанных
государств. Республика Арцах, будучи непризнанным государством, в результате войны с Азербайджаном
в сентябре-ноябре 2020 года потеряла значительную часть своего сельскохозяйственного потенциала,
что формирует более чем ощутимые риски продовольственной безопасности.

CATTLE-SHAPED VESSELS OF TIGRANAKERT IN ARTSAKH
                                                Armine A. Gabrielyan
Key words -Tigranakert in Artsakh, antique ceramics, ornamental decoration, heraldic scene, Tree of Life, goats, Ancient East, glyptic.
One of the main results of ashcan logical excavations is the rich collection of late antique pottery of Tigranakert in Artsakh (1st century BC-3 rd century AD).This distinguished by the great variety of forms and types. The present articleis devoted to the morphological, functional and artistic examination of antiqueceramics of Tigranakert of Arsakh.The number of such vessels founded from Tigranakert is over three dozens.One of their peculiarities is the flat-cut lip and the unique solution of the crown, which has a circular groove. These vessels do not carry any trace of fire. Thereare some examples of boiler-shaped vessels which have rich decorations, that iswhy it gives grounds to say that they were used as a tableware.One of the sucl, vessels composition is the Life Tree and two goats standingbesides.The iconography of the heraldic-standing goats on both sides of the tree waswidespread even before the 4th-3rd millennium BC in the Old East’s glyptic and in the ornamental decoration of ceramics, later also in the toreutics. We do not know anything about the illustration with such composition among antique ceramics of Armenia. The finding of Tigranakert is still the only one thatshows the viability of the existing tentative motive. The detailed examination of this composition is also important in the sense that later, especially in theMiddle Ages, it was widely spread, in particular, it was stamp-ornament: of so-called stamped jars.

Από τις 2 Απριλίου η διεθνής κοινότητα έχει γίνει μάρτυρας μιας ξαφνικής ανανέωσης των συγκρούσεων μέσα και γύρω από το Ναγκόρνο Καραμπάχ, μιας περιοχής στο νότιο Καύκασο για την οποία ερείζουν εδώ και δεκαετίες το Αζερμπαϊτζάν και η Αρμενία. Με δεδομένη τη γεωπολιτική σημασία της περιοχής, στη μεταψυχροπολεμική εποχή δεν άργησαν να «επανεμφανιστούν» παλιές αντιπαλότητες και συγκρούσεις, στο πλαίσιο της προσπάθειας των χωρών αυτών ή των γειτονικών τους να διατηρήσουν και διευρύνουν τα ερείσματά τους στην περιοχή. Χαρακτηριστικά είναι τα παραδείγματα της Αμπχαζίας και της Νότιας Οσετίας που αποσχίστηκαν από τη Γεωργία τον Αύγουστο του 2008 με ρωσική επέμβαση, ενώ ιδιαίτερης έντασης ήταν και η σύγκρουση Αρμενίων και Αζέρων για τον έλεγχο του Ναγκόρνο Καραμπάχ από τα τέλη του '80 και μέχρι τα μέσα του '90, χωρίς να υπάρχει συμφωνία για το πολιτικό μέλλον της μέχρι σήμερα.

Protection of Hellenism’s Exclusive Economic Zone (the combined EEZ of Hellas and Cyprus) is the single issue which binds together all the national issues that Hellenism faces globally. The threat to Hellenism continues to be the same aggressive Turkish imperialism it has had to deal with for almost a millennium.

Dağlık Karabağ’da 27 yıl sonra başlayan çatışmalar sona erdi. Bu savaşın ilk günlerinde akıllara kazınan görüntülerinden biri, ise Şuşi’de (Şuşa) Surp Amenapırgiç (Ghazanchetsots) Katedrali’nde Sevak Avanesyan’ın Gomidas Vartabed’in Grung eserini çalması oldu.

Ваге Давтян, Потенциал развития угольной промышленности в республике Арцах в контексте энергетической интеграции с Арменией -      Представлены концептуальные основы энергетического и энерготранспортного развития Республики Арцах посредством перманентного развития экономического сотрудничества с Республикой Армения. В качестве теоретической основы для обоснования данного подхода выбрана теория неофункционализма. Рассмотрены основные проблемы поставок энергетического угля из Республики Арцах в Армению. Выявлены основные экономические и политические предпосылки для реализации поставок. Определены ключевые факторы, помешавшие осуществлению поставок арцахского угля на Ереванскую ТЭС в 2013 г. Выявлено, что после решения правительства Армении приступить к реализации проекта последовала бурная реакция ряда гражданских институтов,  утверждавших, что использование угля на ТЭС приведет к  удвоению выбросов углекислого газа а атмосферу. Проанализированы основные транспортно-логистические проблемы осуществления поставок.

Many political observers from Armenia and abroad give mixed reviews of Pashinyan’s government performance in 2019, one year after popular “Velvet Revolution” of 2018. Some think that not enough has been accomplished or that very few superficial changes have been observed while some find many accomplishments in various areas of Armenia’s life ranging from defense to foreign policy, and from economy to higher social-political awareness among the populace in general. In fact, despite all the naysayers and pessimists, ardent critiques of the present government and cynics in general, Armenia made a lot of progress in a number of areas, particularly in the spheres of economy, defense and foreign policy. Increasing its defense budget, opening new embassies and consulates in Middle East, sending a humanitarian mission to Syria, developing friendly relations with Georgia and improving relations with the U.S. and European countries were among its many highlights in 2019. Now, as the new year is fast approaching, what will be the security outlook for Armenia in 2020 and what should Armenia’s security establishment focus on for the next few years?

NARRATIVE ORIENTATION AND AXIOLOGICAL SIGNIFICANCE OF THEMATIC SONGS ON ARTSAKH WAR
(Edgar Elbakyan)
This article deals with the scientific issue of the narrative orientation and axiological significance of Artsakh War songs – yet not properly investigated in the Armenian scientific literature. Our theses state, that these songs are in consistent interdependence and correlation with their prototypes, composed in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Thus, there is a strong organic tie between the past, the present and the future which is made on the literary basis and expressed in the songs.
    Due to the victorious outcome of the Artsakh War, thematic songs on Artsakh War are void of classical sorrow songs which were partly peculiar to the songs of the previous generation of the Armenian Liberty Fight.
    The author has divided Artsakh War thematic songs into three distinct groups: songs dedicated to Artsakh in general and its different villages in particular, songs having general warlike character and songs dedicated to different battalions, commanders and heroes-volunteers.

Cansado de las dilaciones en el proceso de paz, desde su propia perspectiva, y reforzado en su alianza con Turquía, Azerbaiyán atacó Nagorno-Karabagh – llamado Artsaj por los armenios - en septiembre de 2020 (la primera guerra entre 1988 y 1994 terminó con una victoria armenia en Nagorno-Karabagh y los siete distritos circundantes) dando inicio a la segunda guerra, apoyado militarmente por Turquía. Los estrategas azeríes usaron – bajo dirección turca – drones de última generación y fabricación israelí y turca y lograron en 44 días ocupar todo el sur y también parte del noreste del territorio de Nagorno-Karabagh. El acuerdo del cese de fuego del 9 de noviembre de 2020 obligó a los armenios a entregar por partes y hasta comienzos de diciembre de 2020 todo el territorio  tomado entre 1992 y 1994 y  aceptar la presencia de una fuerza rusa en Nagorno-Karabagh por un período de 5 años, entre otras.

El presente artículo aborda el conflicto por la región del Nagorno Karabaj desde sus antecedentes históricos, la relación bilateral entre Armenia y Azerbaiyán y la importancia geoestratégica de la región. Además, se tiene por objeto analizar las estrategias desplegadas por las potencias regionales que afectan directamente el balance de poder en el conflicto, delimitando reglas de juego y un tenso statu quo para los intereses de Bakú, por un lado, y Ereván, por otro. El trabajo está enmarcado en herramientas teóricas que aportan al estudio del conflicto dentro de la disciplina. Palabras claves: potencias regionales-conflictos de la Post Guerra Fría-Cáucaso Sur-balance de poder-orden regional-nacionalismos.

This article addresses the conflict in the Nagorno-Karabakh region from its historical background, the bilateral relationship between Armenia and Azerbaijan and the geostrategic importance of the region. In addition, it aims to analyze the strategies deployed by regional powers that directly affect the balance of power in the conflict, defining some of the rules of game and a tense status quo for the interests of Baku, on the one hand, and Yerevan, on the other. This work is framed in theoretical tools that contribute to the study of conflict within the discipline.