Lobby

In recent decades, civil society organisations (CSOs) have grown both in number and in their impact on policy-making, at European and also non-Member state level. Public institutions, motivated by the need to increase their legitimacy, have increasingly delegated functions to CSOs. Concomitantly, CSOs have expanded their access to public funding. In part because of increased access to public funding, and in part because of a stronger relationship with public powers, CSOs are under pressure to demonstrate that they use the resources they are given in an efficient, accountable and transparent manner, e.g. by adopting policies on fiscal transparency, and by maintaining financial solvency. The EU's interest in regulating CSOs is relatively recent. At present, the legal framework addressing CSOs' financial accountability includes two 'categories' of norms: those that regulate the award of public contracts and the concession of grants, and those norms that address transparency and openness. The first category includes the rules on public contracts and the rules on (co-)financing of CSO projects; whereas the second category includes the Financial Transparency Initiative (FTJ) and the Joint Transparency Register
(JTR). The FTJ gathers all information on EU funding in a single database. The JTR gathers information produced by the various organisations (including CSOs) that are interested in lobbying the EU, and who register voluntarily. Defining the boundaries of CSO fiscal accountability and effectively tackling cases of fraud or financial mismanagement remains a difficult endeavor. On the one hand, the EU still lacks a single overarching understanding (and, consequently, legal definition) of CSOs. This translates into the absence of clear legal definitions, and more generally into
the opacity of the information available on CSOs through EU databases. Moreover, as CSOs are 'private entities', they are not submitted to the same integrity mechanisms and norms that apply to public institutions, including internal and external oversight. Finally, a significant administrative burden imposed on CSOs may, in the end, counter EU efforts to tackle financial mismanagement by CSOs. In many respects, the issue of CSO financial accountability has come to resemble a dialogue of the deaf: EU institution-proposed reforms have been postponed, or have not produced the outcomes expected, or have been fiercely opposed by CSOs. At the same time, the self-regulatory tools (including policies on selecting donors, self monitoring and codes of conduct and standards) developed by CSOs to enhance their
financial accountability have not obtained official recognition from EU institutions.

los que primero apareció y de los que antes alcanzó su desarrollo. El autor analiza, a par-tir de diversas fuentes documentales, como las ordenanzas de la anexa cofradía, aparecidas entre los siglos XIII y XV, acuerdos con otros oficios, caso de los plateros, un juro de heredad comprado a la monarquía, etc., la evolución de esta corporación hasta su constitución en algo más que un auténtico gremio. En el que se convirtió tras alcanzar autonomía legislativa, ejecutiva y judicial en el seno de la profesión, o lo que es lo mismo, cuando pasó a tener la jurisdicción sobre la misma en la ciudad. Pero a la vez, pronto llegó a ser un círculo de poder, debido a su importancia económica, como aso-ciación de banqueros, a su prestigio social, por patrocinar actividades religiosas y festivas, y a su in-fluencia política, al contar entre sus filas a regidores y otros miembros del patriciado local. P Pa al la ab br ra as s C Cl la av ve es s Cambistas, banqueros, gremio, juro, lobby. A Ab bs st tr ra ac ct t The guild of money changers of the city of Santiago de Compostela was one of the first to appear and develop in the Castilian kingdom. By referring to different documentary sources such as the rules of the association which appeared between the 13th and 15th century, the agreement with other trades such as silversmiths, a landed property oath which enabled the guild to buy royal incomes, the author analyses the development of the corporation into something more than a guild. He shows how it gained legislative, executive and judicial autonomy, when it got jurisdiction in the city. Moreover, it quickly became a very powerful group due to its financial importance as a bank association, its social prestige which enabled it to sponsor religious activities and festivals and also to its political influence owing to the great number of public rulers and other local patricians who belonged to this organization K Ke ey y W Wo or rd ds s Money changers, bank managers, guild, association, powerful group. R Re es su um mé é La guilde de changeurs d'argent de la ville de Saint-Jacques de Compostelle a été unes des premières à faire son apparition, parmi celles de la Couronne de Castille, et de atteindre son développement. L´auteur examine, à partir de diverses sources documentaires, telles que les ordonnances de la confré-rie annexe, apparues entre les siècles XIII et XV, les accords avec d'autres guildes, comme les orfè-vres, une dette publique acquis à la monarchie, et autres, l'évolution de cette société jusqu'à son transformation dans quelque chose de plus que d'une véritable union. Dans laquelle elle est devenue après avoir atteint l'autonomie législative, exécutive et judiciaire au sein de la profession, c´est à dire, la juridiction sur la même dans la ville. Mais dans le même temps, elle est rapidement devenue un cer-cle de pouvoir, en raison de son importance économique, pour être une association des banquiers, de son prestige social, pour le parrainage des activités religieuses et des festivités, et de son influence po-litique, pour compter parmi ses rangs des membres de la oligarchie local. M Mo ot ts s-c cl lé és s changeurs d'argent, banquiers, guilde, dette publique, lobby.

Das "Handbuch Unternehmenskommunikation" stellt auf aktuellem Stand dar, wie Kommunikation zum wirtschaftlichen Erfolg beiträgt. Namhafte Autoren zeigen, wie PR, interne Kommunikation und Marktkommunikation die Führung unterstützen, Reputation steigern und immaterielle Werte schaffen.

While there were some relations existed between Armenia and Diaspora in the years of the Soviet government, Artsakh, which had to exist within the artificial borders of Azerbaijan, was absolutely deprived from the opportunity to communicate with Diaspora. The situation has been changed since the initiation of the Artsakh movement and proclamation of independence of the Artsakh Republic.
A lot of organizations and individuals in Diaspora used their material and non-material resources to help Artsakh and support its struggle in the international arena. The contribution of the volunteer-fighters from Diaspora into the military victory of the Artsakh struggle is invaluable. Since the cease-fire Diaspora has deeply immersed into the post-war rehabilitation of the economy, infrastructures, education and other fields of Artsakh life, continuing the political support on the international level. Thus, the relations between Artsakh and Diaspora can be divided into two main trends:
The socio-economic aspect. The contribution of Diaspora into the socio-economic activity of Artsakh is huge. There have been a lot of personal and collective donations. The society even does not know about the most part of these donations, however, we all have taken part or at least followed the annual telethons: most of the collected funds are directed to heal Artsakh’s wounds. Much more important are the investments or the funds, not yet invested by Diaspora into the business in Artsakh, allowing to provide jobs and stable source of income for the local population. The invested funds are not finished after the end of concrete projects (asphalt, construction), stimulating production of goods, providing revenues to the investor and incomes for the personnel to keep their families.
The Government of the Artsakh Republic proclaimed the agriculture a priority sphere of economy, intending to stimulate investments into this branch. The inflow of funds into this field of economy is quite visible, but it is also obvious that a significant part of the agricultural potential of Artsakh is still unused. So in such conditions foreign investments should be stimulated. It is clear that because of high risk in the area of the Karabakh conflict foreign investments pass by Artsakh, but funds from Diaspora do come to Artsakh, being invested not only for getting revenues. The favorable tax field and privileges can become a good stimulus for the Diaspora organizations, which could invest money into the Artsakh agriculture and get revenues. Everybody understands how strategically important is the correct use of the agricultural potential. It is not only capable to secure the foods self-sufficiency of the country, but also to solve the problems of unemployment in the rural areas, re-connecting peasants to the land and dissuading them from moving to town or abroad. The stimulation of investments by means of tax and other privileges can work on the whole Artsakh economic area.
The more frequent visits of the Artsakh officials to the active Diaspora communities have become an effective way of building relations between Artsakh and Diaspora. For example, after the visit of Prime-Minister Ara Harutiunyan to some Middle Eastern countries an agreement has been achieved on the investment of several millions of dollars. Certainly, it is good, but the necessary factor, allowing to attract investments favorable, is just economic conditions.
The political aspect. Various organizations from Diaspora have provided political support to Artsakh since the very first days of the Artsakh movement. The decision of the U.S. Congress, made by the efforts of the Armenian lobbyist organizations, thanks to which a direct financial assistance is provided to Artsakh is one of the most striking examples of that. In addition to the social and economic importance, this aid is also very much important from the political point of view.
Anti-Artsakh resolutions have been prevented and anti-Azerbaijani documents have been adopted several times in the countries where Armenian communities are strong. One of the most recent political achievements of the Diaspora is the statement by the Uruguayan Foreign Minister on the necessity of the recognition of Artsakh independence. Probably, it can be considered as the biggest achievement of the Diaspora in its political assistance to Artsakh. The mentioned statement marks the beginning of the international recognition of the rights of Artsakh Armenians (to independence or reunification with Armenia). It is necessary to use all our resources to make this process work. Organizations in Diaspora can play a huge role in the process, trying to urge their governments to make appropriate statements on the readiness to recognize Artsakh or even recognize it directly. First of all, such states can be those, where the Turkish-Azerbaijani lobby does not counter-act against the Armenian influence. So some Latin American countries can be a convenient field for the activity of the local Armenian communities.
It is necessary to point out that organizations in the Armenian Diaspora do a lot for presentation of Artsakh to the international community. They hold conferences on Artsakh topics in European countries, the United States, organize visits of MPs to Artsakh, making Azerbaijan nervously convulse. Undoubtedly, these activities allow political figures from given countries to get a true picture of the Artsakh conflict, being some sort of PR-actions, addressed to the residents of those states.
Meanwhile the organizations of the Armenian Diaspora in Europe and the United States consider the international recognition of the Genocide as priority, which has its reflection on their activity in the Artsakh issue, the Russian community is passive in both – the recognition of the Genocide and in the Artsakh direction. However, it is necessary to stress that there are quite a lot of people in the Armenian community in Russia, who are of the Artsakh origin, which supposes a more active struggle. Maybe it is explained by the fact that the community in Russia is too disperse and is not well-organized. So it is this direction that should be discussed and analyzed more attentively to search and find the ways to urge Armenian organizations in Russia to be more active in their work with the society and government, taking into account that Russia is one of the three co-chairmen of the OSCE Minsk Group, occupied with the Karabakh conflict settlement.
However, it is obvious that organizations carry out a serious work in the Artsakh direction, also helping the Armenian Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
Summing up, I would like to state that Diaspora has carried out a colossal work in assisting Artsakh, but there is some need in coordinating the efforts and increasing the effectiveness. And finally it is necessary to point out that Artsakh should not be presented separately in the relations between the homeland with Diaspora, as far as we are one nation, one culture and one state – Armenia.

Le storie e le cronache giudiziarie e politiche sembrano mostrare come in Italia affaristi, faccendieri, difensori di caste e lobbisti siano sinonimi. Appare sempre più arduo dalle nostre parti separare affari, politica e rappresentanza di interessi, inserendoli in un contesto chiaro e trasparente: lobbista è oggi una dequalificazione, il termine è connotato negativamente a livello giornalistico e di opinione pubblica. Tutto è lobby, più o meno potente, più o meno influente, più o meno cattiva. In molti Paesi, specie anglosassoni, non è così: fare lobbying non è una caotica giungla di lobbismi, ma un’attività regolamentata, trasparente e riconosciuta come imprescindibile per il buon funzionamento della democrazia. Il libro mette a nudo, con una rigorosa indagine documentale e sul campo inserita in una narrazione vivace, tutti i difetti, molto spesso i misfatti, ma anche le potenziali "virtù" di una attività lobbistica in una democrazia normale, che funzioni, efficiente. La positività del lobbying può esistere solo a condizione di fare e osservare regole che l'autore propone con nettezza e che chiamano in causa il sistema democratico nel suo complesso.

ZUM BUCH: Will Politik beraten sein?  Ja, aber nicht immer, nicht überall und nicht durch jeden, der Politikberatung professionell oder als Wissenschaftler anbietet. In der Berliner Republik hat sich die Nachfrage nach Politikberatung gewandelt. Ein klares Indiz hierfür ist die wachsende privatwirtschaftliche Politikberatung. Der Anspruch lautet heute: Zum einen zwischen Politik, Wirtschaft und Öffentlichkeit zu vermitteln; zum anderen die Brücke zwischen Wissenschaft und politischer Praxis zu schlagen.

Die deutsche Politikberaterszene sucht international nach Orientierungspunkten und ein neues Selbstverständnis, auch als Profession. Zur Professionalisierung gehört, angeheizt durch Affären und Skandale, die wachsende Debatte um Ethik, Verhaltensregeln, Selbstregulierung und die Grenzen von Lobbying, Spin und Kontaktgeschäft. Denn Politikberater bewegen sich oft auf dem schwierigen Gelände von Interessenkonflikten und geringer demokratischer Kontrolle.

Dieser Band dokumentiert zwei Berliner Fachtagungen der Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Politikberatung und dem Deutschen Institut für Public Affairs. Zu Wort kommen Praktiker aus dem In- und Ausland. Ihre Analysen werden ergänzt durch eine bisher einmalige Dokumentation internationaler Beispiele für Verhaltensregeln für Politikberater und Politiker.

“That’s not the way we do it here” or “That doesn’t work here” are the unnerving comments political consultants dread to hear whenever they fly in to a new place. The European Union (EU) is such a place, and particularly American lobbying and advocacy specialists are prone to get an earful whenever they dare to suggest modern-day legislative strategies and hard-nosed pres- sure campaign tactics that have become the staple in the United States both at the federal and state level. Coalition-building? Advocacy campaigns? Grassroots? Grasstops? Lobby days, fly-ins, Capitol steps picketing, orchestrated constituent mail, patch-through phone campaigns, corporate employee “civic action networks,” “voter education” advertising and election-year get-out-the- vote (GOTV) mobilization based on viral marketing and web 2.0 techniques? Until recently, most pan-European strategists would have none of that. It seemed to fit neither the resources nor the culture. The supranational structure of the EU, different languages, and the absence of a common European people or public have made grassroots lobbying, if not unfeasible in the EU, at least not worth the cost in the past.1 Until recently, most returning American political professionals would tell baffled colleagues that Brussels is a place where only elite lobbying counts, parties and elections are irrelevant to the lobbyist’s trade, political money is mainly invested in gourmet cuisine expense accounts, Lobbying Disclosures Act (LDA)-style registration and disclosure is unknown, news media- driven debates and public opinion polls are fringe phenomena for lobbying work, and citizens are far-away abstract entities because constituents have no clue what Brussels does or who their representatives are, anyway. Consensus politics, they would iterate, gives cover to unintelligible policy-making, and the lack of adversarial party competition contributes to the phenomenon of a perfect insider game. The confederated Euro-interest groups do not help at this point either, as they have more incentives to play institutional politics rather than engage their members in polarizing advocacy campaigns; even the lobby sector seems “over-institutionalized.”2 Brussels, the American political traveler would report, is the place where organizing pressure or using anti-big-government rhetoric will quickly turn the perceived aggressor into the village pariah. In Washington, one can make a career being anti-Washington; in Brussels, no one can be anti-Brussels. Therefore, the quintessential Brussels advocate must be anything but a Washington political warrior: the Brussels advocate must be a soft-spoken, multi-cultural, multi-tongued polite diplomat, the servant of consensus and constructive consultation, a friendly policy coordinator and connoisseur of knowledge for the myriad of expert groups and "comitology" system. A person who can serve reliable evidence, legal arguments and scientific data to policy- makers, an unbiased supplier of robust facts. The job description means, always be part of the solution (even if you don’t like it), and never of the problem. No political hellraisers need apply. That’s Brussels. Or it used to be.

Resumo:
O presente artigo tem como objetivo apresentar e discutir a prática do lobby no Brasil. Pretende-se, portanto, analisar a legislação existente, as diversas tentativas de regulamentação dessa prática no país e apresentar alguns argumentos favoráveis e contrários à sua regularização. Além disso, será apresentado o polémico caso do senador Demóstenes Torres, acusado de praticar lobby de forma antiética para facilitar trâmites de projetos de lei no Congresso Nacional brasileiro, o caso que ficou conhecido como a “Máfia dos caça-níqueis”.

Abstract:
The objective of this paper is to present and discuss the practice of lobbying in Brazil. The aim is therefore to analyze the existing legislation, the several attempts to regulate this practice in the country and also present some positive and negative arguments about the regularization of the lobbying in Brazil. Additionally, will be presented the polemic case of senator Demóstenes Torres, accused of practicing unethically lobby to facilitate procedures of laws in the Parliament, the case that became knowned as the "Máfia dos caça-níqueis".

En Chile hace algunos años se habla de crisis de confianza, como causal de la desafección que sienten los ciudadanos frente a las instituciones y que año a año ha ido en aumento, poniendo en riesgo la democracia como sistema de gobierno. Es así, que en respuesta ante este fenómeno los gobiernos han implementado una serie de leyes que tienen por objetivo otorgar a la ciudadanía mayores atribuciones para fiscalizar de mejor manera al Estado, y de alguna manera tratar de recuperar la credibilidad en el sistema Público.
A esta serie de medidas, se les conoce internacionalmente como Accountability Social, y se refiere a las herramientas que tienen los ciudadanos para exigir rendición de cuentas a la autoridad y funcionarios, así como también a la capacidad que se tiene para sancionar actos de corrupción; en Chile tenemos una serie de leyes que incrementan las opciones de acceso a la información de las instituciones, pero, a pesar de esto, no se observa una mejora en el problema de crisis de confianza. Frente a esto vale la pregunta: ¿son eficaces las herramientas de Accountability Social?
Para responder esta interrogante analizaremos la Ley del Lobby como herramienta de Accountability Social; trataremos de demostrar su eficacia, examinaremos su capacidad respecto de la “obligación de informar” que tienen los sujetos pasivos, las posibilidades de “imponer sanciones”, y también presentaremos sus logros y desafíos futuros.
Lo anterior a través de análisis de entrevistas dirigidas a actores relevantes de la materia en la institución de estudio, así como la triangulación de datos disponibles que nos permitirán comprender si estas leyes son efectivas al momento de abordar el problema de fondo.

Esta pesquisa inicia apresentando a interação entre agentes econômicos e políticos, como também conceitos sobre as atividades de grupos de defesa de interesses por meio do lobby, em especial aquelas realizadas por agentes econômicos norteamericanos, tanto em território estadunidense quanto além das suas fronteiras, como no Brasil, e as estratégias empregados para que as demandas do setor privado transformem-se em ações estatais. Explorando dessa maneira o desenvolvimento e a participação de atores reconhecidos no sistema internacional pela visão da teoria neoliberal desenvolvida por Keohane e Nye, como as empresas transnacionais e organizações. Por meio da formulação da interdependência complexa, onde todos os atores estão conectados. Logo, esse trabalho se propõe a demonstrar o lobby como uma ferramenta fundamental da interdependência complexa.http://repositorio.uniceub.br/retrieve/33507/21496648.pd

"ZUM BUCH: Will Politik beraten sein? Ja, aber nicht immer, nicht überall und nicht durch jeden, der Politikberatung professionell oder als Wissenschaftler anbietet. In der Berliner Republik hat sich die Nachfrage nach Politikberatung gewandelt. Ein klares Indiz hierfür ist die wachsende privatwirtschaftliche Politikberatung. Der Anspruch lautet heute: Zum einen zwischen Politik, Wirtschaft und Öffentlichkeit zu vermitteln; zum anderen die Brücke zwischen Wissenschaft und politischer Praxis zu schlagen. Die deutsche Politikberaterszene sucht international nach Orientierungspunkten und ein neues Selbstverständnis, auch als Profession. Zur Professionalisierung gehört, angeheizt durch Affären und Skandale, die wachsende Debatte um Ethik, Verhaltensregeln, Selbstregulierung und die Grenzen von Lobbying, Spin und Kontaktgeschäft. Denn Politikberater bewegen sich oft auf dem schwierigen Gelände von Interessenkonflikten und geringer demokratischer Kontrolle. Dieser Band dokumentiert zwei Berliner Fachtagungen der Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Politikberatung und dem Deutschen Institut für Public Affairs. Zu Wort kommen Praktiker aus dem In- und Ausland. Ihre Analysen werden ergänzt durch eine bisher einmalige Dokumentation internationaler Beispiele für Verhaltensregeln für Politikberater und Politiker."

Wirtschaftsverbände in der Verbändelandschaft
Aufstellung der Lobby in Berlin und Brüssel
Überraschungen bei der Mitgliederentwicklung
Konkurrenz und Interessenkonflikte
Strategische Themensetzung
Aufgaben in den Public Affairs
Instrumente der Interessenvertretung
Mit welchem Erfolg?
Einfluss- und Erfolgsfaktoren im Lobbying

SUMARIO: 1. Los grupos depresión en democracia. - 2. Formas de participación en España. - 3. El renacer de la participación. - 4. ¿Qué es un grupo de presión? - 5. Características y formas de actuación. - 6. Las actividades de los grupos de presión en España. - 7. La necesidad de legislar la existencia y la actuación de los grupos de presión. - 8. La legislación sobre los grupos de presión en otros países. - 9. Una propuesta de legislación para los grupos de presión en España.