Berber

In comparative studies, within Hamito-Semitic and between the latter and Indo-European, many scholars have tried to compare numerals as such. In this paper, it is suggested to compare other features in the domain of numerals, such as the order of tens and units in composed numerals, the formation of tens and the number of counted object.

A survey of the multiple participants involved in linguistic planning of the Berber language, both in North Africa and in the diaspora: speakers, cultural associations, notable individuals, States, universities, institutions (HCA in Algeria, IRCAM in Morocco), schools, parties and movements, opposants, migrants abroad and second generations, foreign institutions (e.g. Inalco, France), foreign States, Berber associations in the world (e.g. CMA), standard-setting organizations (e.g. Unicode).

Il berbero e una lingua che difficilmente si puo definire “minore”, tanto in termini assoluti (15-20 milioni di parlanti) quanto in termini relativi (probabilmente in Marocco i berberofoni sono superiori al numero degli arabofoni). E’ tuttavia indubbio che nei paesi in cui viene parlata la lingua berbera si trova in un evidente stato di inferiorita, che risale a due tipi di cause: 1Una pesante censura di tipo ideologico da parte delle autorita statali (solo da poco si cominciano ad osservare parziali aperture e timidi “riconoscimenti”) 2Il ruolo oggettivamente “secondario” che essa ha come lingua scritta fin dai tempi di Massinissa, il che in qualche caso non appare imputabile a imposizione esterna ma sembra discendere da scelte volontarie dei locutori (quest’ultimo tipo di atteggiamento, pero, appare in netto regresso, soprattutto negli ultimi decenni). La enorme dispersione geografica (si pensi che il berbero e la lingua di un intero subcontinente, l’Africa mediterranea e saharian...

A particularly attractive but hitherto unidentified Berber type of costume, a striped  haik (a rectangular flat weave garment worn by  women) appeared on the Moroccan textile art market a number of years ago. L. Viola during one of his recent field trips identified for the first time the tribe that produced them. These Berber weavings are generally about 50 years old (but are still produced) and were woven in the Ait Moussa villages of the Mejjat Anti-Atlas tribe. While Lucien Viola traces their history and beliefs, Alexandra Sachs, co-author, describes their aesthetic and exceptional visual impact.
This article was published by Hali Magazine (issue 200 summer 2019) An Infinity of Stripes.

This article presents a descriptive study of baby talk (BT) in the Maghreb (including its phonology, morphology, and syntax). The majority of data comes from Morocco and Algeria; additional examples from Libya and Egypt are provided. Both Arabic and Berber languages are discussed. Baby talk – a special speech register used when addressing babies – is common in North Africa, both among Arabs and Berbers. As in many languages, the structure of Maghrebian BT terms is simple, usually made up of two syllables consisting of a consonant and a vowel. Reduplication is also common in BT cross-linguistically. Gemination of C2 is frequent in Afro-Asiatic languages, including Arabic and Berber, e.g. Moroccan Arabic pappa ‘bread’, ninni ‘sleep’, fuffu ‘fire’. As is often the case around the world, Maghrebian BT is usually accompanied by an accented prosody. There are many similarities between BT terms throughout the Maghreb. Maghrebian BT lexicon is conventionalized and rich – the number of terms can reach 200 per dialect. Most typical semantic groups are: food, animals, body parts, basic actions and qualities, etc. BT terms are mostly nouns and verbs, but can often be used in different grammatical categories. Morphological markers are usually absent. Maghrebian BT differs radically from the standard (adult) speech on all language levels (phonology, morphosyntax, word roots). Hence, BT cannot be regarded as a distortion of adult speech. It is interesting to investigate, then, why adults teach infants a language so divergent from their own.

The images of the Fish and of the Hamsa hand are two familiar sights that belong to the North-African culture. It is usually believed that they are a form of local amulets. The proposed analysis attempts to trace back these two symbols. The Hamsa hand also exists in the Levant. If the Phoenician cult of Tanit is an obvious link, it remains insufficient to account for its widespread legacy among other ethnic groups such as the Jews or the ancient Libyc population (the Berbers). It is clear that the sign reveals the existence of an underlying heritage shared among all the historic and religious groups. The past history of the Maghreb accounts for its diversity that somehow managed to blend into a melting-pot. On the other hand, the Fish symbol offers a specific connotation, more endemic to Tunisia. The Punic heritage of the country, as well as its geographical position, are at the core of the overall recognition. The fish always been a basic food in the country. A Tunisian-style Couscous with fish is after all a local trademark! Yet, there is more to say on this other widespread symbol. Holy Scriptures and common myths have played their part to turn the symbol into another example of a shared heritage. It may have begun at the times of the primordial waters of Nun according to the ancient Egyptian Ennead. In fact, both the Fish and the Hamsa hand present a common parallel that epitomizes a cultural blend. It is used not only as a protection for any kind of an ''evil-eye'' but also as a symbolic unity for the entire community. C.S. Les Symboles de la Main et du Poisson RÉSUMÉ Les signes de la Main Hamsa et du Poisson sont largement reconnus comme étant des éléments appartenant à la culture nord-africaine. Le plus souvent, on pense qu'il s'agit d'une forme d'amulette locale. L'analyse proposée ici tente de remonter aux origines de ces deux symboles. La main Hamsa se retrouve aussi au Levant. Or même si le culte phénicien de Tanit apparaît comme étant un lien vraisemblable, ceci n'est pas suffisant pour expliquer son utilisation généralisée parmi d'autres groupes ethniques tels que les Juifs ou les anciennes populations libyques (les Berbères). Il est clair que ce signe révèle également l'existence d'un legs sous-jacent appartenant à tous les groupes ancestraux et religieux. L'histoire du Maghreb témoigne d'une grande diversité qui a eu pour résultat de créer un véritable creuset culturel. Par ailleurs, le symbole du Poisson présente un aspect spécifique plus nettement tunisien. L'ascendance punique du pays, tout comme sa position géographique sont au coeur de cette reconnaissance généralisée. Le poisson demeure sans nul doute une base de l'alimentation tunisienne. Le couscous au poisson, n'est-il pas une marque identitaire ? Il reste pourtant beaucoup à dire sur la fréquence de ce symbole. Les Écritures et des mythes partagés s'ajoutent pour conférer au Poisson la marque d'un autre partage culturel. L'origine pourrait bien émaner du temps lointain des eaux primordiales de Nun, tel que cela est mentionné dans les récits de l'Ennéade d'Atoum, des anciens Égyptiens. De fait, le Poisson et la main Hamsa stigmatisent en parallèle une même convergence culturelle. Ce ne sont pas exclusivement des talismans destinés à éloigner le ''mauvais oeil'', ce sont aussi les témoins symboliques qui unissent les communautés existantes. C.S.

Comment l’affirmation berbère s’est-elle construite en Algérie, et plus particulièrement dans le cas de la Kabylie ? À rebours des clichés sur les problématiques régionalistes, Yassine Temlali entreprend dans ce livre de définir un cadre d’analyse rigoureux à partir de questionnements essentiels : quelle était la situation réelle des communautés berbères à la veille de la conquête coloniale ? L’occupation française a-t-elle pu être un agent d’intégration des régions berbérophones à une nouvelle entité, l’Algérie ? Y a-t-il eu une « politique kabyle » de la France ? Pourquoi les berbéro-nationalistes du PPA-MTLD, critiques envers sa doctrine arabo-islamique, sont-ils restés minoritaires ? Y a-t-il eu au sein du FLN, entre 1954 et 1962, une guerre entre « Arabes » et « Kabyles » ? Pourquoi dans les régions berbérophones de l’Est, l’affirmation berbère n’est-elle pas aussi ancienne qu’en Kabylie ? Et comment expliquer qu’à l’indépendance, en 1962, ces régions se soient positionnées de façon différente vis-à-vis du régime d’Ahmed Ben Bella ?
S’écartant des sentiers battus de l’essentialisation des identités culturelles, par définition flottantes et éphémères, l’auteur restitue le cadre historique dans lequel, entre 1830 et 1962, est née en Algérie une conscience culturelle et politique berbère, de façon concomitante avec la naissance de ces entités modernes que sont la nation algérienne, la Kabylie… Un livre original et salutaire qui entend dépasser la guerre des « récits identitaires » en Algérie et qui, en France, intéressera notamment nombre de lecteurs dont les racines plongent dans ce pays.
[Texte de la 4e page de couverture]

Pour lire un extrait :

https://orientxxi.info/lu-vu-entendu/la-kabylie-entre-mythes-coloniaux-et-realites-algeriennes,1052

RESUMEN
Presentamos la traducción al español y el estudio comparado de un cuento oral, Hamu el pícaro y la bruja, que fue registrado por Abdelhak Konaydi en 2016. La narradora, del pueblo de Laazzanen, en la comarca de Beni-Ansar (Nador), en Marruecos, se expresa en una variedad de la lengua rifeña (bereber) del nordeste del país. El cuento está protagonizado por un personaje burlador, tramposo o trickster, que vence a una bruja caníbal. Muestra paralelismos con los relatos de Pedro Urdemalas o Pedro de Malasartes, que es el trickster típico en muchos cuentos folclóricos españoles. El relato rifeño es una secuencia de los tipos narrativos internacionales ATU 1563, ATU 175 y ATU 327C. Y contiene, además, una gran cantidad de motivos folclóricos migratorios.

ABSTRACT
We present the translation into Spanish and the comparative study of an oral tale, that of Hamu the trickster and the witch, which was registered by Abdelhak Konaydi in 2016. The narrator, from the town of Laazzanen, in the Beni-Ansar region (Nador), in Morocco, speaks in a variety of the Riffian language (Rif Berber) in the northeast of the country. The story features a trickster protagonist who defeats a cannibal witch. It shows parallelisms with the stories of Pedro Urdemalas or Pedro de Malasartes, who is the typical trickster in many Spanish folk tales. The story from the Riff is a sequence of the international narrative types ATU 1563, ATU 175 and ATU 327C. In addition, it contains a large number of migratory folkloric motifs.

The archaeoastronomical studies developed until moment in Gran Canaria have revealed the high level reached by the astronomical practices of the ancient Canarians. Responding to these studies, the Cabildo of the island has developed an important labor, protecting and promoting various places with archaeoastronomical interest. The aim of our work is precisely to reflect on the protection policies developed in two specific cases: Cuatro Puertas (Telde) and Risco Caído (Artenara). After analyzing the available evidence and evaluating the degree of importance of each of them, the results show a total and disturbing lack of balance in the protection of both sites, probably due to a profound misunderstanding of the current state of research. On this basis, I argue that the Cabildo of Gran Canaria should undertake a thorough reassessment of its protection policies to the archaeoastronomical sites of the island.

Paper in French concerning some traditional meta-linguistic terms (names of letters and other linguistic and literary lexicon found in ancient written texts as well as in modern oral poetry).

The paper was also published in: Noura Tigziri (ed.), "Actes du Colloque International sur l'Enseignement des Langues Maternelles - Tizi-Ouzou Les 23, 24 et 25 mai 2003", Tizi-Ouzou, Université Mouloud Mammmeri, 2006, p. 99-111.

In both cases the printed version was badly messed up by the typographer. This on-line version mirrors the first edition (Paris 2005), and adheres to its page numbering as far as the distribution of content is concerned, but restores the right spellings and the parts which have been damaged.

Conclusions (in French):

Si l’on veut essayer de résumer de façon très synthétique les composantes dégagées, on relève :
– un fond zénète, à l’intérieur duquel on constate plusieurs traits communs avec le parler de Figuig ;
– une composante nefousi (plutôt le parler de Yefren que le parler de Fassato) ;
– une composante “ghadamsi” dont l’origine n’est pas facile à saisir, et dont il serait intéressant de connaître les vicissitudes ;
– quelques rares éléments “kabyles” de provenance probablement, kétamienne ;
– une innovation phonétique partagée seulement par le touareg, indice, peut-être, d’une ancienne composante hawwara.

In the past few decades, identity politics in Morocco experienced substantial changes. Amazigh (Berber) heritage moved from being a marginal component of Morocco’s national identity to one of its core elements. Whereas in the aftermath of independence, the Moroccan regime pursued a homogenising nationalist project solely based on Arabism and Islam, the past two decades witnessed a change in the state’s policy whereby it recognised Amazigh heritage as part of the nation’s identity. Through looking at historical and discursive data, this research aims to demonstrate how the emergence of an embryonic form of Amazigh nationalism catalysed this change of policy. I argue that the mutation of Amazigh demands for ethno-linguistic recognition into a wider political dynamic prompted the Moroccan regime to co-opt the Amazigh movement and incorporate Amazigh heritage into the nation’s identity discourse.

Augmented and edited version of Amawal, dictionary of Berber words related to modern concepts and objects. The first version of Amawal was published in 1974 by Mouloud Mammeri and his team. It was of course incomplete and contained a few errors. This work corrects and completes it in a way.

This article presents a study of an 18/19th-century Kabyle Berber manuscript from the Lmuhub Ulahbib library (Béjaïa, Algeria) dealing with theology (the Sanusi Creed). First, the manuscript is placed in its historical and religious context. The structure of the Berber text is presented and compared briefly with the Arabic sources. Palaeographic, orthographic, and linguistic features of the document are discussed and illustrated by means of a passage from the manuscript.

This paper proposes to approach the history of Arabic-Amazigh contact on the basis of the (ir)regularities of Moroccan Arabic participles in comparison with Amazigh agentive nouns. It is argued that MA has developed a category of agentives copied from Amazigh. Four pieces of evidence are advanced in support of an Amazigh substrate in this category: the extension of the " fəʕʕal " pattern, originally associated with occupations, the use of the prefix " m " with active participles derived from triliteral verbs, the use of the same prefix with participles derived from nouns, and the survival of variations with a mixture of these processes. On the basis of these facts, a sociolinguistic reconstruction of the Arabic-Amazigh contact is attempted. The " m " prefix is argued to be an early morphological transfer from Amazigh, when not enough Arabic input was available to Amazigh bilinguals. After the foundation of Fez as the capital of the Idrisids, correct Arabic became more prestigious, a fact which probably encouraged the erasure of salient Amazigh loans, among which was the agentive " m " prefix. The development of the " fəʕʕal " class was probably an attempt by the bilinguals to use what they thought was the correct Arabic participial form, though in fact it was a copy of the Amazigh agentive class. This tendency was further invigorated by later Hilali migrations.

2011, 27 p., 25 ill.
1  Introduction
2  Les jeux et jouets des enfants amazighs marocains
3  L'enfant, son milieu de vie et la culture ludique locale
4  Utiliser la culture ludique des enfants amazighs marocains
4.1  Le domaine culturel et social et la culture ludique locale
4.2  Le système scolaire et la culture ludique locale
5. Conclusions
Notes
Liste des photos
Bibliographie
Annexe 1 : Liste des sites web et documents disponibles sur Internet
Annexe 2 : Schéma de description des jeux et jouets

The dialect spoken and written by the Jews of Babylonia from the third century CE onwards is known as “Jewish Babylonian Aramaic”. This is the first comprehensive description of this dialect since Levias’ “Grammar of Babylonian Aramaic” of 1930. The current book offers a thorough reexamination of the grammar on the basis of a large corpus in its manuscript witnesses. It not only synthesizes the results of recent scholarship but introduces original insights on many important questions. The book is designed to appeal to readers of all backgrounds, including those with no prior background in Babylonian Aramaic or the Babylonian Talmud. The discussion frequently makes reference to parallels in other Semitic languages and in other Aramaic dialects, as well as to a variety of topics in linguistics . The book is structured as a textbook: it introduces topics in an order determined by pedagogical considerations, and offers vocabulary notes and translation exercises at the end. At the same time, the book can be used as a reference grammar.

Viewed from an interactional sociolinguistic perspective, this research addresses multilingual codeswitching practices of youngsters with North African roots from the super-diverse Flemish city of Ghent. Particular attention is paid here to their artistic – mainly interethnic – performances, as these play a vital role in constructing ethnic and social belonging by voicing “glocal” identities. In so doing, the study provides evidence of the importance of multilingualism and codeswitching in the accommodation, socialization, and emancipation of these youngsters.

This is a preliminary version of the  chapter dating from 2011, and thus disregarding all literature of the last few years.
The chapter was published in 2020 in the Oxford Handbook of African Languages (eds. Rainer Vossen and Gerrit Dimmendaal).