Celtic Weapons

Bibliographie de Miklós Szabó / 11 DÁVID BARTUS Les manches de couteau à représentation de gladiateur de l'époque romaine / 27 MICHEL BATS Les dédicants gaulois du sanctuaire d'Aristée de la chôra d'Olbia de Provence (Hyères, Var) connaissaient-ils le gallo-grec? / 51 TOMASZ BOCHNAK Les fourreaux chagrinés en Pologne / 55 LÁSZLÓ BORHY COREG, Legio VII Claudia, Ala I Contariorum milliaria civium Romanorum -Neue Angaben zur Militärgeschichte von Brigetio: Spolien eines Steinkistengrabs aus dem Gerhát-Gräberfeld / 65 ZOLTÁN CZAJLIK Les possibilités de la prospection aérienne conventionnelle en Hongrie / 79 NICOLA BIANCA FÁBRY Uno specchio con "Lasa" alata dalla necropoli di Monterenzio Vecchio nell'Appennino Bolognese / 97 DÉNES GABLER Keltische Namen auf Sigillata -Töpferstempeln von pannonischen Fundorten / 105 ALFRED HAFFNER Scheinbar unscheinbare Prunkgräber der Frühlatènezeit / 121 GILBERT KAENEL Bracelets à oves creux sur le Plateau suisse / 133 PÉTER KOVÁCS Turris Ferrata and emperor Probus' death / 147 FRANCISCO MARCO SIMÓN On the confrontation and cultural integration of the Celts in the western Roman Empire / 151 MARC MAYER I OLIVÉ La presència d'honors de la dinastia Antonina a Tarraco / 159 CLAUDE MORDANT-MAFALDA ROSCIO Variabilité des pratiques funéraires à la fin du Bronze moyen/Bronze final initial (XIV é -XIII é s. av. J.C.) en France orientale, de l'Ile-de-France à l'Alsace / 169 PÁL RACZKY-ALEXANDRA ANDERS "A colourful message": a special grave of the late neolithic Tisza culture / 193 ZSIGMOND RITOÓK Poeta doctus / 203 GILLES SAURON La Rankenfrau à Lepcis Magna / 213 MARTIN SCHÖNFELDER Speisen mit Stil -zu einem latènezeitlichen Hiebmesser vom Typ Dürrnberg in der Sammlung des Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums in Mainz / 223 DÁNIEL SZABÓ Éléments méditerranéens dans le répertoire de céramique de l'Îlot des Grandes Forges à Bibracte / 235 KÁROLY TANKÓ Late Iron Age Settlement in the Vicinity of Ménfőcsanak (Road no. 83 and Bevásárlóközpont) / 249 LŐRINC TIMÁR Les reconstitutions possibles des constructions de l'Âge du Fer, découvertes à Ráckeresztúr / 261 KATALIN VANDLIK La patère du Peintre de Femme-Éros / 273 DANIELE VITALI Un elmo di bronzo tra le carte d'archivio di Giovanni Gozzadini / 277 PAULA ZSIDI Eine Militärbüste aus Aquincum / 285

From the beginning of the 3 rd century BC the territory of modern Ukraine, previously defined by the Scythians of the North Pontic steppes and Hellenistic influences from the Black Sea zone, was supplemented by the Celtic culture from the west. The influence of the latter in western Ukraine is testified to by extensive archaeological evidence which indicates the classic pattern of Celtic migration/settlement in this area.

kelebai volterrane sono state oggetto di un primo importante lavoro di sintesi nel 1968 da parte di Marinella Montagna Pasquinucci che, raccogliendo un corpus dr più di un centinaio di crateri "a colonnette" etruschi a figure rosse e riesaminando le conclusioni degli studiosi che in precedenza si erano occupati dell'argomento (Albizzatt,Beazley, Trendall, Fiumi, Bianchi Bandinelli, Bocci), concludeva che a Volterra esisteva una pluralità di officine di ceramica a frgure rosse nel IV-m sec. a.C. che

Celtic warriors used swords and spears as assault weapons, but their full equipment included shields, belts, and sometimes even helmets. From the 5th to the 1st centuries BC, warrior equipment evolved so that by the LT C1 phase, early La Tène spearheads had gradually lengthened and narrowed. By the late La Tène, some of these objects measured over 60–80 cm long. The same changes are also documented in the material culture of the Scordisci, a political and ethnic community occupying the territory of south-eastern Pannonia and the northern Balkans. Spearhead typology for this region is
based on four elements: blade shape and crosssection, socket shape and length, and their mutual relationships. Four distinctive types have been defined with an additional division into sixteen subtypes. Like other weaponry, spears were put inside the graves of the warrior elite and their destruction, as well as placing them in specific positions in the graves, points to the special significance of these items in funerary rituals.

Celtic helmets from the late La Têne period form 3 main groups -single unit helmets found mostly in France and Switzerland; 2-part helmets, composed of a calotte and/or type Port neck guard, which are found both east and west of the Alps; Eastern Celtic 3part helmets of the Novo Mesto type composed of a calotte, a forehead guard and a neck guard (Schaaff 1986: 830-833; 1988:302).

(Marcus Junianus Justinus. Epitome of the Philippic History of Pompeius Trogus XXV, 2) Although the first Celtic mercenary activity in southeastern Europe is recorded in 367 BC, when Dionysios of Syracuse took a band of them into his service and sent them to the aid of the Macedonians against Thebes (Justin. XX, 5,6; Diod. XV, 70,1), it is not until the expansion into the Balkans and Asia-Minor at the end of the 4 th / beginning of the 3 rd c. BC that Celtic mercenary forces become a major political and military factor in the Hellenistic worlda phenomenon which is well attested to in ancient sources, and of which there is growing archaeological evidence.

Nueva figura de guerrero celtibérico pintado en un abrigo del Alto Maestrazgo de Teruel, con una panoplia militar completa y un casco con apéndices que demuestra su vinculación con los cascos celtibéricos procedentes de Aranda del Moncayo (Zaragoza)
New figure of celtiberian warrior painted a coatorck shelter of the Alto Maestrazgo de Teruel, with a full panoply of military and a helmet with appendices showing its relationship to the celtiberian helmets from Aranda de Moncayo (Zaragoza)

. At the moment, over two dozen La Têne sites have been identified in the Ukrainian Upper Tisza, the best documented of these being the major Celtic settlement(s) on the Galish and Lovachka hills, near the modern town of Mukacheve. The Celtic military equipment from Galish-Lovachka included a short sword with an X-shaped handle, 2 La Têne swords, 12 curved daggers (see 'Daggers' article), 27 spearheads, 2 javelin heads, 14 arrow heads, and 9 iron chain belts, as well as finds of horse equipment and chariot fittings (Bidzilya 1971: 72-76, 80, fig. 17, 28 -30). 'More than 30' Celtic coins of the Macedonian types (Philip II and III 'imitations') have also been discovered at the site (see 'Celtic Coinage in Ukraine' article). A Celtic glass production complex has been identified at Dyjda, and a number of highly specialized centres of metallurgy with the remains of forges have been found in this area. The largest of these, at Nove Klynove, comprised circa 200 forges (Kazakevich op cit.). Nove Klynove lies slightly to the south-east of the aforementioned Celtic sites near Mukacheve, and slightly to the north-east of the Celtic settlement/burial complex at Ciumeşti (Satu Mare district) in Romania (see 'Prince of Transylvania' article).

Early La Tène sword in decorated scabbard, kept in the Archaeological museum in Zagreb, was found in the late 19th and early 20th century in the village of Sotin in eastern Croatia. Through typological, technical, and iconographic analyses of the sword and scabbard decoration (pair of dragons / griffins), the paper discuss introduction of the La Tène culture to southeastern Pannonia and its position in the wider cultural and historical processes that took place in the second half of the 4th and the beginning of the 3rd century BC in central and southeastern Europe.

The article presents theoretical considerations on the model of weaponry in the West Balt Barrow Culture. In the absence of sources (especially protective weapons), the author abundantly uses analogies drawn from the Lusatian and Pomeranian cultures, but also northern Europe and other areas. The obtained image shows warriors not specialising in the military, as manifested by the lack of evidence that metal protective weapons were used (shields, helmets, armour, greaves), and a negligible number of swords and decorative elements of the horse tack. The lack of elite formations does not, theoretically, exclude the possibility of a military ‘career’ in distant regions, but – if at all present – this phenomenon was marginal (perhaps only a few swords came here in such a way). Instead, we are dealing with not highly sophisticated weapons, which could be used both in combat and hunting (clubs and spears, possibly bow and arrows) or on a farm (socketed axes, knobbed shaft-hole axe, perhaps also stone or antler hatchets). Men were probably occasional warriors, and being a part of this “after-hour professional group” was not reflected in the funeral rites. It does not mean, however, that we are dealing with peaceful communities. It is contradicted by grid lake-settlements inhabited all year and land settlements, both of a defensive type. Their significant number indicates the existence of a permanent threat, and – in the face of the lack of mastery of the art of siege – these fortifications were sufficiently effective if the appropriate number of defenders and supplies was gathered. It should be assumed that the source of the threat was not necessarily invaders from distant lands, rather internal conflicts between groups forming settlement clusters were dominating, as shown by analogies taken from cultural anthropology. It seems possible that such communities should be classified as type B societies, according to the K.F. Otterbein. They were characterized by an insignificant role of warriors’ brotherhoods; the military organization was in the form of local militias held together by belonging to a settlement rather than a family. In such structures, all men capable of carrying weapons were obliged to defend the village and, if retaliation was necessary (it could be decided by the council or the head of the settlement), it was expected that in such endeavour primarily young people competent in combat would participate. However, the lack of professional war structures did not exclude military activity: ramps, ambushes, attacks just before dawn and rarely clashes without tactics, saving women and children, sometimes taking slaves to be sold in more centralized political systems – these are the basic features of the military organization of such societies. Which of these should be indicated in the West Balt Barrow Culture remains unknown, but the general characteristics seem consistent with archaeological observations.

The village of Koynare (Pleven region) is situated on the left bank of the Iskar river in north-western Bulgaria, an area which over the past century has yielded probably the highest concentration of late Iron Age warrior burials in Europethe vast majority discovered 'accidentally' by the local population (Domaradski 1984, Torbov 2000.

Oddelek za arheologijo Filozofske fakultete, Aškerčeva 12, YU-61000 Ljubljana 8. junija 1987 je Miro Potočnik 1 med podvodnim topografskim pregledom pod izlivom Ljubije v Ljubljanico v rečnem muljnem nanosu odkril slabo ohranjeno železno čelado. 2 Na pobudo Bojana Djuriča jo je avtor prispevka ob soglasju vodstva Posavskega muzeja v Brežicah junija 1988 izročil tamkajšnjemu laboratoriju v obdelavo. Želja najditelja, kakor tudi drugih, ki smo si najdeno čelado ogledali, je bila, da s pomočjo pravilno izvedenega strokovnega postopka iz slabo ohranjenega, močno korodiranega predmeta dobimo predmet z vsemi možnimi podatki za čim boljše vrednotenje ter da z ustreznim in dopustnim restavriranjem omogočimo njegovo predstavitev. Jože Lorber je svoje delo v laboratoriju Posavskega muzeja izvedel izredno strokovno: izluščil je prvotno podobo čelade s tehničnimi podrobnostmi, jo na podlagi teh rekonstruiral v celoto ter na ta način ustvaril dragocen eksponat (si. 1-2). Železna čelada je sestavljena iz gladke polkrožne kalote, na katero sta prikovana čelni in zatilni ščitnik. Oba ščitnika sta na stiku s kaloto okrepljena z iztolčenim rebrom, ki je bilo ponekod-ali pa v celoti-zalito s cinasto zmesjo, ki je trdnost rebra dodatno povečala. Ščitnika sta na robu opremljena s posebnim pločevinastim okovom, ki utrjuje čeladna krajca in obenem ščiti pred njunim ostrom robom. Zatilni ščitnik ima spodnji del še posebej stopničasto profiliran v obliki črke »V« proti zakovici na zatilju, kar je sorazmerno širok zatilni ščitnik okrepilo, hkrati pa je izdelovalec rebro dodatno okrasil z vrezano črto. Tudi sicer je čelado popestril z vzporedno vrezanimi črtami na izbočenem rebru, ki se nahaja na prehodu kalote v spodnji del čelade. Na čeladi so ohranjene tri polkrožne zakovice. Po ena na vsaki strani čelade pritrjuje trakasto zanko, ki nosi os naličnega tečaja, tretja drži podobno trakasto zanko na sredini zatilnega ščitnika. Ena ohranjenih zank, ki sodijo k tečaju za naličnico, je iz bronaste pločevine in kaže na popravilo čelade. Pri zanki je na levi strani ohranjen tudi del tečajne osi z odlomkom naličnice. Po vsej površini čelade so ohranjeni sledovi svetleče prevleke, ki kaže, da je bila čelada povsem pocinjena ali morda celo posrebrena. Čelada iz Ljubljanice sodi zaradi svojih tipoloških in tehničnih značilnosti med čelade vrste Novo mesto. Te je leta 1980 opredelil Ulrich Schaaff ob objavi v Mainzu restavriranega keltskega groba 169 z Beletovega vrta v Novem mestu.' 1 V grobni celoti keltskega bojevnika je bila tudi železna čelada z maloštevilnimi ohranjenimi deli kalote ter obema naličnicama, okrašenima z živalskim, psu ali volku podobnim motivom (si. 3: 4). 4

The Celtic cavalry practice known as trimarkisia is only known by a quote in Pausanias (Guide for Greece 10.19.9-11). Although always mentioned when tackling Celtic warfare, little effort has been made to try to explain how it functioned and its implications, with just a passing mention to Pausanias’ quote, without further dwelling into the matter. In this paper we will outline a model to explain the trimarkisia in the wider frame of Celtic warfare, from its probable origin in the charioteer-warrior-shield bearer triad to its late reflection in Roman cavalrymen tombstones.
We will take a closer look at the sources, to show that there are some more brief mentions about the trimarkisia or similar practices. The archaeological record will be brought forward as the changes in Celtic panoply can be linked to the development and growing importance of cavalry. Horsemen and infantry often fought together, as seen in Celtiberia, Gaul and Germania, and this coordination is probably related to the trimarkisia. Moreover, a late iconographic reflection can perhaps be glimpsed in some Roman auxiliary cavalrymen tombstones, where calones are depicted carrying the master’s lanceae. Last, a look at Medieval Europe can provide a mirror to explain trimarkisia, as we find a similar practice with squires that keep the reserve destriers of the knights in the rearguard or even get into the fray.
The growing importance of cavalry in Celtic warfare had to do with the development of a class of aristocratic horsemen, the equites of Latin sources, which became the ruling class in the Celtic oppida of 2nd and 1st centuries BC. In this way the trimarkisia should be viewed not only as a military practice but also as an indicator of social developments in Western Europe late Iron Age.

"Il articolo tratta del mobilio di una sepoltura della seconda Età del ferro riesumato nel 2008 nel comune di Chens-sur-
Léman in Alta-Savoia. L’architettura del contenitore è stata ricostruita, e nel feretro si trova una spada nel suo fodero. Il fodero è
ornato di quattro guarnizioni in ferro che abbozzano delle forme ondulate alternate. Il fregio prossimale si distingue per la presenza
di due guarnizioni in bronzo che rappresentano due grifoni l’uno di fronte all’altro. Questa sepoltura di guerriero celtico può essere
datata a cavallo tra il IV e il III secolo a.C. I dati simili riguardanti le Alpi francesi si rivelano per il momento piuttosto fragili, tuttavia
si riscontrano gli esordi di una concentrazione funeraria nei pressi meridionali del lago Léman alla fine di La Tène antica.

L’article porte sur une épée et son fourreau, mis au jour en 2008 à Chens-sur-Léman (Haute-Savoie). Le fourreau présente
en registre proximal le motif des deux griffons affrontés. Le mobilier se trouvait dans une sépulture à inhumation, datée de la charnière
entre les IVe et IIIe siècles avant J.-C. Les données comparables concernant les Alpes françaises s’avèrent pour l’heure assez ténues.
Dans le Nord de l’Italie, le corpus est plus conséquent, mais seuls quelques exemplaires présentent certaines similitudes dans le
traitement stylistique de l’ornementation du fourreau."

A partir de los recientes estudios sobre el armamento entre los pueblos prerromanos de la cuenca central del Duero pretendemos argumentar que las élites y sus clientelas fueron quienes poseyeron las armas y particularmente los puñales que hallamos recurrentemente en las tumbas de las necrópolis de la zona. Posteriormente, analizamos las bases de su economía, vinculando a estas élites con posesión de rebaños trashumantes. A continuación, relacionamos la trashumancia con otros aspectos como la dispersión de los núcleos de población y las características urbanísticas de estos, la existencia de grupos de pastores-guerreros para la defensa de los rebaños o los rituales de exposición de los guerreros muertos en combate a los buitres. Finalmente, damos nuestra interpretación sobre la idea de la guerra que tenían los pueblos prerromanos en los siglos previos a la llegada de los grandes ejércitos mediterráneos a la Meseta Norte y el papel de las armas y de los puñales en concreto en el trinomio elites-guerra-trashumancia.

R. Graells / A.J. Lorrio, Helmets in the waters of the Iberian Peninsula: ritual practices and data for discussion. In M. Egg / A. Naso / R. Röllinger (Hrgs.): Waffen für die Götter. Waffenweihungen in Archäologie und Geschichte, Akten der internationalen Tagung am Institut für Archäologien der Leopold-Franzens-Universität, Innsbruck, 6.-8. März 2013. RGZM-Tagungen 28 (Mainz 2016), 143-152.

A la fin de la période celtique, entre le deuxième et le dernier quart du Ier siècle avant J.-C., de nouveaux types d’offrandes apparaissent dans les sanctuaires de l’Est de la Gaule. Parmi elles se trouvent des offrandes miniatures, des objets énigmatiques, qu’il est difficile d’identifier et de caractériser et qui semblent pourtant avoir une portée symbolique importante, en tant qu’offrande par destination.
Les critères permettant de reconnaître une miniaturisation sont donc tout d’abord définis. Qualifier un objet de « miniature », c’est en effet parler de la relation particulière qu’il entretient avec un objet de taille réelle. Puis, à travers l’étude de sanctuaires, notamment des Ardennes, plusieurs hypothèses sont proposées sur les possibles intentions dont témoigne la miniaturisation des armes.

Mots-clés : miniature, offrande, arme, celtique, rituel, Acy-Romance, Mouzon, Flaviers, Baâlons-Bouvellemont, Ardennes.

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Miniature and votive offerings, a study of Celtic miniature weapons
By the end of the Celtic period, between the second and the last quarter of the 1rst century B.C., new types of votive offerings were placed in sanctuaries in Eastern Gaul. These include enigmatic miniature objects, difficult to identify and characterize. Yet they seem to have an important symbolic value, as offerings created only for this purpose.
This paper will open by defining the criteria according to which an object is considered a miniature. Qualifying an object as a « miniature » implies taking into account its special relationship with its life-size homolog. Then, through the study of examples from the French Ardennes, several hypotheses will propose different possible intentions for creating miniature arms.

Keywords: miniature, votive offering, weapon, Celtic, ritual, Acy-Romance, Mouzon, Flaviers, Baâlons-Bouvellemont, Ardennes.

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