Cilicia

The topic of the present contribution is two ethnic terms of likely Aegean origin specified in the title, which appear, in different guises, in written sources of the late 2nd and early 1st millennium BC across the entire Eastern Mediterranean, from Egypt in the South to the Levant to Cilicia in the North (besides the Aegean itself). My discussion of them will be, however, not quite the same. As for the first one, Ahhiyawa or Hiyawa, I will summarize the recent discussion revolving around recognition of this name in the Hieroglyphic-Luwian inscription KARATEPE, adding some details and placing it in a more general historical context. The second and central part of the paper will concern Danu(na), in which a full linguistic reassessment of this term and a revision of different sources which mention it will be offered. The third part will discuss the distinction between the two terms, also touching upon the problem of ethnolinguistic boundaries in Late Bronze Age Greece.

The land Purušhanda was connected with the Luwian culture and religion. It appears to be a part of the Land of Luwiya. This book describes three phases of the history of the kingdom:  the rise of a kingdom, the great kingdom and Purušhanda as a principality under the realm of Hattusha.

Belief in the presence of malevolent spirits residing in the
ruins of abandoned cult buildings is an enduring theme in religious history. This short magazine article provides an introduction to the architectural, structural and sociological aspects of temple destruction and conversion in the late antique period.

Kilikia şehirlerinin sadece alış verişi kolaylaştırmak amacıyla basit sikkeler basmadığını, aksine sikkelerde kullandıkları konuların zenginliği, günümüze ulaştırdıkları sayısız mesajları ve sikkeler yapılırken uygulanan sanatla, uygar dünyanın ilgisini çekecek son derece önemli arkeolojik belgeler olduklarını görüyoruz. Hatta sadece bu sikkelerin yardımıyla her dönemde şehirlerdeki günlük yaşam, inançlar, tapınılan tanrı ve tanrıçalar, tapınaklar, şehirlerde yapılan festivaller, spor karşılaşmaları ve neticesinde verilen ödüller, şehirlerde inşa edilen köprü, su yolu, liman, deniz feneri gibi yapılar, deniz ulaşım araçları - savaş gemileri, mitolojik hikâyeler, kutsal kabul edilen hayvanlar, yaratıklar ve kahramanlar, şehre yapılan yardımlar, şehri ziyaret eden imparatorlar gibi yüzlerce konuda kesin ve doğru bilgiler ediniyoruz. Bu çalışmada amaç sadece Kilikia sikkelerini tanıtmak değil, dağınık bilgileri bir araya getirerek, antik Kilikia bikkeleri ile ilgili mümkün oldukça geniş bilgi verilmesi amaçlanmıştır.

Alanya, Hatay region extending to a wide range of ages of the oldest dating back to the Ottoman period, this book is accessible to any information about the process, easily understood and used by all walks reader was written in a language.With a wide range of content and index the reader can easily reach any information provided, plenty of illustrations used in geography and archeology of the region until the reader brought his foot.Cilicia, the first time all available resources, based on the latest discoveries and the latest documentation Antiquity to the Turkish occupation, covering approximately 60,000 View Year we are witnessing a history written in this book, one that has the distinction of being the first.Cukurova is not only the date of publication of a similar-looking, no region of our country so extensive as written.The authors of the book Professor. Dr. Ahmet Unal and Asst. Prof. Dr. K. Serdar Girginer Cilicia has close ties with the history and archeology. Prof. Dr. Ahmet Unal, an ancient historian, specialist in ancient Anatolian languages, and his interest in the region as well Hittitologist his doctoral thesis at the University of Munich in 1972 and at the same university in 1992 and launched the Ceyhan began excavations of the near the Sirkeli Höyük continued participation as a philologist. Asst. Prof. Dr. K. Serdar Girginer within the University by establishing a regional Archaeology section bending problems, since 2002 in the land of Cappadocia and Cilicia, a comprehensive and systematic research studies are quite realizes the importance of starting the region.

This article discusses the extent and interactions of the Phrygian kingdom in the period of ca. 1000–650 BCE, i.e. from the emergence of monumental architecture in Gordion until the Lydian occupancy of the city. It argues that Phrygia initially just encompassed the wider area around the city of Gordion. By the ninth century, it additionally controlled the entire region of the Sangarios River Bend, and was in close contact with the Syro-Hittite states. Evidence for the presence of Phrygians or Phrygian cultural elements elsewhere starts to be found only in the eighth century. In the west, Phrygian territorial expansion reached the city of Daskyleion by the middle of the century. In the east, the region of the Halys River bend was conquered at the latest in the following decades. Then and afterwards, Phrygia was heavily involved in politics in Tabal and Tyana, while it was also in contact with Urartu. Further, in the late eighth and seventh centuries a certain level of prestige came to be attached to Phrygian culture, causing elites throughout Anatolia to look for ways to be associated with it. Thus, Phrygia developed into a state of supraregional political and cultural importance. By the mid or late seventh century, however, Gordion was conquered by the Lydians, spelling a definitive end to the Phrygian kingdom.

Through an analysis of the textual and archaeological material, this article presents a new, up-to-date overview of the history and mechanisms of Iron Age Anatolian overland interaction, a much-neglected subject. Among other points, the overview demonstrates the importance of Phrygia in this context, and that Lydia did not take over its international contacts completely. A case study of the transmission of the alphabet in light of the insights gained concludes the article. A new theory is proposed, according to which the Phrygian and Greek alphabets had a common origin in Cilicia, in the late ninth century BC.

"Piracy along the coasts of Lycia, Pamphylia and Cilicia Tracheia from 188 BC to 67 BC: Reasons and Consequenses

The purpose of this paper is to discuss why piracy grew along the coasts of Lycia, Pamphylia and Cilicia Tracheia during the second century BC onwards and what kinds of measures were taken by the Romans during the first century BC in order to gain control of the southern Anatolian coast.

After the peace of Apameia in 188 BC, the status of the Hellenistic Kingdoms changed. The Seleucid Kingdom was compelled to give up its claim to the northern range of the Taurus Mountains and its navy was reduced in the Eastern Mediterranean. This was the primary factor for the rise of piracy along the southern coast of Asia Minor.

Another factor was the fact that the Rhodians, who up until the battle of Pydna had taken effective measures to suppress piracy in the Eastern Mediterranean, had their ,economy severely damaged when the Roman senate cut their privileges, making Delos a free port and liberating several cities of the Peraia. After 168 BC, therefore, the Rhodians no longer had the resources to fight against the pirates.

The political chaos that followed as the rival Syrian kings fought each other, combined with the incompetence of the Seleucid rulers, made it easy for pirates to take control over stretches of land along the southern coast of Anatolia, mainly from Rough Cilicia to Phamphylia and Eastern Lycia.

The sea trade route from Syria to the Aegean and the western Mediterranean, which ran along this coast, created plenty of opportunities for piracy. Initially the pirates sailed out in small boats, harassing passing merchant shipping. Eventually they became more numerous and navigated larger ships, and organised themselves under leaders mentioned as 'tyrants' or 'kings', some of whom were notorious and were powerful enough to leave their mark in the historical record. Soon the pirates raided the rich cities of the Syrian and Phoenician coastline, as well as the trade ships going to the Aegean.

During the second half of the second century BC neither the enemies of the Seleucids, principally the Ptolemaic kings of Egypt and Cyprus, nor the Rhodians did much to hinder this development, as they saw it as a means of weakening their respective rivals. Until the end of the second century BC the Romans did not consider themselves responsible for the general security of the region either. Busying themselves with a civil war at this period, they were unable to control these developments in Anatolia.

Consequently, the pirates steadily increased in numbers and made a profit from both piracy and trafficking in slaves, the latter of which proved to be most lucrative. Slave markets like Side, Crete, Rhodes and Delos willingly assisted the pirates in this business. By the end of the 2nd century BC piracy had become so widespread that the Romans finally took action. Marcus Antonius lead a military campaign in ca. 102 BC, and as that proved ineffective, Rome issued a Senatus consultum against piracy around 101-99 BC, declaring the pirates enemies of the people, the friends and allies of Rome. Rome, however, still could not eliminate the pirates in Southern Anatolia and during the three Mithridatic Wars between 90 and 63 BC they continually faced forces of pirates who took the side of Mithridates Eupator.

Publius Servilius Vatia, proconsul of Cilicia, carried out several campaigns against the pirates in the years 78-74 BC. Through his campaigns Servilius ended up controlling the strategically important regions of Lycia, Pamphylia and parts of Cilicia Tracheia. Still, the menace of the pirates worsened; high-ranking Romans were victims of piracy, islands and cities were either abandoned from fear of the pirates, or had been taken over by them. Numerous cities and islands, such as Cnidus, Colophon, Samos and Delos, had been sacked. The power of the pirates was felt all over the Mediterranean. It was impossible to sail anywhere - trade came to a standistill.

The tribune Aulus Gabinius, therefore, proposed a law in 67 BC to clear the seas of piracy. Gnaeus Pompeius Magnus was appointed commander for three years with supreme command over all of the Mediterranean as well as all its coastlines to a distance of 80 km inland, in order to suppress piracy in the Mediterranean once and for all. This he managed to do in an impressively short period of time, due to great military skill and tactics. A large part of his success stemmed from the fact that pirates who surrendered were offered land to begin a new life as farmers and thus had no incentive to return to the sea."

A case is made in recent books by Lascelles and Crowe that Homer’s Trojan War setting was not at Schleimann’s Hisarlik site of King Priam’s Ilium, but at Pergamon. We review their case, the places frequented by Homer as possible clues, and the Iliad’s revision as compiled and promoted by Athens and followed by Alexander the Great and the Romans. We then focus on numismatic evidence in the alternative regions of Northwest Anatolia (NWA) and Central West Anatolia (CWA). NWA includes the regions known as Troas, North Mysia, Hellespontic Thrace with nearby islands, and Bithynia. CWA regions include South Mysia with nearby islands, Aeolis, Ionia, Lydia, and Phrygia, as well as Cilician expatriate lands. We find that NWA coins are rich in early Iliadic mythology, indicating that Ilium was a Trojan War setting. However, we also find indications that the war was more extensive than commonly envisioned. It was led in CWA by King Telephus, who spearheaded an East versus West world war whose campaigns ended at Ilium.

"Pirates’ Havens in the Mediterranean:‘Korykos’es in Cilicia, Pamphylia, Lycia and Ionia

At the same time when the Mediterranean stepped on the stage of history as a “sea route”, secondary powers took their positions in the region to somehow catch shares from this trade route. Thanks to its position in the East Mediterranean and its well-protected natural harbors, coastline of southwest Anatolia assumed an indispensable geo-strategic importance both for central powers and for pirates, who were excluded from this sphere. Historical references repeatedly tell about piracy in this region particularly in the second and the first half of the first century BC. A careful study of the abovementioned ancient sources reveals another point of curiosity, not entirely clarified to date. This point is that many sites in Cilicia, Pamphylia, Lycia, and Ionia, which were somehow related with piracy, were widely called Korykos or Korykeia. The link between these activities and the mentioned name within the context of content and place constitutes the scope of the present article.
Consequently it is worth noting that mountains, hills, rocks, promontories, harbors and coasts having the same toponyms in the hinterlands of Korykoses in Cilicia, Pamphylia, Lycia and Ionia are all linked with piracy and pirates, and furthermore, that the word korykaion is the name for pirates’ boats. When the ancient sources are explored it is seen that, particularly in the second and first centuries BC, cities called Korykos were either famed for piracy or for collaborating with pirates; that, people called “Korykosian” (korykaios), who eavesdropped deliberately, aided and abetted the pirates, so much that comedy writers created a funny stereotype character called “korykaios (korykosian)” who eavesdropped deliberately. In this regard, it should not be a mistake to consider the cities named Korykos and sites in their hinterlands with synonyms as well as attributes of Korykos/Korykosian could be linked with pirates/piracy just as the ethnicon of “Cilician” recalled pirates in the terminology of antiquity (App. Mithr. 21; 92/93) for a while."

After the death of Alexander the Great in 323 BC, a hiatus in political authority occurred in the Mediterranean area. Due to its particular geography, this gap in authority converted Cilicia Trachea into a nest of pirates. As a result piracy spread as far as the western Mediterranean. This situation caused Roman merchants and the trading class tremendous losses. Roman reorganization following the defeat of the pirates in 67 BC brought with it a more stable economic situation. Thus agricultural reform could take place in the more fertile areas of Cilicia. The result was an increase in the production of wine and olive oil, which became the region’s main export items.

The ancient settlement Özköy, in the Rough Cilician region known in the Hellenistic period as the Olba territory is located in a privileged part of administration. Özköy is located 12 km north of Lamos river. These hills attive attention for their particular position dominating the valley in which agricultural activity can be easily done.
In a recent study of this agricultural settlement in the hilly areas many buildings were found on the field. These structures within the farm houses include churches, houses, cisterns, rock cut lever and weights presses, and olive oil production building, a temple tomb, barrel-vaulted aedikula tomb and sarcophagi.
Most of the identified structures appear to serve to a common purpose. This common purpose is the storage and the protection of the agricultural products that the settlement owned. For this purpose settlement was populated from the Hellenistic period. In particular, farms having polygonal masonry, towers, and located near the equipment for agricultural production support this view. From this point of view Özköy is simple farm and settlement of in this period.
In Roman period the settlement continued this character and new structures of this period were added. Farm House, sarcophagi, temple tomb, barrel vaulted aedikula tombs and many houses belong in this period. In this perspective Özköy has become amore complex farm in the Roman period.
Özköy developed in the Late Antiquity. During this period, olive oil production building, churches and many houses were added to the settlement. Özköy was affected from the economic recovery and diversification of agricultural products in the Late Antiquity. For this reason Özköy has become a village of for small or medium size in this period.

THE CULT OF DIONYSOS IN ASIA MINOR
IN THE ROMAN IMPERIAL AGE

Making his presence, which can be traced long before the Archaic Age, deeply felt mainly in Hellas, Asia Minor and then in Rome throughout the ancient world, Dionysos, depending on the place and time, appears before us sometimes as a god of grape-wine, sometimes as a god of theatre and acting arts and sometimes as a religious power shaped according to the local needs, however, he has generally been a god of nature representing the fertility and abundance. According to the inscriptions, Dionysos was mentioned with many epithetons in Asia Minor of the Roman Imperial Age, and that he was a god of nature bringing abundance-fertility and his many other features can be observed by these epithetons. Depending on the long stated customs, the cult of Dionysos in Asia Minor survived throughout the Roman Imperial Age (especially in the II-III. Century A.D. with festivals, cult associations and structuring, artists (musicians, players, dancers) that served his cult. According to the written records, festivals such as Dionysia, Lēnaia, Anthestēria, Trietēris organized in the name of Dionysos were celebrated. Dance, music and play competitions were made in these festivals maintained by the rich citizens or directors and not commonly known cult rituals were performed. Besides the associations of synodos artists called by different names in different times in the large cities of the west, cult associations broad in scope such as thiasos, speira or cult member groups with large audience in various names were active both in worshipping and these festivals. In order to achieve this, undoubtedly, both artist associations and cult associations had to have a well organized governing structure. Names were given to the cult members according to the task taken. These members also had to pay a membership fee in order to be a member or to continue to be one. Actually, these fees were as important as the epimeletes in the mainta-nance of these associations. In addition, they were supported both mate-rially and spiritually by the Roman emperors or provincial governors. Although the paganic religious activities in the lands of Asia Minor under the control of Rome were left to the free will of the cities, they would not be strong without the respect shown for the cults of the emperors, emperor and the Roman goddess (Dea Roma). The worshipping of Dionysos could only develop with the close relations with the emperors and the Roman Empire. Correspondingly, supporting a paganic cult significant for the people, the Roman Empire gained the sympathy of the people and also kept them loyal to Rome. The deification of the Roman emperors began with General Marcus Antonius, who was wellcomed as “New Dionysos” on his arrival to Ephesos, and continued in the Roman Imperial Age. During this period the associations in Anazarbos, Ankyra, Ephesos, Teōs, Aphrodisias and Sardeis characterised Emperor Hadrianus, Commodus and Caracalla by this epitheton. Thus, they deified them by considering them equal with Dionysos. Dionysos also had common worship with imperial or Dea Roma cult besides the common paganic worship of Zeus and Dēmētēr. Like all other paganic religions, the cult of Dionysos broke down with the strengthening Christianity with which it had opposite doctrines and finally with the acceptance of Christianity as the official religion of the state. However, many features of the Dionysos cult continued to exist in Asia Minor both in Christian features and local cultures and traditions. Today it still continues this effect.

Arkaik Çağ’dan çok daha eskilere götürebildiğimiz varlığını, coğrafi olarak başta Hellas, Küçükasya ve sonraları Roma olmak üzere tüm Antik Çağ coğrafyasında etkin bir şekilde hissettiren Dionysos, yer ve zaman farkına bağlı olarak, bazı yerlerde üzüm-şarap tanrısı, bazılarında tiyatro ve sahne sanatlarının tanrısı, bazılarında ise yerel ihtiyaçlar doğrultusunda şekillendirilmiş dinsel bir güç olarak karşımıza çıkmıştır. Ama genel olarak bereket ve bolluğu temsil eden bir doğa tanrısı kimliğine sahip olmuştur. Yazıtlardan anlaşıldığına göre Roma İmparatorluk Çağı Küçükasyası’ nda birçok epitheton ile anılan Dionysos’un, bolluk-bereket getiren bir doğa tanrısı olduğu ve diğer başka özellikleri gene bu epitheton’larından anlaşılmaktadır. Küçükasya’daki Dionysos kültü Roma İmparatorluk Çağı boyunca (bilhassa M.S. II-III. yüzyılarda), öncesinden gelen bir geleneğe bağlı olarak şenlikleri, kült dernekleri ve yapılanması, kültüne hizmet eden sanatçıları (müzisyenler, oyuncular, dansçılar) ile varlığını sürdürmüştür. Yazılı belgelerden bu dönemde büyük ve zengin kentlerde hâlâ Dionysia, Lēnaia, Anthestēria, Trietēris gibi Dionysos adına tertiplenen şenliklerin kutlandığını; masrafları, epimeletes olarak bildiğimiz kentin zengin vatandaşları ya da yöneticileri tarafından karşılanan bu şenliklerde külte ilişkin dans, müzik ve oyun yarışmaların yapıldığını ve herkesçe bilinmeyen kült ritüellerinin uygulandığını öğrenmekteyiz. Bilhassa batı kesimlerdeki büyük kentlerdeki, farklı dönemlerde farklı isimlerle anılan synodos sanatçı derneklerinin yanında thiasos, speira gibi daha geniş kapsamlı kült dernekleri ya da en yaygını mystai olan çeşitli adlar altında toplanan geniş kitleli kült üye grupları hem tapınımda, hem de bu şenliklerde aktif olmuşlardır. Şüphesiz ki bunu gerçekleştirebilmek adına gerek sanatçı dernekleri gerekse kült dernekleri, iyi organize olmuş bir idari yapılanmaya sahip olmak durumundaydı. Bu derneklerde üstlendikleri görevlere göre adlandırılan kült üyelerinin, üye olabilmeleri veya üyeliklerini sürdü-rebilmeleri için ödemek zorunda oldukları aidatlar da vardı. Esasen bu derneklerin finansmanının karşılanmasında bu aidatlar, en az epimeletes’ ler kadar önemliydi. Ayrıca Roma imparatorlarının ya da eyalet yöneticilerinin hem manevi hem de maddi desteğini alıyorlardı. Zira bu dönemde Roma egemenliği altında bulunan Küçükasya topraklarındaki pagan dinsel yaşam her ne kadar kentlerin özgür iradesine bırakılmışsa da, imparatorlara, imparator ve Roma Tanrıçası (Dea Roma) kültüne gösterilen saygı olmaksızın güçlü kalamazdı. Küçükasya Dionysos tapınımı da, tamamıyla imparatorlar ve Roma İmparatorluğu ile kurulan güçlü bağlar sayesinde gelişebilmiştir. Bununla paralel olarak da Roma İmparatorluğu, halk için önemli olan pagan bir kültü destekleyerek, hem halkın sempatisini kazanmakta, hem de böylece onların Roma’ya olan bağlılığını sürdürmek amacını gütmekteydi. General Marcus Antonius’un Ephesos’a gelişinde “Yeni Dionysos” olarak karşılanmasıyla başlayan Romalı devlet adamlarını tanrılaştırma geleneği, Roma İmparatorluk Çağı’nda da sürmüş; bu dönemde özellikle Anazarbos, Ankyra, Ephesos, Teōs, Aphrodisias ve Sardeis’teki dernekler, İmparator Hadrianus, Commodus ve Caracalla’yı bu sıfatla nitelendirmişler, böylece onları Dionysos ile bir tutarak tanrılaştırmışlardır. İmparatorluk veya Dea Roma kültü ile ortak tapınımı da görülen Dionysos’un Zeus ve Dēmētēr gibi pagan tanrı-tanrıçalarla da ortak tapınımı söz konusudur. Diğer pagan dinler gibi Dionysos kültünün yıkımı da, öğretilerinin birbirine tamamen ters düştüğü Hıristiyanlık dininin güçlenmesiyle ve nihayetinde M.S. 391’de imparatorluğun resmî dini olmasıyla gerçekleşmiştir. Ancak Dionysos kültünün birçok unsuru, Küçükasya topraklarında, gerek Hıristiyanlık unsurlarında gerekse halk kültür ve geleneklerinde yaşamaya devam etmiştir. Bugün de bu etkisini göstermeye devam etmektedir."

SEG 60-1998. Religion. Dionysos: his cult in Asia Minor, Imperial period:
On the basis of archaeological, numismatic, and (mainly) epigraphic attestations, B.Öztürk,Roma imparatorluk çağı Küçükasaysı’nda Dionysos kültü (Istanbul 2010), studies the cult ofΔιόνυσος in Roman Asia Minor. After general remarks about the god, he presents a geographically arranged catalogue of the relevant inscriptions with brief comments (ph. of some texts). On 196-209, Ö. provides a register with explanations of the most important terms found in the inscriptions, and on 210/211 a list of epithets.

In 1184, the Armenian Church entered into communion with Rome, at the initiative of Patriarch Gregory IV Tgha, who sent an Armenian bishop carrying a profession of faith to Pope Lucius III (1181-1185). If the Union provokes long-lasting dissensions within Armenian society, the Armenians become the eastern nation most unanimously praised by the Latins, ambassadors or pilgrims, who meet them in Cilicia itself or in Jerusalem at the Monastery of Saint James, which constitutes one of the places of reception for the Latin pilgrims. How to explain this bona fama of the Armenians: consequences of an early Union, strategic interests or ascetic ideal shared between the Armenian monks and the Latin mendicant brothers? If the answer lies partly in the Latin sources, the analysis must imperatively resort to the particular contexts in which this meeting takes place: Frankish states, Armenian Cilicia, Ayyubid Empire and Mamluk Sultanate.


En 1184, l'Église arménienne entre en communion avec Rome, à l'initiative du patriarche Grégoire IV Tgha, qui envoie un évêque arménien porteur d'une profession de foi auprès du pape Lucius III (1181-1185). Si l'Union provoque de durables dissensions au sein de la société arménienne, les Arméniens deviennent la nation orientale la plus unanimement louée par les Latins – ambassadeurs ou pèlerins – qui les rencontrent en Cilicie même ou à Jérusalem au monastère Saint-Jacques, qui constitue l'un des lieux d'accueil des pèlerins latins. Comment expliquer cette bona fama des Arméniens : conséquences d'une Union précoce, intérêts stratégiques ou idéal ascétique partagé entre les moines arméniens et les frères mendiants latins ? Si la réponse réside en partie dans les sources latines, l'analyse doit impérativement recourir aux contextes particuliers dans lesquels s'effectue cette rencontre : États francs, Cilicie arménienne, Empire ayyubide et Sultanat mamelouk.

Despite its regional hegemony over eastern Kilikia and a prominent role in three Roman civil wars, the house of Tarkondimotos has maintained little more than a shadowy existence on the fringe of historical accounts of the first centuries BC–AD.  This paper collates the biographical and relational data of all known or conjectured members of the Tarkondimotid dynasty and its court and places them within a historical context.

Spread of piratical activities, which seen in the southern costs of Asia Minor during the first and second centuries B.C., is directly related to the eastern policy of Rome. Roman policies, in direction to weaken the Seleucids and especially Rhodes, which was actively fighting against piracy, have created a great vacuum of authority in the southern costs of Asia Minor. The expansion of piracy in accordance with the political situation in the region was not seen as a threat by Rome at first. In fact Rome, which urgently in the need of slaves during the midst of the 2nd century B.C. was supporting piracy indirectly by purchasing the slaves provided by pirates. The establishment of the province of Asia on the territory of the former Attalid kingdom, which was bequeathed to Rome by Attalos III, who died in 133 B.C, however, increased the political and economic importance of Anatolia for Rome. In parallel to the increasing importance of Anatolia, some military and political measures were taken by Rome against piracy. Consequently, after the military campaign of M. Antonius against pirates in 102 B.C., the province of Cilicia founded by the separation of the southern part of the Asia according to the Lex de Provinciis Praetoriis passed in 100 B.C. Although the governors of Cilicia, following M. Antonius, fought against piracy during next 35 years the piracy in the region could not prevented permanently. As a result of the expedition of Pompey against the pirates, who has granted extraordinary powers, in 67 B.C., the piracy in southern costs of Asia Minor eventually ceased to be a primary problem for Rome.

The paper provides on overview on the negotiations about a union of churches and military cooperation against the Turks respectively the Mamluks between Byzantium, Cilician Armenia and the Papacy in the 1320s and 1330s. In the final section, a simple game theoretical model is presented in order to explain the failure of these and similar attempts. The paper was orginally presented at the International Conference "The Union of Ferrara-Florence 1439-2009" in Cluj-Napoca (Romania) in 2009. Slides are online here: http://www.academia.edu/1691205/The_Crusade_as_Hope_the_Union_as_Instrument._Negotiations_on_a_Union_of_Churches_between_Byzantium_Cilician_Armenia_and_Western_Europe_in_the_1320s_and_1330s_in_German_