European Union Policies

This book falls within the limits of academic research, certified by the order of the Romanian Ministry of Education, no. 5766 / December 15, 2021. The book represents the author's doctoral thesis modified according to the format and requirements of a book. It went through the academic process of double peer review and was recommended for publication.

Purpose: This paper discusses the waste-management defined in the London Environment Strategy in the context of the circular economy model and the practical solutions proposed therein whose innovative character is manifested in the radical reduction of waste, recycling of waste and the phasing out of landfills. Design/Methodology/Approach: Innovation of solutions adopted in the London Environment Strategy was examined with legal and institutional analysis, meso-level system analysis and the comparative method. Findings: Analysed document reflects of a properly designed environmental policy based on the typical for the smart city assumptions of the fullest possible using of all sources and the fullest possible participation of the local community in the urban systems management. Practical Implications: Consequent implementation of the London Environment Policy should allow to achieve ambitious aim of a "zero-waste-city" to 2030 with a high degree of certainty. Originality/value: Innovative character of the London's environmental policy is the result of a skilfull combination of the smart city concept with the circular economy model developed by the European Commission.

CHAPTER 1 An Introduction to European Integration: Definitions and Terminology CHAPTER 2 A Brief History of European Integration CHAPTER 3 The Decision-Making Institutions of the European Union CHAPTER 4 The Theory of Trade and the EU CHAPTER 5 The Economics of Integration CHAPTER 6 The Single Market CHAPTER 7 From the Lisbon Strategy to the Europe 2020 Programme CHAPTER 8 Movement of Labour, Immigration and Asylum CHAPTER 9 The Theory of Economic and Monetary Union CHAPTER 10 The Long Road to Economic and Monetary Union CHAPTER 11 The Eurozone: Structure, Performance and Outlook CHAPTER 12 The EU Budget CHAPTER 13 The Common Agricultural Policy CHAPTER 14 Environmental and Energy Policies CHAPTER 15 Regional Policy CHAPTER 16 Competition Policy CHAPTER 17 Industrial Policy CHAPTER 18 EU Trade and Aid Policies CHAPTER 19 EU Enlargement Preface Many years ago when studying European integration at the College of Europe in Bruges, one of the professors organized a trip to the battlefields of Flanders of the First World War. The day seemed a little like a school outing, but with the relentless rain falling in the former trenches, the lesson was well taken. One of the main aims of integration was to render war in Europe not only inconceivable, but ‘materially impossible’. Today, despite tensions in certain areas, in the EU we tend to take this success almost for granted. One of the aims now is to extend this achievement to other less stable areas of Europe such as the former Yugoslavia. Of the many experts working on East-West studies, few predicted the collapse of the Eastern bloc from 1989. Right from the start of transition the Central and Eastern European countries wanted to join the integration process. At first the European Community seemed rather unprepared and overwhelmed at the prospect, but after a long and difficult process of preparation, between 2004 and 2007 much of Europe was again ‘reunified’. In 2007 there were celebrations of fifty years of European integration and under the then German Presidency of the EU, Angela Merkel singled out environmental policy as a way of re-launching the integration process, announcing that the EU was at the vanguard of the battle against climate change. In recent years increased priority has also been given to increasing competitiveness, and the Europe 2020 Strategy aims at smart (based on knowledge and innovation), sustainable (greener and more resource efficient) and inclusive (with higher employment and skills and less poverty) growth. European integration has a strong political impetus, but the method of implementation has been primarily economic. The first successful initiative was the European Coal and Steel Community created in 1951, while in the early years of the European Economic Community (EEC) the main progress was in trade and agriculture (though the policy mechanisms chosen for the latter can be criticized). Numerous studies show that the Single Market Programme introduced from 1985, and bolstered in many member states by the euro, has fostered trade and other closer economic ties between countries. The recent international economic crisis has imposed severe strains on the EU and some of the member states that adopted the euro have had to request bail-outs. Faced with this situation EU institutions such as the European Central Bank have had to enter uncharted waters, but the turbulence seems likely to continue for some time, bringing political as well as economic consequences. This book is aimed mainly at students of economics, European studies, business, political science and international relations. Though the approach is grounded in economics, the aim is to provide a multidisciplinary account of EU integration. The debate about whether the EU is primarily an economic or political entity is of long standing, but the view here is that in order to understand the process of integration a combination of economics, politics and history is necessary. The textbook is intended to have a strong policy orientation. The objective has also been to organize the material in a flexible way so it can be directed at different audiences. For this reason the theory has been concentrated in Chapters 4 and 5 and in separate sections in other chapters. Omitting Chapters 4 and 5, and the theoretical sections, the book can and has been used in various courses where the students have little or no economics background. The aim has also been to write chapters that stand individually, and can be used independently from the rest of the book. A basic introduction to the EU could cover Chapters 1–3, 6, 7, 9-12 and Chapter 19. Those interested in individual policies can select from Chapters 13 to 18. A course on the external relations of the European Union could use Chapters 1, 18 and 19. The intention has been to permit the use of different combinations of chapters depending on the needs or interests of the reader.
The EU is evolving constantly, and though every effort has been made to ensure that the text is up to date, more recent developments are necessarily covered by the online learning center (OLC) of this book. Because each chapter has been written so that it can stand independently, the aim is also to provide a text that can be consulted by researchers or policy makers. For this purpose each chapter sets out references for further reading and relevant websites are indicated on the OLC.

The article analyses the latest reforms in active and passive labour market policies (LMPs) in Germany, Italy and Denmark, within a European perspective. These Member States employ three of the various kinds of social security systems found in the EU-Continental, Mediterranean and Nordic-and provide an interesting example for comparison of differences/common trends in LMPs. This contribution focuses particularly on the principal characteristics of each protection system in the event of unemployment and on the relationships between unemployment benefits and activation policies and highlights the links between the European Employment Guidelines and the regulation under analysis.

Greek-American identity, as it was conceptualized during the first quarter of the twentieth century, was not simply a reiteration of Greek nationalist discourse but rather the result of a long process inevitably bound to socio-political and cultural currents on both sides of the Atlantic as well as the social status of Greeks in the United States. While the Greek state had attempted to cultivate a pan-Hellenic identity among immigrants, not necessarily different from the ideological orientation of the Greek state, it was only after World War I that a Greek American ideology, and consequently a particular identity, was successfully framed. This identity, however, was a construction along the lines of American nationalism that was mainly supposed to serve as a bulwark against the xenophobic and racist climate prevalent in the United States during this period.

The launch of the Decade of Roma Inclusion in 2005 raised hopes, promised much, and disillusioned many. So was it a lost decade? This publication aims to take stock, and includes insights from dozens of interviews with activists, officials and representatives who were involved in this effort "to close the unacceptable gaps between Roma and the rest of society".

Un autre pan essentiel des relations étrangères de l'UE est la politique de commerce extérieur, qui, pour une fois, relève de la compétence exclusive de l'UE et non des Etats membres. Les « biens culturels » et tout particulièrement le cinéma n'y ont pas échappés, rapidement suivis de tous les autres produits culturels projetés sur un écran. Ce phénomène « boule de neige » amena l'UE à établir une politique audiovisuelle propre et à se lancer dans une âpre bataille avec les Etats-Unis dans le cadre des règles régissant le commerce international. Dès 1946, l'industrie cinématographique faisait l'objet de discussions sur un traitement spécifique dans le cadre du General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) 1 avant de s'imposer comme un enjeu des négociations avec l'OMC et 1 Après la deuxième guerre mondiale, une série d'organismes-connus généralement sous l'appellation d'institutions de Bretton Woods (Banque mondiale, Fonds monétaire international, etc.)-destinés à coordonner et à réglementer la coopération économique internationale, ont vu le jour. Dans ce contexte, la création d'une institution destinée à réglementer le commerce : l'Organisation internationale du commerce (OIC) a été envisagée. En dépit du fait que cette institution n'a jamais vu le jour, un groupe de pays a entamé durant la même période des négociations sur les tarifs douaniers, parvenant à s'entendre sur un ensemble de normes destinées à libéraliser leurs échanges commerciaux. Ces normes et ces concessions relatives aux tarifs douaniers, adoptées "provisoirement", ont donné lieu à "l'Accord général sur les tarifs douaniers et le commerce" (GATT de 1947)-entré en vigueur en janvier 1948. Malgré son caractère provisoire le GATT est resté le seul instrument multilatéral régissant le commerce international jusqu'à la création de l'Organisation mondiale du commerce (OMC) en 1994. Depuis cette date, le GATT en tant qu'accord existe toujours, mais incorporé à l'OMC.

Las relaciones birregionales han tenido una evolución particular en función de los vínculos que tanto la Unión Europea (UE) como las regiones en las Américas han demostrado interés. América del Sur, una región muy dinámica en la creación de procesos de integración regional (CAN, MERCOSUR) y de procesos regionales (UNASUR, ALBA, Alianza
del Pacífico), no ha logrado concretar una relación de bloque con la UE. La Unión de Naciones Suramericanas UNASUR, como estructura que busca la consolidación y convergencia
de las iniciativas regionales y de integración en América del Sur, sería en principio la organización llamada a establecer el marco de relaciones de bloque con la UE. El artículo analiza si la relación entre la UE y América del Sur a nivel de bloques regionales
es todavía posible y necesaria, cuál sería el contexto en el que se establecería y qué alcance podría tener.

By focusing on EU policies towards North Africa and the Middle East, this chapter explores the transformation of the ‘southern Mediterranean’ into EU borderlands. This process involves the ‘untangling’ of the various social and political functions fulfilled by borders, the EU’s ‘outsourcing’ of border controls to its periphery on specific issues (but not on others), and the differentiated integration of the southern periphery into the European Union’s legal frameworks and regimes.

The chapter advances the argument that EU policies in the Mediterranean, and particularly the more recent European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP), are creating a buffer zone around the European Union. In the Euro-Mediterranean context, this development blurs out the external borders of the EU and therefore adds to the portrayal of that polity as a post-modern. Hence, departing from Brussels’ euphemistic notion of ‘neighbourhood’, this contribution also proposes the concept of borderland(s) for analysing the particular patterns in which the EU and its member states link their immediate periphery to the core. Attempts to co-opt the political and economic elites of North Africa and the Middle East into specific modes of EU governance, while excluding them from Brussels’ decision-making process, is a crucial aspect of this process.

The current state of international relations is littered with notions of ‘globalization’, ‘global governance’ and ‘cosmopolitanism’, all of which speak to the changing world. One regional governance establishment that has caught the attention of many for its success is the European Union (EU), despite its inherent challenges. The article undertakes a conceptual analysis of global governance and cosmopolitanism, after which it places the EU into perspective to assess the feasibility of its cosmopolitan vision. The article admits and appreciates all the efforts that have been put into making the Union a formidable regional body. However, the overarching argument is that it remains idealistic to envisage a Europe that is fully cosmopolitan, one that reveals the solidarity and hybridity of the various nationhoods and cultures that currently prevail in the region.

Handbook on the European and Italian legislations concerning the victims of terrorism.
This document was produced as a part of the project EU Centre for Victims of Terrorism (EUCVT), by the consortium led by Victim Support Europe (coordinator), in partnership with ARQ Nationaal Psychotrauma
Centrum, Association francaise des victimes du terrorisme and Fondation Lenval.
The National handbook for Italy was produced by Veronica Altieri (VSE) and Aleksandra Ivanković (VSE) with the cooperation of Luca Guglielminetti (Association Leon Battista Alberti and Expert of the RAN Center of Excellence), and Rete DAFNE Torino. The drafting team is grateful to Lucia Formenti (Representative of EMDR Europe in the Standing Committee on Crisis, Disaster and Trauma Psychology) for her contribution.

I Patti per lo Sviluppo tra Stato, Regioni e Città Metropolitane, a valere sui Fondi nazionali per lo Sviluppo e la Coesione (FSC) hanno quasi completato la programmazione 2014-20, per la quale erano già attivi i Programmi Operativi Regionali e Nazionali cofinanziati da fondi europei. Le risorse “aggiuntive” europee, quelle “straordinarie” e altre “ordinarie” nazionali, ora disponibili, risultano impegnate o programmate fino al 2023 ed è poco realistico ipotizzarne altre per nuove politiche ad hoc, ad esempio per l’agenda urbana. Il crescente interesse per le politiche pubbliche sul tema urbano, nonché l’Agenda urbana europea (Patto di Amsterdam 2016), impongono uno sforzo ulteriore per la definizione di un’agenda urbana nazionale, dando per insufficienti gli elementi contenuti nell’Accordo di Partenariato.
Attraverso un’analisi accurata di POR e Patti, si definiscono le tematiche prioritarie che potenzialmente potrebbero convergere in un’agenda urbana nazionale. Oltre agli ambiti di intervento per i quali sono state già programmate risorse, se ne individuano e quantificano finanziariamente altri che non sono stati finora considerati perché non direttamente correlati alle tradizionali politiche urbane, ma che definiscono un quadro più ampio di alternative in tema di tali politiche.

The EU has increasingly intensified the link between its internal and external security concerns and needs, particularly in relation to its neighbours (the Western Balkans and the southern Mediterranean). This adaptation at legal, institutional, strategic and operational levels has sought to improve the coherence and effectiveness of EU external action. Yet, for the Union to tackle ongoing and new challenges in the immediate neighbourhood with today’s financial and political constraints, it must be resourceful. The EU should make ‘smart’ use of its tools and capitalise on existing assets (reinforce the comprehensive approach, strengthen broad-based dialogue on security in the EU members states, and build relations of trust with third countries) to ensure that reforms in the immediate neighbourhood are sustainable, also for the benefit of long-term EU interests.

Ce cours vise à une introduction sommaire des institutions et des acteurs de l’Union européenne. Après avoir introduit les étudiants à l’histoire de l’idée européenne, et aux problèmes théoriques de l’intégration, nous explorerons les enjeux soulevés par le processus d’intégration : politique, démocratique, culturel, économique, social, élargissement. L’Europe contemporaine affronte aujourd’hui des questions profondément existentielles sur le sens de son projet. Le cours a pour objectif de parcourir ces différents défis qui formulent la question européenne. Nous nous demanderons notamment si les sociétés européennes sont assez homogènes sociologiquement pour donner une identité à leur projet politique commun. Quelles sont les grandes tendances et débats qui traversent ces sociétés, et comment celles-ci interagissent avec la construction européenne ?

The EU has increasingly intensified the link between its internal and external security concerns and needs, particularly in relation to its neighbours (the Western Balkans and the southern Mediterranean). This adaptation at legal, institutional, strategic and operational levels has sought to improve the coherence and effectiveness of EU external action. Yet, for the Union to tackle ongoing and new challenges in the immediate neighbourhood with today’s financial and political constraints, it must be resourceful. The EU should make ‘smart’ use of its tools and capitalise on existing assets (reinforce the comprehensive approach, strengthen broad-based dialogue on security in the EU members states, and build relations of trust with third countries) to ensure that reforms in the immediate neighbourhood are sustainable, also for the benefit of long-term EU interests.

La Legge Delrio (L. 56/2014) ha introdotto novità significative e controverse nell’architettura delle istituzioni locali. Quasi contemporaneamente è stato adottato dalla Commissione Europea il Programma Operativo Nazionale “Città Metropolitane 2014-2020” (PON Metro): esperimento unico a livello europeo, cui la CE guarda con interesse per le possibili implicazioni circa l’Agenda urbana europea approvata nel maggio 2016  e un rafforzato protagonismo delle grandi città nel ruolo di “Autorità Urbana”. Successivamente, il Fondo per lo Sviluppo e la Coesione ha originato i Patti per lo Sviluppo delle Città Metropolitane (CM), con investimenti di nuove risorse per circa 3 Mrd€.
Infine, anche le risorse nazionali “ordinarie” si sono occupate delle realtà urbane con il Piano nazionale delle città, il bando per le aree degradate e quello per le periferie.
Si propone un’analisi di metodo e di sostanza, insieme con la quantificazione di questi ingenti impegni finanziari di varia origine distribuiti in macro aree tematiche di intervento. Alla luce dell’Agenda urbana europea – Patto di Amsterdam, nell’ottica di una possibile agenda urbana nazionale, si forniscono e organizzano informazioni e argomentazioni per approfondire il dibattito sul tema tra studiosi e operatori pubblici e privati e per promuovere adeguate politiche pubbliche in merito.

This study investigates the impact of civil society participation or “community energy” on the consumption of palm
oil, in Europe. The objective was to measure if a high level of citizens´ participation on the green energy agenda,
could impulse decision makers into more environmental policies. The palm oil case in Europe was suitable for these
intentions due to its recent controversial popularity as an ingredient in a variety of products and as a fuel. The EU is
the second biggest global importer of this commodity. Three methodologies were run: stakeholder’s analysis,
descriptive analysis and panel data regression. Analysis of the responses showed that the relationship between civil
society participation and palm oil consumption, although negative, was statistically non significant. Manufacturers,
competitors and regulators were the most dependent stakeholders on the palm oil industry. POIG (a multi-stakeholder
regulator formed by NGOs) was highly important and influential. It is expected to see a bigger impact of CSO
participation on environmental decision making in the long-term.

This paper uses critical discourse analysis (CDA) to analyse the EU's first policy reassessment in light of the Arab uprisings. COM(2011)200 A Partnership for Democracy and Shared Prosperity (PfDSP) claims to outline a new framework for EU Democracy Assistance (DA) based on a new conception of democracy, and a new position for democracy in the EU's external relations. The paper analyses PfDSP and one of its key antecedents, COM(2001)252, to assess this claim, focusing on the way two pillars of the debate on democracy – civil–political and socio-economic rights – are defined and how they are organized into a narrative about democracy and its promotion. This analysis suggests that the conceptual structure – and therefore policy implications – of PfDSP maintain unaltered the substantive vision of a liberal model for both development and democratization in the region. This continuity sets the EU up to repeat earlier mistakes, which resulted before 2011 in the poor reputation of the EU on democracy promotion among pro-democracy opposition groups – many of which were central to the Tunisian and Egyptian uprisings.

The article addresses current trends in European transformation and compares the structure which is being built to ancient and medieval empires. The imperial order appears to be productive for the EU due to it easily embraces the heterogeneity existing within the Union, as well as contributes to the strengthening of the EU institutional legitimacy and efficiency in global governance. The ongoing EU transformations, promoted by the German-French lobby and supported by the authorities in Brussels, are indirectly leading to the emergence of an imperial structure, which is secured by a soft power, instead of a rule of sword. Taking all this into account, an attempt is made to define the role of Poland, the largest post-2004 enlargement state, in the new structure. To make this attempt sufficient a brief analysis of current Polish foreign policy and economic growth is provided.

The present essay focuses on Italian Regional Policy in the period 2011–2016 starting from 2011, when the Mario Monti Government was formed and Fabrizio Barca was co-opted to serve as Minister of Territorial Cohesion . The analysis tries to reconstruct a picture of what happened to Regional Policy in Italy in those years in the framework of the more general reform of the Cohesion Policy at a European level from a policy approach, attempting at an explication of main changes, difficulties in practical implementation, and inquiring into the gradual evolution of the policy and the uneven governmental attempts to make things work; a chain of adverse events and unplanned changes is listed, which together with political instability at the national level can partially justify difficulties of implementation3 . Mostly what emerges is a public culture of mere efficiency (all focused on the dimension of spending performance and formal decisions) with poor socio-institutional learning of innovations in governance and of sustainable practices of economic growth and development, in a systematic underestimation of policy implementation and adaptation (i . e ., of the complexity of joint action), and in carelessness of outcomes evaluation (with no interest to the perspective of policy-takers) .

Personal networks of immigrants can express their level of social capital and relational vulnerability. In this study, in the context of a peer support program, a group of young immigrants discussed their own personal networks to assess to what extent they could act as buddy-guides for other students in their process of integration into the community. We diagnosed three types of networks we call: cohesive, scattered and ethnic.