Far Right

Starting from the discussion about the contributions of anthropological perspectives to the study of the extreme right, the article proposes to present some initial analysis about this political ideology in Brazil. It focuses on the construction of the sociocultural and ideological profile of the Bolsonaro government. Specifically, the goal is analysing the form in which the Brazilian government redefines and considers ethnic-racial identities and how it builds its own identity by opposing them. In this sense, this article addresses indigenous alterity, seeking to observe how it is re-signified in Bolsonaro’s project. Observing this encounter between the far-right and otherness in the Brazilian context allows to verify values and meanings it gives to cultural plurality, the imaginaries and social representations it builds, and from this to understand how it presents itself and which project of society it defends.

In Europe, from Norway to France, from Denmark to Italy, women have established themselves at the head of far-right parties. An overview of these leaders serving the normalization of their party.

https://revueladeferlante.fr/giorgia-meloni-marine-le-pen-femmes-au-service-de-la-dediabolisation/

For approximately the past twenty years, the United States (US) government has focused on combating terrorist threats from abroad like Islamic terrorism. However, in recent years, terrorism has transitioned from an external threat to an internal threat. Some people in the US only realized how large a threat white supremacy terror poses to the nation’s security following the insurrection in the Capitol on January 6th, 2021. Despite this newly gained knowledge, the threat of white supremacy terror in the US has been growing for years. This study looked at the ways foreign governments have combatted white supremacist terrorism, recruitment, and radicalization methods. Quantitative analysis was performed to assess whether those same tactics would effectively lower the number of attacks related to white supremacy terrorism within the US by combatting recruitment and radicalization efforts. There was insufficient data available to identify correlation between the number of white supremacy...

No presente artigo, examinamos a influência do discurso revisionista da
extrema-direita, que busca negar os crimes cometidos pelas ditaduras militares no Brasil e na Argentina, sobre o cenário político contemporâneo e avaliar como as extremas-direitas dos respectivos países mobilizam esse passado recente na política nacional. Ao traçar um breve panorama histórico das ditaduras e seus processos de abertura política, destacamos as principais semelhanças e diferenças entre os dois países, a fim de compreender como esses processos influenciam no sistema político das novas repúblicas e reverberaram na configuração dessas direitas em cada país. Do ponto de vista metodológico, será abordada a ascensão da extrema direita nos respectivos países a partir da perspectiva braudeliana interdisciplinar de longa duração e utilizando-se técnicas da história comparada. Concluímos, desse modo, que a Argentina passa por um processo recente de revisionismo histórico, com disputas pela politização da memória e sobre consensos que foram mais estabelecidos no processo de redemocratização; enquanto o Brasil, onde não houve um consenso amplo e consolidado em relação à ditadura e onde os militares estiveram presentes na política nacional da “Nova República”, a mobilização desse passado, ao contrário da Argentina – pelo menos até agora – direciona-se a um projeto de futuro, que vê na ditadura militar um antídoto até hoje para solucionar a crise do Estado brasileiro.

While far-right movements are commonly associated with masculinity and women are in the minority, it is notable that they often play significant roles within these movements. To deepen our understanding of the motivations behind women's participation, this study challenges Blee's argument that women's motivations for participating are shaped by their interactions with other members. By using the psychosocial method devised by Hollway and Jefferson and developed by Gadd, the present study argues that women's pre-participation experiences can play a vital part in drawing them to the movements. Through analyzing the life stories of six far-right women in Japan and conducting an in-depth case study of three of them, the study aims to uncover a wide range of experiences that may initially appear unrelated to far-right ideology but ultimately led these subjects to become involved in far-right movements. It highlights the importance of paying attention to their complex subjectivities, which are formed by the interplay between their unique trajectories and societal transitions concerning gender norms, particularly within the era of neoliberal "emancipation." The study finds that the duality of far-right movements, which combine conservatism with

Against the background of the accumulation of popular discontent and frustration, the year 2024 began under the sign of far-right mobilization. The present article reviews some meetings held in January 2024 in Germany and Austria, in spaces and with connotations that bear historical resonance and, respectively, the effects of the early elections in Slovakia. Expressions such as deportations, emigration-re-emigration, extermination, pure race, foreign agents compose a picture that leaves no room for questions. It's just that we're talking about a hot space, where no more than a century ago similar events had been orchestrated by the radical right.

This article offers a case study of Slovakia focusing on the Mazurek case, the first criminal conviction of an incumbent Slovak far-right MP of hate speech. My explorative analysis uses data from my work as expert appointed by the investigation. It shows that cultural expertise in the Slovak hate speech cases involving prominent politicians has helped pinpoint the anti-minority narratives hidden behind the incriminated speech. The far right attempted to weaponize the legal process to cement their electoral base, raising the question of the mitigation strategies available to experts to counter this trend. The analysis points to the relevance of global legal pluralism not only in approaches to hate speech, but also regarding the interaction between the legal doctrine, the humanities and social sciences, and local legal regulation. The article concludes with positioning cultural expertise vis-à-vis global legal pluralism, whereby increased transparency of data from the proceedings and access to specialised training could mitigate the difficult position of cultural experts in hate speech.

Contrairement aux sondages annonçant une majorité relative ou absolue du RN au 2e tour des législatives, les Français ont contredit ces pronostics. Au soir du second tour des législatives, ce dimanche 7 juillet 2024, le Nouveau Front populaire, coalition de la gauche, arrive en tête devant les macronistes d'Ensemble! mais n'obtient qu'une majorité relative à l'Assemblée nationale. Le RN de Jordan Bardella est en 3e position. Je reconnais m'être attendu et même résigné à la victoire du RN et je partage donc la surprise et le soulagement de beaucoup de citoyens français de voir l'échec du RN au 2e tour, d'autant plus que les médias nous avaient annoncé un triomphe éclatant des néo-fascistes. Leur montée en puissance continue et le RN sera malgré sa déroute le groupe le plus puissant et nombreux dans la nouvelle Assemblée nationale. L'absence de majorité et la force comparable des trois blocs, NFP/Ens/RN va rendre difficile la gouvernance du pays.Quoiqu'il en soit, le front républicain a tenu et à la surprise générale a barré la route au RN et aux « chiottistes ».

this paper analyse the situation after the recent election of natinal assembly in France.The danger of the establishment of a far-right government was temporarily removed, but the French people, did not hide their leaning to the far- right and kept the sword of Damocles raised above the head of the French political society. Let's answer the question that many friends ask: Does the French political chess scene allow the extreme right to win or not?

This article attempts to evaluate the condemnation of the New Democracy in the European elections of 2024 but also the huge abstention from the polls mainly from low-income people. The latter points to a crisis of the whole party system (PARON 16/06/2024)

Terrorists and extremists groups are communicating sometimes openly but very often in concealed formats. Recently Far-right extremists including white supremacist, antiSemite groups, racists and neo-Nazis started using a coded "New Language". Alarmed by police and security forces attempts to find them online and by the social platforms attempts to remove their contents, they try to apply the new language of codes and doublespeak. This study explores the emergence of a new language, the system of code words developed by Far-right extremists. What are the characteristics of this new language? How is it transmitted? How is it used? Our survey of online Far-right contents reveals the use of visual and textual codes for extremists. These hidden languages enable extremists to hide in plain sight and for others to easily identify likeminded individuals. There is no doubt that the "new language" used online by Far-right groups comprises all the known attributes of a lang...

Terrorists and extremists groups are communicating sometimes openly but very often in concealed formats. Recently Far-right extremists including white supremacist, antiSemite groups, racists and neo-Nazis started using a coded "New Language". Alarmed by police and security forces attempts to find them online and by the social platforms attempts to remove their contents, they try to apply the new language of codes and doublespeak. This study explores the emergence of a new language, the system of code words developed by Far-right extremists. What are the characteristics of this new language? How is it transmitted? How is it used? Our survey of online Far-right contents reveals the use of visual and textual codes for extremists. These hidden languages enable extremists to hide in plain sight and for others to easily identify likeminded individuals. There is no doubt that the "new language" used online by Far-right groups comprises all the known attributes of a lang...

Research Question (RQ): Public international law is intended to, among other things, introduce an element of stability in international relations. It is created by the subjects of this law which are the holders of rights and obligations under this law. However, we can distinguish several entities which, despite a lack of international legal personality, influence international relations. The question arises as to whether the existence of these other entities does not weaken the actions of the classic subjects of public international law, namely states and international intergovernmental organisations?

Purpose: The purpose of this research was to define a catalogue of entities that, despite the lack of international legal personality, influence international relations.

Method: This study was based on scientific and popular scientific literature. The research method used in this study was a descriptive analysis and critical interpretation of recent trends in the area of international relations.

Results: The research results show that, in addition to the classic catalogue of entities such as states and international intergovernmental organisations, we can distinguish several other entities that influence international relations, such as international private companies, international nongovernmental organisations, or international non-institutionalised forums for cooperation.

Organization: The research results, by distinguishing other (than classic ones) entities operating in international relations, may contribute to greater stability in international relations.

Society: The stability of international relations affects the security of nations and individuals.

Originality: The originality of this research is a critical approach to the existing catalogue of the subjects of public international law.

Limitations / further research: The research results may contribute to the debate on existing entities in public international law that influence international relations. Further research may even expand the traditional catalogue of subjects of public international law.

La prima settimana di giugno 2024, cittadine e cittadini degli Stati membri dell’UE si recheranno a votare per rinnovare il Parlamento europeo. In diversi Paesi aleggia una certa preoccupazione per un possibile rafforzamento dei partiti di estrema destra. In questo scenario, l’Italia rappresenta da tempo una cartina tornasole: dalle ceneri di Salò, nacque il primo e più longevo partito europeo neofascista, il Movimento sociale italiano; una matrice neofascista caratterizzò in modo decisivo la stagione del terrorismo; a metà anni Novanta, Alleanza nazionale entrò nei governi Berlusconi; ed infine l’eredità politica e culturale di quell’ambiente rappresenta ora la principale forza politica del Paese ed esprime la Presidente del Consiglio. Ecco che il caso italiano, con le sue specificità, si è sempre dimostrato paradigmatico.
Attraverso riflessioni teoriche e casi di studio, questa tavola rotonda vuole stimolare il confronto su alcuni aspetti del recente passato: a partire, per esempio, dalle definizioni di estrema destra, di destra radicale, di neofascismo e dei relativi processi identitari. Inoltre: tutte le estreme destre hanno una matrice fascista? Quali i loro “debiti” ideologici e culturali o quali le prese di distanza? Come percepiscono la natura antifascista della Repubblica e come vengono a loro volta percepite dalle culture politiche antifasciste?

Research has emphasised the importance of far-right transnationalism, in terms of both ideology and practice. Yet, the
literature lacks a comprehensive analysis of how far-right
actors themselves reflect their transnational practices
(or lack thereof), such as party-level exchange, joint protest
events, or online communication. Drawing on original interview data from Germany and Norway, our research unveils
that while far-right ‘nationalists’ generally endorse transnational activities, only a minority actively participates. The
interviewees perceive transnational practices as opportunities for strategic learning, showcasing of collective strength,
and networking. Simultaneously, they express concerns
about being associated with extremists and getting
entangled in conflict-ridden areas. Theoretically, we discuss
the role of ideology and everyday life as well as the importance of only limited strategic incentives for understanding
far-right transnationalism. In doing so, we draw parallels to
experiences made by left-wing actors. Moreover, we underline the potential of Granovetter's ‘strength of weak ties’
for far-right diffusion.

European Far-Right Political parties (FRPPs) are more relevant and noisier than ever, and their discourse arguably
contributes to the production and shaping of the imagination of their followers and affects the process of policymaking to different degrees. This contribution is grounded
on theoretical considerations that view discourse and power
as interrelated elements. In this sense, it draws on the discourse of Lega Nord and Alternative für Deutschland as highly
relevant far-right populist voices in Europe and attempts to
investigate the systematic similarities in their production of
populist, exclusionary discourse: This, therefore, begs the
question: If the two parties produce highly similar discourse
and perceptions, how come they have not (yet) managed to establish a closer cooperation outside the walls of the European
Parliament? This contribution examines the positions of the
two parties on immigration as a salient issue and compares
the construction of anxieties and threats in their discourse
from a Critical Discursive perspective. In doing so, it explores two major areas: firstly, the shared patterns in the
discursive production of exclusionary, populist discourse in
selected topic areas, and in particular the discursive practice
of crisisification in the representation of national and European social realities, and secondly, the factors inhibiting the
two parties to engage in visible and deep cooperation.

By virtue of their active and visible participation in the Revolution of Dignity and in repulsing Russian aggression, far-right groups received wide public legitimacy.  However, they were unable to convert the social capital gained into electoral support. Moreover, the popularity of ultra-right political parties has fallen several times compared to the times of Viktor Yanukovych’s presidency.

At the same time, once exclusively ultra-right symbols and slogans have become widespread, and concern about protecting national identity has become a noticeable part of the mainstream political agenda.

It seems that this did not happen due to success of far-right propaganda. As we saw above, the voice of the far-right movement is almost inaudible. In the case of the dissemination of nationalist symbols, slogans, and memorable dates, we deal not with the popularization of the ultra-right discourse, but with a kind of cultural appropriation of the symbolic language. Using the phrase “Glory to Ukraine!” or even “Glory to the nation!” no longer means, as it did ten years ago, a xenophobic anti democratic ethno-nationalist position.

Simultaneously and independently of this process of “appropriation” of the (ex-) far-right symbolic language, a significant shift to the right of the entire political spectrum took place. The parties that positioned themselves as “leftists” left the political scene altogether. They were partly discredited by the support of the pro Russian irredentist movement, and partly they could not withstand state pressure in the framework of the process of “decommunization”. Political parties, positioning themselves as pro-European, liberal or national-democratic, turned to such topics as the protection and strengthening of the state role of the Ukrainian language, the formation of an independent Orthodox Church, etc. However, these changes, even at a stretch, cannot be associated with the influence of far-right propaganda.

The nationalism of the political mainstream continues to be civic and inclusive. The unprecedented level of support (73% of the vote) that an ethnic Jewish presidential candidate received in 2019 is just one example of the inclusiveness of the concept of nation that dominates Ukrainian society. The fact that, after becoming president, this ethnic Jew quite organically began to use the slogan “Glory to Ukraine!” in the appropriate context illustrates what unexpected metamorphoses the far-right symbolic repertoire can experience in the complex Ukrainian context.

Call for Papers
Far-right Women. Past and Present
This two-days conference looks into the active participation of women in the Far-right movements and politics in 20th and 21st century Europe, with a focus on East Central, Northeastern and Southeastern Europe (and beyond).

Resumo: Trata-se de reconstruir uma crítica do populismo de ultradireita contemporâneo a partir dos diagnósticos político- sociais e dos recursos e parâmetros normativos da teoria de Jurgen Habermas. Para isso, nossa hipótese consiste em identificar em tais análises que na esfera pública neoliberal digitalizada, a especificidade da estratégia politica da ultradireita consiste na captura da gramática da liberdade em função de uso regressivo democraticamente. De modo a criticar os limites de tal fenômeno, mobilizaremos as concepções de liberdade e de democracia radical como parâmetro normativo para identificar no populismo de ultradireita o que Habermas chama de “patologias da comunicação ou da esfera pública”. Palavras-chave: Liberdade; Populismo; Democracia.

Abstract: The main goal of this article is to reconstruct critique of contemporary ultra-right populism from the political-social diagnoses and the resources and normative parameters of Jürgen Habermas’ theories. For this, our hypothesis consists in identifying in such analyses that in the digitized neoliberal public sphere, the specificity of the political strategy of the ultra-right consists in the capture of the grammar of freedom as a function of regressive use democratically. In order to criticize the limits of such a phenomenon, we will mobilize the conceptions of freedom and radical democracy as a normative parameter to identify in ultra-right populism what Habermas calls “pathologies of communication or of the public sphere.” Keywords: Freedom; Populism; Democracy.

The refugee crisis is one of the main issues faced by national and supranational institutions of the new globalized world and society we belong to. Since international migrants have gained importance, they growingly became the center of attention of public opinion, and as a direct consequence of media and politics, and thus politicization and criminalization of migration. Migration plays a crucial role in politics and media, as well as cultural racism and discrimination, both at the civil and institutional levels. The evolution of our world into multicultural societies in which different ethnicities and cultures coexist led to increasing social conflict over the redistribution of resources and the rise of new political parties and politician