Loanword Phonology

Det svenska sammandraget (1½ sida) och den svenska resumén (20 sidor) av min doktorsavhandling, som behandlar frågor kring de skandinaviska språkens ljudhistoria från 200-talet till 1200-talet e.Kr., belysta delvis av deras kontakter med samtida förstadier till finska och av gamla ortnamn från kontaktzonen, och delvis av teoretisk ljudhistorisk rekonstruktion. I två uppsatser granskas etymologier för ortnamn i södra och sydvästra Finland som belyser tidig språkkontakt. I etymologiska fallstudier behandlas namnen Kjulo och Tavastland. Namnet Karis jämförs med isländska sagornas Herdalar och förklaringen av hur fi. ruotsi 'svensk' hör ihop med ~ fsv. rōþ-och rȳtzẹr 'ryss' problematiseras. Flera farledsnamn diskuteras som är upptagna i det s.k. " Danska itinerariet " liksom ett större urval namn som kunde vara gamla i en Åländsk kontext: Eckerö, Geta, Jomala och Lemland, och därtill Järsö, Skedholm, Styrsö, Slemmern och Lemböte. De allra äldsta förhistoriska alternativen för att förklara namnen Åland och Ahvenanmaa problematiseras och ett nytt förslag framförs. I den första uppsatsen undersöks ett urval av lånord bevarade i finskan och dess närmaste släktspråk och särskilt vad deras ljuddräkter kan avslöja om förändringar i urnordiskans ljudsystem. T.ex. ordet fi. leikata 'att klippa, skära' återförs på en urfinsk form *lɤikka-med bakvokaliskt uttal, som har lånats tidigt från ett urnordiskt original *blaikijan 'göra blek, avhugga en bläcka', innan *blaik-frontades till *blaeik-. En tillrättalagd analys av många etymologier tidsbestämmer de granskade lånen till tiden före det nordiska i-omljudet. De två sista uppsatserna föreslår en ny ljudhistorisk beskrivning av 500/600-talens övergångsnordiska då de flesta omljudda vokalerna, såsom t.ex. nusvenskt y och ö, uppkom, vilket medförde växlingar illustrerade av svenska dölja/döljer/dolde, mat/mätt och duga/dygd. Generationer av ljudhistoriker har allt sedan Rasmus Rask och Jacob Grimm under nästan 200 år gäckats av ett otal problem som gäller när, hur och med vilka slutresultat omljuden från början verkade. I den fjärde uppsatsen visas att de senaste förklaringarna som erbjudits beträffande frontningsomljudet inte är hållbara. Ett nytt förslag presenteras för att förklara en större mängd ohanterliga data med färre allmängiltiga antagen. Problemet som den sista uppsatsen siktar på att lösa är hur frontningsomljudet, vokaliskt framkallad brytning (som t.ex. i svenska mjöd) och rundningsomljud (som t.ex. i svenska dugg av dagg) kan förklaras inom en och samma analys.

Harmonic Grammar is a constraint-based theory in which constraints are numerically weighted. In the theory, lower-weighted constraints overcome a constraint with a higher weight, which is what we call a " gang effect. " Farris-Trimble (2008) scrutinizes the cumulativity of violations of faithfulness constraints by looking at loanword adaptation of Fula and Hawaiian. However, cumulative faithfulness effects (CFEs) have not been sufficiently discussed in the literature on loanword adaptation. The aim of the present paper is to show a CFE on repair for consonant clusters in Māori loanword adaptations. This case study shows that violations of two faithfulness constraints tradeoff for a violation of a third faithfulness constraint.

Establishing the origin and dating of the palatalization of the CA and GA clusters in the Rhaeto-Romance languages and in the Cisalpine area is one of the most debated problems in Romance linguistics, also because of the classificatory implications ascribed to this phonetic mutation. In 1958 the Slovene romanist Anton Grad suggested a ‘low’ dating (XII-XIV centuries) for such palatalization in Friulian, on the basis of the loan words present in western Slovene dialects. However, on the basis of toponomastic data and other interlinguistic considerations, it is possible to predate the palatalization of the CA and GA in the Friulian area before the year 1000.

The article contributes to the discussion about the voiced plosives b, d and g in Finnish. These plosives were originally unknown in Finnish but are now used in the orthography of new loan words. The plosive d also appears in indigenous Finnish words. Pronunciation of the graphemes <bdg> is studied here using a dataset of free spoken Finish. The data comprises material from 40 different speakers divided into ten age-groups.

This paper provides a descriptive account of the main patterns found in the adaptation of English loanwords in Burmese. First, English segments missing from the Burmese inventory are replaced by native Burmese segments. Second, coda obstruents are represented by laryngealized tones. Third, consonant clusters are resolved through vowel epenthesis or consonant deletion. Finally, various phonotactic gaps native to Burmese, some with rather idiosyncratic distributional properties, are consistently maintained in loanwords via a number of different strategies. The data suggest overall that Burmese phonology heavily constrains the adaptation of English loanwords, and a brief sketch of an Optimality-Theoretic analysis is presented.

Aquest article explora i il·lustra de forma contrastiva els diferents mecanismes i estratègies a què recorren diverses llengües romàniques (català, espanyol, italià, portuguès europeu i portuguès del Brasil) a l’hora d’incorporar paraules manllevades d’altres llengües, sobretot de l’anglès. D’entre aquestes estratègies, s’investiguen la importació diferencial o no reparació, l’adaptació a la fonologia nativa, la reparació divergent, la reparació innecessària, l’emergència del no marcat, i la interacció de fenòmens en un mateix manlleu. En l’article es consideren tant les adaptacions que ocorren en el nivell segmental (adaptacions vocàliques i consonàntiques), les adaptacions condicionades pel context dins de la paraula (per exemple, la posició final), com les adaptacions que ocorren en el nivell suprasegmental (estructura sil·làbica i accentuació en el domini del mot simple i del mot compost). L’article acaba reflexionant sobre de quina manera el comportament fonològic dels manlleus transcendeix en l’aprenentatge i producció de segones llengües i llengües estrangeres.

The language relations between France and lusophone countries, especially Portugal, have a long tradition. Without a doubt, these relations have led Iberian languages to borrow more from French than vice versa.  However, Portuguese has also contributed many words to French over centuries. Of course/Certainly, not all of these words come ultimately from the Iberian Peninsula but Portugal has played the role of intermediary between French and, Portuguese in its non-European variants as well as certain American, African and Asian languages. Thus, the main focus of this paper is the study of words which can be roughly classified as lusophonisms.

Résumé
Les relations linguistiques entre la France et les pays lusophones, surtout le Portugal, ont une longue tradition. Sans le moindre doute, ces relations ont amené les langues ibériques à emprunter plus au français qu’inversement. Cependant, le portugais, au cours des siècles, a aussi fourni à la langue française de nombreux mots. Bien entendu, pas tous ces mots, proviennent, en fin de compte, de la Péninsule Ibérique mais le Portugal a pu joué un rôle d’intermédiaire entre le français et, d’une part, le portugais dans ses variantes hors-européennes, et d’autre part, certaines langues américaines, africaines et asiatiques. Ainsi nous voulons, dans cette contribution, nous occuper des vocables que nous pouvons dénommer grosso modo comme des lusophonismes.

Lexical borrowing is a common process across languages. Even so, words borrowed into a language are rarely borrowed perfectly, but instead undergo modification vis-à-vis their realization in the source language from which they were borrowed. This process of modification may result from the influence of the phonology native to the borrowing language, from general principles of Universal Grammar (UG), or from a combination of the two. In recent years, loanword adaptation has been modeled in various ways (e.g., Silverman 1992, Paradis 1996, Kenstowicz 2001, Steriade 2002) that say different things about the stages of adaptation and the relative importance of factors such as the borrower’s proficiency in the source language and the veridicality of cross-language speech perception.

The present study concerns the adaptation of loanwords borrowed from English into Burmese, a language that is phonologically very different from English. English loanwords undergo systematic modifications in Burmese, some reflecting aspects of native Burmese phonology and others having no correlate in Burmese phonology. This case of loanword adaptation has implications for models of loanword phonology, suggesting that Burmese loanword adaptation occurs in a two-stage process, beginning with an initial English-to-Burmese mapping that occurs on a phoneme-to-phone basis. Segmental and syllabic structure is accounted for in this way, but tone assignment appears to be governed by a combination of Burmese tone laws and principles of UG that remains to be characterized. This issue of tone assignment is left as a question for future research.

This paper investigates the phonological adaptation of consonant-final loanwords recently borrowed into Italian. The analysis focuses on the examination of Italian vowel paragoge (i.e., word-final vowel epenthesis) which occurs with some of these loans. The data used in the analysis come from a self-designed field study, carried out in Rome on the local variety of Standard Italian. The pho-nological analysis of the data leads to the formulation of the following descriptive generalizations. Consonant-final loanwords adapted into Italian undergo vowel paragoge for two independent reasons. First, paragoge applies in all loanwords which end in a consonantal cluster, irrespective of their stress pattern. In this group, vowel epenthesis is employed as a repair strategy to salvage an extrasyl-labic consonant. Second, paragoge is applicable in loanwords ending with a single consonant provided their stem-final syllable is stressed. Here the process applies to avoid the adaptation of words with a highly marked ultimate stress. The insertion of a word-final vowel creates an additional syllable, which leads to the emergence of a form with an unmarked penultimate stress.

This article addresses the controversy about the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European consonant inventory, namely the question of whether the traditional, Neo-Grammarian reconstruction or one of the more recent alternatives such as the Glottalic Theory is correct. This question is directly related to that of the proper formulation of Grimm’s Law. In the traditional framework the Proto-Germanic voiceless plosives derive from an Indo-European series of plain voiced plosives, whereas in the alternative account they derive from some kind of voiceless plosives, e.g. voiceless glottalics. The article brings to bear on the problem a new kind of evidence: the integration of prehistoric Semitic loanwords. This evidence unambiguously supports the traditional framework, in particular a shift of voiced to voiceless plosives under Grimm’s Law.

The present work endeavors to account for various phonological processes that are responsible for the change that occurs to sounds within the Moroccan Arabic sound system.  The rationale behind this topic stems from an interest in the phonology of Moroccan Arabic, besides another motive which is the lack of awareness for Moroccans who are usually not conscious of how loanwords are originally pronounced. In addition to that, they lack knowledge about the phonological rules that encounters for their pronunciation of loanwords. Accordingly, this study is of benefit for Moroccans by learning about the phonology of their native language and the languages of donors as well.
  The data of this study were drawn from several sources such as some previous works of different researchers and linguists, in addition to personal data that were collected by using two different instruments, a questionnaire and audio recordings.
  The main findings of this paper are summed up in the diversity of phonological processes and contexts in which sounds can face many changes in different positions within loanwords. Some of these processes that were covered are pharyngealization, substitution, and syllable deletion.
  The implications that were encountered in the study are represented in Moroccans’ pronunciation by which there is a variety of regions and a diversity of idiolects and ways of uttering loanwords. Thus, it made it difficult to track a common pronunciation for loanwords.
  This research opens doors for several studies that can be conducted from different linguistic aspects. For instance, analyzing the sounds that are inserted into some loanwords can be interpreted from a morphological viewpoint as well.

The author pursues an improved diachronic phonological understanding of reconstructed pre-documentary Scandinavian language, with more in-depth consideration given to its vowel history, its eastern vernaculars and the lexical traces of contact with Finnic. Some of the main findings, notably those concerning the umlauts and the history of contrast in the vowel system, have implications for earlier Germanic vowel history beyond the study of Scandinavian. 
These are the English language portions of the summarising chapter of a compilation thesis.

Eski Türkçe yaŋa ~ yaŋan ~ yagan “fil” kelimesinin etimolojisi üzerine yapılan bu çalışma, kelimenin 6. yüzyıl civarlarında Çinceden doğrudan ve yalnızca Genel Türkçeye *žaŋ olarak girdiğini ve +gA ile +gAn eklerini alarak Eski Türkçede bilinen şekilleriyle ortaya çıktığını ileri sürmektedir. Bunun yanı sıra, alıntılar ve tarihî kayıtlar aracılığıyla Eski Türkçe söz başı y- sesine karşılık 6. yüzyılda Genel Türkçede ž-, Bulgar Türkçesinde ise d’- sesinin var olduğu gösterilmeye çalışılmıştır. Moğolca ǰa’an “fil” ise ya Erken Genel Türkçe *žaŋgan veya Geç Eski Türkçe *ǰagan şeklinden bir alıntıdır. Çalışmanın sonunda, Proto-Türkçe *d- *ǰ- *y- *ń- seslerinin Genel Türkçe ve Bulgar Türkçesindeki gelişimleri tanıklar üzerinden tartışılmış ve özetlenmiştir.

Bu çalışma, Stephanos Byzantinos’un Ethnika adlı eseri başta olmak üzere, Bizans kaynaklarında geçen ve ‘Karca’ olarak nitelendirilen bazı sözcükler üzerinde durmaktadır. Bu sözcükler, Karca yazıtlarda tanıklanmadığı için, ilgili literatürde ‘sözde Karca’ (pseudo-glosses) olarak adlandırılmaktadır. Çalışmamızda, altı ‘sözde Karca’ kelime ele alınmış ve bunlar için (Pre-)Proto-Türkçeye kadar dayanan etimolojiler önerilmiştir. Bizanslı yazarların eserlerinde Karca olarak ortaya çıkan bu sözcüklerin Urartularla temas hâlindeki Kimmerler veya Hurrilerle yakın ilişki içinde olan Turukkular aracılığıyla Anadolu’ya girmiş olabileceği öne sürülmüştür. Bu sebeple, Hurri-Urartuca ve Türkçenin söz varlıkları arasındaki toplam otuz yedi benzer kelime listelenmiş, bunların Urartucadan Türkçeye alıntılar olabileceği sonucuna varılmıştır. Bu karşılaştırmalara dayanarak, Pre-Proto-Türkçenin ses özelliklerine değinilmiştir. Kimmer nüfusunun kısmen Türkçe konuşanlardan oluştuğu ve dillerinin bir yandan ‘sözde Karca’ sözcüklerin kaynağı, diğer yandan Urartuca sözcüklerin alıcısı olduğu varsayımı en makul öneri olarak görülmektedir. /// The present study deals with a number of glosses which appear in the Byzantinian sources, most of them in Ethnica of Stephanos Byzantinos, and are labeled as Carian. As these glosses are not actually attested in Carian inscriptions, they are called pseudo-glosses in the relevant literature. Six of these pseudo-Carian glosses are examined and for all of them, Turkic etymologies are proposed which reach into the depth of (Pre-)Proto-Turkic. It is asserted that the glosses which surface as Carian in the works of the Byzantinian historians may have entered into Anatolia by the Cimmerians or by the Turukku which were in close contact with the Urartians and Hurrians, respectively. Therefore, thirty-seven similar lexical items in the Hurro-Urartian and Turkic vocabularies are listed. It has been concluded that these may be Urartian loanwords in Turkic. Based on these correspondences, the phonological features of Pre-Proto-Turkic are discussed. The supposition that the Cimmerian population was partly Turkic-speaking and their language was the donor of the pseudo-Carian glosses and the recipient of the Urartian loanwords proves to be the most plausible one.

This paper presents and analyses half a page of Uzbek text that appears in a Tajik-language prose work published at the turn of the 20th century. The Uzbek text was written by a Bukharan bilingual who had Bukharan Tajik as his native language but also possessed competence in Uzbek. The text is a rare example of an Uzbek text written in fully vocalized Hebrew script, and thus provides a rare glimpse into the Tajik-Uzbek bilingualism in the capital area of the emirate of Bukhara in the late 19th century.

This paper explores the periodisation of pre-documentary Scandinavian language and its synchronisation with
that of Finnic, the era in focus being the first millennium CE. Stratification of loanwords is discussed both as a means to
refine periodisation and as an aim in itself. The problems as concerns the latter half of the first millennium are highlighted.
The account is built on dissertation research defended in September 2018.

The rhotacising phoneme *z/ʀ started in Proto-Germanic as a voiced strident fricative */z/. Where not assimilated the descendant (by convention often denoted <ʀ>) ultimately coincided with an alveolar sonorant rhotic phoneme, in ONc denoted . The period elapsed from */z/ → <ʀ> → /r/ was over 1000 years. • The aim is to summarise the arguments why at least one intermediate stage of development must be posited. • To present what we may know of the intermediate stage(s), by combining, dating and evaluating evidence of different nature and different validity.

In the process of loanword adaptation words often undergo various changes in order to comply with the phonological system of the borrowing language. At the phonotactic level the most commonly applied modifications of alien consonant clusters include vowel insertion, consonant deletion and cluster modification. The present paper examines online adaptation of Ukrainian word-initial two-consonant sequences of radically different segmental makeup and sonority relations, namely, obstruent + sonorant (e.g. /zm/, /vn/) and sonorant + obstruent (e.g. /rt/, /mʒ/), which are illicit in English, in order to establish the major phonological patterns of anglicization and account for them in the light of Optimality Theory.

In the phonological integration of loanwords, the original structures of the donor language can either be preserved (i.e. adopted) as innovations or altered to fit the existing system of the recipient language (i.e. adapted). This dissertation aims to contribute to a better understanding of adoption as an underresearched integration strategy by investigating how structural (i.e. phonetic, phonological, morpho-phonological) and non-structural (i.e. sociolinguistic and psycholinguistic) factors interact in determining when a particular donor-language structure will be adopted instead of being adapted.
Factors that affect the accuracy of the structure’s perception and production in the donor language as a result of its acquisition as a second language are also given special consideration. The three studies that are included in the
dissertation examine how the same phonological structure from different donor languages is integrated into the same recipient language Turkish by two different types of initial borrowers: elite bilinguals in Turkey and heritage bilinguals in Sweden. The three investigated phonological structures are
word-final [l] after back vowels, long segments in word-final closed syllables, and word-initial onset clusters. The hypothesis is that adoption will be more prevalent in heritage bilinguals than in elite bilinguals. Four necessary conditions for adoption are identified in the analysis of the results. Firstly, the donor-language structure must have high perceptual salience. Secondly, the borrowers must have acquired the linguistic competence to produce a structure accurately. Thirdly, the borrowers must have sufficient sociolinguistic incentive to adopt a structure as an innovation. Higher dominance in the
donor language as a second language and positive attitudes in the borrowers contribute to the sociolinguistic incentive. Fourthly, prosodic structures require higher incentive to be adopted than segments (and clusters of segments).
The hypothesis is only partially confirmed. Two types of counterexamples are found. On the one hand, the reverse of the hypothesis is attested when the structure has high salience in the language from which the elite bilinguals have borrowed it but has low salience in the language from which the heritage bilinguals have borrowed it. On the other hand, no difference
is found between elite and heritage bilinguals when the structure has a low degree of acquisition difficulty making it equally likely to be acquired and adopted by elite bilinguals as by heritage bilinguals. In other cases, as predicted, heritage bilinguals display significantly higher adoption rates than
elite bilinguals.

Keywords: loanword phonology, language contact, bilingualism, second-language acquisition, perceptual salience, language dominance, linguistic variation, sociolinguistics, Turkish.

This paper investigates the presence of loanwords in rap and reggae music, and deals with their pronunciation. First, a corpus of 200 French and Czech songs is explored in search of numerous anglicisms, jamaicanisms and other lexical borrowings not listed in the dictionary Petit Robert 2012. These neologisms are then arranged in a tableau in order to show their positioning on a center/periphery concentric scheme. Furthermore, by contrasting languages’ phonemic inventories from a violable constraints perspective, the distribution of a few features (affricates, glides, rhotic consonants) is shown in more detail. Interestingly, the loanwords do not seem to follow any diachronic pattern, and their distance to native vocabularies of French and Czech is not mirrored in the artists’ agreement on phonetic realisation. As a result, the great variation encountered is attributed to the musical stylisation, and the loanwords’ belonging to hip-hop and reggae sociolects.

This paper examines sound substitutions in Finnic loan words from Proto- and Ancient Scandinavian. Correlations are studied between Finnish/Estonian ai, äi, ei, and õi and eastern-Scandinavian descendants of the Proto-Scandinavian diphthong ai, which developed over ɛi into the Old Swedish ē. On the basis of the observed correlations, substitution practices and their chronologies are reconstructed. A further aim of the paper is to seek independent evidence for the quality of the diphthong during different stages of eastern Scandinavian development. This subject is intertwined through chronology with the borrowing of Finnish napakaira meaning
'bradawl, auger', namely with determining the form of the Scandinavian loan original *naƀaǥaiza- > Old-Icelandic nafarr (in particular *[z] > [r]) at the time of borrowing.
It is shown that within a material of some 80 potentially borrowed pre-Viking Age Proto-Finnic stems there is not a single ascertained case where a descendant of this Scandinavian diphthong would have been substituted by *ei, whereas the very few possible cases of *äi cannot be judged to testify to a fronted quality in the original. Substitution practices using back stems, which were subject to Finnic palatal vowel harmony, persisted for a surprisingly long time. In parallel with the principal ɑi → *ɑi substitution, one with *ëi ~ [ɤ̞i] is used in 2–4 ascertained cases. This substitution may testifiy to some variation or modification of the Proto-Scandinavian diphthong.

With the application of the Contrastive Hierarchy Theory, the contrastive features of preliterary Scandinavian vowels are here inferred from the interaction between targets and triggers for metaphonic fronting, rounding and breaking. One Proto-Scandinavian feature hierarchy is reconstructed for prominent syllables and another for non-prominent ones. The former hierarchy sustained contrasts that differed from the latter, including contrast for rounding and a preserved distinction between Pre-Germanic */i/ and */e/. A prominence system is reconstructed that predicts both the outcome of syncope and the distribution of the two vowel systems between syllables. The analysis neatly accounts for many notorious cruxes of umlaut and breaking that correlate with the prosodic position of the trigger, including the frequent absence of i-umlaut in light syllables.

The paper discusses, categorizes, and explains the phenomenon of "hybrid" loans in Korean, whereby a loan-word reflects the phonology/morphology of not one but two languages simultaneously. One well-known form of hybrid loan is that of the great number of Sino-Japanese neologisms that, through Korea and Japan's shared use of Chinese characters, have been copied orthographically but not phonetically into Korean. In addition, many of the large numbers of English words that have entered Korean display phonological or morphological influence from Japanese in some respects but are nevertheless hybrid loans in that, although some features can only be accounted for through borrowing from Japanese, other features of the same words can only be accounted for through direct borrowing from English.

The national languages of East Asia (Chinese, Japanese, Korean and Vietnamese) have made extensive use of a type of linguistic borrowing sometimes referred to as a ‘graphic loan’. Such loans have no place in the conventional classification of loans based on Haugen (1950) or Weinreich (1953), and research on loan word theory and phonology generally overlooks them. The classic East Asian phenomenon is discussed and a framework is proposed to describe its mechanism. It is argued that graphic loans are more than just ‘spelling pronunciations’, because they are a systematic and widespread process, independent of but not inferior to phonological borrowing. The framework is then expanded to illustrate borrowing between English and East Asian languages, and between non- East Asian languages, showing that graphic borrowing also applies to phonographically written source language forms.

Due to its history of language contact with French, modern Vietnamese contains numerous loanwords of French origin, many of which refer to a variety of culturally transmitted items (such as clothing, food, technology, tradeable objects more generally). The present study deals with the phonological aspects of such loans, considering tone, syllable structure and segmental structure. The analysis is based on a corpus of roughly 500 Vietnamese nouns of French origin that, according to native speakers’ judgments, are still in use. As for tonal structure, generalizations about tone assignment made in previous research are modified. The systematic analysis of repair strategies applying to French consonant clusters in onsets and codas shows that Vietnamese generally prefers deletion over epenthesis, unlike many other languages, with two additional repair processes being attested in specific contexts, as well.

In this paper we present the results of a study of the tonal adaptation of a corpus of c. 300 Mandarin and 40 English loanwords in Lhasa Tibetan drawn from Yu et al.’s (1980) Colloquial Lhasa Tibetan-Chinese Dictionary. Our principal finding is that no equivalence is made between the Mandarin tones /English stress contours and Lhasa Tibetan tones. Instead, tones are assigned by a combination of default rules of Tibetan grammar and UG enhancement processes familiar from the tonogenesis literature.

Abstract: More than ten years ago I presented my opinion and my doubts concerning the Turkic origin of the Slavonic word *baranъ ‘ram’. They constituted part of a longer study (Stachowski 2005: 438–441) in which other words were also discussed but none of them appeared in the title of the paper. Consequently those remarks may have escaped the attention of interested scholars which is why I have felt impelled to explain my position in a special, more detailed paper.

Nam, Sunghyun. 2021. The adaptation of English word-initial voiced stops in Korean: A diachronic approach. Studies in Phonetics, Phonology and Morphology 27.1. 000-00. The word-initial voiced stops in English are adapted into two distinctive laryngeal categories of lenis and fortis in Korean (Kang 2008, Oh 2009). The pattern is not easily predicted by phonological contexts, but a significant diachronic change has been reported. The proportion of fortis adaptation has decreased over time (Kang 2008). However, whether adaptation as fortis is still an active process has not been seriously investigated in previous studies. It has been assumed without question that the initial voiced segment in a novel English word can still be adapted new as fortis, and previous studies have treated fortis adaptation as analogous to the native phonological process of word-initial tensification (Oh 2009, Kim 2017). This study challenges this assumption and clarifies whether the fortis adaptation is still active among recent loans. To this end, it diachronically compared the adaptation of each of 204 most frequent English loans. The results show that the current bifurcation is a mix of older and newer adaptative patterns, where fortis adaptation only exists in the older pattern. In other words, voiced stops in new loanwords are no longer adapted as fortis, and fortis adaptation in the contemporary data is a remnant of the historical pattern. If this analysis is on the right track, the focus should shift towards identifying the factors that facilitate retaining the older fortis forms. This study suggests that the effects of native phonology prohibit them from changing into lenis. (University of British Columbia, PhD student)

Türkçe bir şehir ismi olan İstanbul’un kökeni hakkında neredeyse yüz yıldır
devam eden tartışma bilim adamlarını, kelimenin kaynağını εἰς τὴν πόλιν vb. biçimine
götürenler ve kelimeyi doğrudan Yunanca Κωνσταντινούπολις ~ Κωνσταντινόπολις
biçimine götürmeye çalışanlar olarak ikiye bölmüştür. Konuyu araştıranların
zayıf Türkoloji bilgisi, önceki kayıtlara yönelik hatalı yaklaşımları ve Orta Çağ
Yunancasının fonetiğine dair oldukça kısıtlı fikirleri sebebiyle her iki grubun da
faraziyeleri atıl ve verimsiz kalmıştır. Buradaki konuyla ilgili üç tür kanıtın biraz daha itinalı incelenmesi, günümüze değin söylenenlerden daha dikkat çekici bir resmi
ortaya koymuştur

Finnic jää ‘ice’ is usually regarded as an inherent Finno-Ugric
word and its original form is reconstructed as *jäŋe (Kallio 1997)
or *jäŋi (Aikio 2002, Zhivlov 2015). There are also similar ‘ice’-
words in some Indo-European languages (see Kroonen 2013: 273).
Petri Kallio (1997: 127) has mentioned this word as a possible Finno-
Ugric borrowing in Celto-Germanic (*ie̯ǵ- ‘ice’; Kallio referring
to personal communication with Jorma Koivulehto). The similarity
between Finno-Ugric and Indo-European ice-words has been a matter
of discussion for a long time. Some scholars have treated them
as Indo-European loanwords in Finno-Ugric languages (e.g. Agostini
1999: 108), others as Finno-Ugric borrowings in (Western)
Indo-European languages (e.g. Mikhailova 2007: 10). Greenberg
(2002: 99) has connected PIE *yeg- ‘ice’ with similar words in Uralic
and also (Proto-)Altaic; Kümmel (2012: 305) has even presented
a common root *jæɠ for PIU (i.e., Proto-Indo-Uralic). However, if
we look more specifically at the Finno-Ugric and Indo-European languages,
we can better observe correspondences between some western
Indo-European and Finno-Ugric languages, especially between
(Celto-)Germanic and Finnic. Among Finnic languages, Southern
Finnic ‘ice’-words in particular deserve more careful study.