Monograms

Parekbolai 6 (2016): https://ejournals.lib.auth.gr/parekbolai/article/view/5082

The paper deals especially with monograms on Byzantine lead seals. The early form was the block monogram, a type used already in Classical times, which came into fashion in the Byzantine world in the 6th or already in the 5th century and remained important till the early 7th century. Such monograms hide normally a name, a title or an office, the Greek ones in genitive, the Latin ones in nominative or genitive. Many of them can be read in different ways. For the double using of parts of letters for other ones the well-known Latin monogram of Theoderich is explained in detail.

But the “typical Byzantine monogram” became the cross monogram, with letters more or less affixed on the arms of a Greek cross. The earliest example stems from a coin of Justinus I, starting 522, quite earlier than Theodora’s monograms on capitals in the Hagia Sophia. These cruciform monograms presented in the beginning also a name, a title or an office, but in the 8th century already often a combination of them; these monograms with prosopographical information stopped in Byzantium at the end of the 8th century.

On the other hand invocative monograms (like Θεοτόκε βοήθει), often with the tetragram τῷ σῷ δούλῳ in the free quarters of the monogram, started around the middle of the 7th century and can be found till the earlier 11th century. The most common ones were collected by V. Laurent – we use this system till today, though there are much more types documented.

An important problem is that sometimes single letters are “hidden” in another letter, e. g. Lambda in Alpha or Delta, Epsilon in a Kappa on the left bar of a cross monogram, Sigma in Epsilon, Sigma in Kappa, Omikron in Rho, etc.

In Vienna we developed a special program to solve many monograms. If we bring all the readable letters of a monogram (including the possibly additional ones) in an alphabetical order, and do the same with the letters of names, titles and offices which were used in this time, both categories can be combined without problems. Sometimes even modest combinations of letters can be interpreted in many ways – e.g. with usual and very rare names; but who could forbid someone with a rare name to produce a monogram for himself?

The study here presented is an attempt to systematize the basic principles, forms, functions and manifestations of monogrammatic writing in Byzantium employing also known to science texts from surrounding countries within the Byzantine world.

Strap-ends with central monogram are extremely rare amongst the finds from early medieval contexts
in the Mediterranean. They can be divided according to their geographic origin into Western, Southern
and Eastern Mediterranean strap-ends. Although comparatively numerous strap-ends from Italy are
found in grave contexts, most originate from uncertain find circumstances. This is particularly true for
the Eastern Mediterranean. The context of these belt sets has shown that they were worn by members
of a higher ranking military class. Whereas in the Western Mediterranean the strap ends are mainly
made from silver, in the Eastern Mediterranean they are primarily made from gold or gold-plated
bronze. There are three known stamping press models used for the production of the strap-ends. The
oldest strap ends date to the late 6th century in the Western Mediterranean and were in circulation until
the end of the 7th century. Although most monograms bear the names of the owner, some can be deciphered
as incantations. It is particularly striking that especially the western, mainly Latin monograms
also carry Latin names, even though their bearer – contrary to the roman unarmed burial custom –
carried arms.

This paper aims to present the characteristics and to discuss the main issues of a specific group of sgraffito ceramics with underglaze monograms. These ceramics were produced locally in the Medieval capital of Bulgaria, Tarnovo, as well as in some other urban centres such as Cherven and Silistra. The samples’ distribution matches an area controlled by the Tsardom of Tarnovo during the second half of the 14th c. The appearance of the group could be dated in the 1340s based on the decipherment of the monograms of Patriarch Symeon and its production and use most probably does not exceed the time of the Ottoman conquest. Huge plates and bowls covered with transparent, colourless, light green or yellow glazes seem to be of earlier date, as opposed to later samples of smaller size, more often glazed in darker shades. Monochromacy is a distinctive feature in most cases, as well as incised decoration of concentric circles, possibly inspired by the Zeuxippus Family ceramics. The inscriptions, placed closer to the rim of the vessels, are of great historical significance since some of them comprise the names and titles of Bulgarian tsars, patriarchs and other dignitaries like Ivan Alexander (1331 – 1371), Ivan Shishman (1371 – 1395) and Patriarch Theodosius II. The samples with royal monograms are concentrated at the Palace and those with patriarchal inscriptions – at the Patriarchate in Tarnovo. An interesting case are the sets inscribed with single letters originating from several monasteries, among which the plates and bowls marked with ‘M’ (meaning 40) from the Tarnovo monastery of the Holy 40 Martyrs stand out as the most numerous assemblage. The archaeological contexts clearly show a connection between vessels with certain monograms and particular complexes. Therefore the possibility for the group’s free circulation as trade goods and its use by the ordinary population should be excluded.

Based on scattered finds, besides the well‑known Ist (1889) and IInd (1968/1969) “princely” graves in Apahida (Romania, Cluj County), dated to the Gepidic age (5–6 centuries AD) (Pl. I), there must have been a IIIrd princely grave there. Apart from these scattered finds, a sealring with a monogram (symbolum), found in Apahida – and kept in the Hungarian National Museum – (Pl. II/1–3) refers to the same.
The retrograde monogram on the ring indicates that the sealring was not only a personal jewel, but also a functional tool used for authentication. Although the ring’s precise site in Apahida is unclear, it is still interpreted in connection to the Ist grave of Onachar, as a similar reading of the monogram is suggested to the one [Ona(c)har|us, cf. Szabó 2020a‑b] that stands on the namering. As the letter O of the namering does not appear in the monogram, and the letter M of the monogram does not appear on the namering, the presumption of identical names in case of
the two rings can undoubtedly be turned down. Based on its shape, the monogram is a block or box monogram, which can be dated to the period between the 5th and 7th century AD (Pl. III/1).
According to the characteristics of the monogram type, it shows every letter of the word and each letter appears only once. Monograms from this period usually contain either personal names or office names, with genitive ending. Due to these reasons as well, the former readings: Marc(us) [J. Hampel], Audomariuς [I. Bóna], Marιaς [J. Spier], Omacar(?) [C. H. Opreanu] are not adequate.
Former literature suggested and used Latin and Greek as reading languages for the monogram. A Greek reading must be considered because there might be a Σ i.e. C (i.e. sigma lunata) letter, on
the right side of the imprinted monogram (Pl. III/2). Based on the structure of the monogram and the reading rules of the monogram type, furthermore with regards to all the solutions provided by
the identifiable letters conjoined in alphabetical order, the monogram gives the Latin MAVRICI (nom. Mauricius or Mauricus as well) reading (Pl. III/3, 5). A not likely, speculative Greek MAΥPIΣI (nom. Mαυρις) solution (Pl. III/4) could be considered at most a Graecism because of
the Latin ‑i instead of a Greek ‑ou for the genitive ending. The “Germanized” nominative version of the name without the Latin ending is MAVRIC (Mauric). Until now, the name was unknown
in Germanic milieu. The ‑ric (‑rik, ‑rich) ending might have contributed to the use of the name in Germanic milieu.
The sealring was made in a Christian milieu, and its owner was probably a Christian, which is indicated by the long- or Latin cross (crux immissa) on the ring head over the monogram (Pl. III/1).
Based on the cross and in the context of the Age (5th-6th centuries AD), it is uncertain whether the ring‑owner belonged to the Roman, Byzantine or Arian church. I have found no long- or Latin cross paired with a Greek monogram, consequently the ring and its owner must be of Western
origin. His name may be related to the soldier martyr Mauricius from Agaunum (Saint‑Maurice, Valais canton, Switzerland) and the spreading popularity of his cult among Christians. The name refers to the centre and point of origin of the St. Mauricius (Saint Maurice) cult, the territory of the
Burgundian Kingdom, conquered by the Francs in the first quarter of the 6th century AD. Compared to the western Germanic type of the finds, namely the artefacts from the Ist‑IInd‑IIIrd(?) “princely” graves from Apahida [cf. Gáll et alii 2017, 26–28, nos. 9–10, 11–13], it can
be assumed, that Mauric from Apahida – who can be examined in the same context –, was a western Germanic regulus who fled either from internal political conflict or from the Franc conquest. Similarly to the regulus “Onachar from Apahida” [Ona(c)har|us ≈ Aunacharius, cf. Szabó
2020a‑b], who – based on his name and personal artefacts – had also western Germanic connections, Mauric i.e. Mauricius or Mauricus also settled in the confine of the Gepidic world. He might not only have had a role in the appearance of the eastern Merovingian culture in Transylvania
[cf. Dobos 2019], but also in the rise of the settlement in Apahida or its vicinity as a regional political‑administrative centre. The damages on the surface of the sealring with monogram indicate its presumably longer usage in a kind of “chancellery” practice.

The present paper is dedicated to an unusual example of sgraffito ware bearing a monogram found
in the citadel of the medieval town Cherven during the excavations of Church No. 7 (fig. 2, 22). The
bowl insert for ceramoplastic façade decoration whose tubular shaft was broken, is covered by white slip
and green glaze that is partially missing (fig. 3). The fabric is characteristic for the ceramic assemblage of
Cherven. The shape, the size, the technology, and the quality of the craftsmanship of the item also conform
to those of other representative examples of the decorative ceramics found during the exploration
of the town. However, only on this artefact there is an inscription – a cruciform monogram containing
the letters А, Λ, Η, C, and Τ. In the Byzantine written tradition the monograms were usually used as
abbreviation for the names or the titles of the elite. In this paper I propose a reconstruction of the name
Kallistos: [К]АΛ(Λ)ΗСΤ[ΟС] (fig. 10, 12). Based on the palaeographic and orthographic analysis it
is possible to conclude that the monogram is characteristic for the Late Byzantine epigraphy, but was
created by local craftsmen. Having command and using the Greek language and literacy in the capital
and in the large urban centers of the Second Bulgarian Empire is no surprise at all. Concerning the interpretation
of the inscription, it is necessary to consider similar monograms belonging to high-ranking
patrons in the socio-political life: tsars, despotes, high-ranking individuals in the military administration,
high-born members, as well as high-ranking clergymen – patriarchs and metropolitan bishops, which are
found on the exterior or in the interior of a number of Late Byzantine churches. For example, patriarch
Niphon I of Constantinople (1310 – 1314) has his monograms placed at several spots on the exterior of
the magnificent church of Agioi Apostoloi in Thessaloniki (fig. 17, 18). Extremely similar in appearance
are the monograms of Alexios Apokaukos, carved on capitals from Silivri (fig. 19). Another interesting
example is the Poganovo monastery, where Konstantin Dejanović (ca. 1378 – 1395), the despot of
Velbuzhd, is immortalized together with his daughter Elena in the inscriptions on some stone discs (fig.
20). But Mystras is the center where the use of monograms becomes an obsession. It is hard to find there
a church that was not “stamped” with the monograms of its founders (fig. 9, 13, 21). Based on the parallels
of a wide range of monuments of the elite from the 14th to the 15th c., it can be assumed that the bowl
with the engraved cruciform monogram with the name “Kallistos” from Cherven was most probably set
in a ceramic band, framing one of the blind arches on the southern façade of the church along which the main street of Cherven passed. Around the mid-14th c. Kallistos I (1350 – 1353; 1354 – 1363), patriarch
of Constantinople, stands out in the Orthodox world with his vigor and expansiveness. He intensifies
the contacts with the Churches of Bulgaria, Serbia and Russia attempting to impose the primacy of the
Ecumenical Patriarchate. Kallistos also left numerous literary works translated into Medieval Bulgarian.
In his works he repeatedly praised tsar Ivan Alexander (1331 – 1371) and demonstrated his close relations
to the Hesychasts in Bulgaria – St. Theodosius of Tarnovo, who lived in the vicinity of Cherven,
in the first place. It is not impossible that Church No. 7 posessed the respective patron’s marks exactly
of Kallistos I. In this regard, the inscription can also be considered not only as a patron’s mark and as a
dedication, but as a material expression of the political program, followed by the Ecumenical patriarch
and his allies in Bulgaria.

This paper proposes a reflection on some AE4 apparently assignable to the end of the fifth century for which attributions to the Mauro-Roman Masuna or the usurper Leontius were proposed in the past. The coins, linked by the style of the busts and the legends of the obverse, are mainly treated starting from three different types of reverse: the cross in wreath or beaded circle, the victory advancing left with wreath and palm branch, and the monogram. The authors propose for these issues a possible dating to the end of the fifth century, and a summary of the known findings which, as far as possible, does not seem to exclude the possibility that the minting took place in the eastern Mediterranean area. The plates show many of the specimens known to date for which it was possible to recover an image.

L’articolo propone una riflessione circa alcuni AE4 apparentemente riconducibili alla fine del V secolo per i quali in passato vennero proposte attribuzioni al mauro Masuna o all’usurpatore Leonzio. Le monete, accomunate dallo stile dei busti e dalle legende del dritto, sono riconducibili principalmente a tre tipologie di rovescio: croce in ghirlanda o cerchio perlinato, vittoria andante a sinistra con ghirlanda e ramo di palma frontali, e monogramma. Gli autori propongono una possibile datazione alla fine del V secolo per queste emissioni, e presentano una summa dei ritrovamenti noti che, per quanto possibile, sembra non escludere la possibilità che la coniazione sia avvenuta nell’area orientale del Mediterraneo. Le tavole propongono molti degli esemplari ad oggi noti per i quali è stato possibile recuperare un’immagine.

Among the Late Byzantine sgraffito ceramics with monograms that are found across Bulgaria but also in a broader area, particular interest provoke the vessels with monograms of the Palaiologoi, which are engraved underglaze and occupy central place in the decoration scheme. The already proposed suggestions that the signs of the Byzantine ruling dynasty indicate ownership or represent marks of imperial pottery workshops have not been confirmed by the available data. The aforementioned bowls and cups most probably were products of trade, delivered by the Venetian and Genoese sailors, аnd the monograms have played a similar role as the names of different saints, that decorate samples of the same sgraffito pottery category (Elaborate Incised Ware) – to secure the blessing of the meal and to invoke divine protection.

Collectors of antique silver know that besides the hallmarks, makers’ marks and other punches, old silverware occasionally features the owners’ initials. These range from a simple engraved monogram to an intricate cypher comprising interlacing lines of thin silver wire. Detangling such a cypher can be more challenging than decoding a maker’s mark or hallmark. This article outlines the process of deciphering a cypher on a Dutch late eighteenth-century Jewish ceremonial silver, commonly known as Judaica.

Quali rapporti sono intercorsi tra Leonardo Da Vinci e Albrecht Durer? E' ipotizzabile un incontro a Venezia nell'anno 1500? L'ispirazione e le attività parallele di Durer in sequenza con il genio toscano, inducono a ritenere che un rapporto personale si sia verificato. Non solo in ambito pittorico ma anche di attività di ricerca e pratica scientifica ricorrono iniziative parallele dell' artista tedesco.

The paper deals especially with monograms on Byzantine lead seals. The early form was the block monogram , a type used already in Classical times, which came into fashion in the Byzantine world in the 6th or already in the 5th century and remained important till the early 7th century. Such monograms hide normally a name, a title or an office, the Greek ones in genitive, the Latin ones in nominative or genitive. Many of them can be read in different ways. For the double using of parts of letters for other ones the well-known Latin monogram of Theoderich is explained in detail.  But the “typical Byzantine monogram” became the cross monogram , with letters more or less affixed on the arms of a Greek cross. The earliest example stems from a coin of Justinus I, starting 522, quite earlier than Theodora’s monograms on capitals in the Hagia Sophia. These cruciform monograms presented in the beginning also a name, a title or an office, but in the 8th century already often a combination of t...

Artykuł poświęcony jest powieści Andrzeja Kuśniewicza z 1970 roku zatytułowanej „Król Obojga Sycylii”. Jest ona analizowana jako intertekstualna metapowieść historiograficzna mówiąca o relacji między pojedynczym podmiotem, jego zniekształconą i naznaczoną przez transgeneracyjne przekazy pamięcią oraz zdarzeniami historycznymi, w które jest uwikłany. Szczególną uwagę poświęcono tym aspektom utworu, które zbliżają jego narracyjną strukturę do narracji filmowej, zgodnie z sugestią Paula Coatesa. W interpretacji wykorzystano również koncepcje Siegfrieda Kracauera oraz Nicolasa Abrahama i Marii Török. Od tych autorów pochodzą ponadto kluczowe dla wywodu pojęcia monogramu i kryptonimu.

The “León Antiphoner,” León, Cathedral Library, MS 8 is the most complete manuscript containing Old Hispanic chant, including office and mass chants for the whole church year. As such, it is the most studied Old Hispanic source, yet it has not securely been dated. Recent hypotheses range from the first third of the tenth century through the eleventh. By reviewing the attribution of the royal monograms found on fol. 4v, it is possible to set a terminus ante quem for the manuscript's compilation to c. 960. In the first section I summarize previous scholarly hypotheses about León 8′s dating together with the proposed attributions of the signum and the monograms on fol. 4v. Subsequently, I introduce the ways in which monograms and signa were used in the Visigothic written world, with a special focus on royal monograms. Finally, I discuss L8′s monograms and signum, reassess the dating of the manuscript and outline a new hypothesis on the role of León 8 as royal insignia.

U ovom radu bavim se interpretacijom i kontekstualizacijom prakse uklesavanja Kristovog monograma IHS na ulazne portale šibenskih kuća u razdoblju od 15. do 18. stoljeća. Praksu sagledavam unutar antropološkog koncepta liminalnosti (van Gennep, Turner) i stavljam je u okvire povijesti mentaliteta i straha. Naime, ulazna kućna vrata često su mjesto postavljanja zaštitnih ritualnih oznaka i izvođenja praksi koje imaju apotropejsku ulogu. Takvim praksama nastojao se spriječiti prelazak granice kućnoga praga svim onim nepoželjnim bićima i pojavama koje predstavljaju strah. Iako ovaj trajno materijaliziran znak na arhitektonskim zdanjima predstavlja jedan manji segment bavljenja poviješću graditeljstva, on se ne može proučavati bez interdisciplinarnog pristupa koji uključuje etnološka i folkloristička znanja.

This volume presents the findings of a side research of my project on the Gregorymass in Italy that was conducted from 2008 to 2011 –a partial presentation was published in the article “Il monogramma dei Nomi di Gesù e Maria in Sant’Andrea ad Asola,” appeared in a special issue of Brixia Sacra (2009).

The book focuses on the analysis of the unusual monogram formed by the intertwined Holy Names of Jesus and Mary, with scenes of the Passion and a Mass of St. Gregory in its letters, depicted in a 1516 fresco in the church of Sant’Andrea in Asola (Mantua, Italy). The volume addresses the creation of various 'animated Holy Names', or Names of Jesus in whose letters are depicted scenes from the Passion, and how one of these images was the source for Asola fresco. The role played by prints and printed material in the process will be crucial.

Key findings pertain to:

1 – the figurative history of the Holy Names of Jesus and Mary
2 – the internationalization of images in the sixteenth century
3 – the different functions the fresco could perform in Asola, as part of a Corpus Domini chapel

The book has been published by Gilgamesh Edizioni, with the financial support of the parish of Asola.

Un monumento straordinario e complesso come la Santa Sofia di Istanbul offre  innumerevoli possibilità di lettura e di analisi lungo lo stratificato scorrere della sua plurisecolare esistenza. La chiave interpretativa scelta dal progetto di ricerca, avviato nel 1999, è quella della decorazione scultorea, osservata da diverse angolazioni e considerata in primo luogo nel contesto della fabbrica giustinianea, in particolare plutei, transenne e soffitti marmorei che di essa costituiscono una vera e propria ossatura. Agli arredi in opera è stato poi indispensabile, in una seconda fase, aggiungere quelle sculture che con la storia dell’edificio sono strettamente connesse ma che giacciono oggi nel giardino circostante, ospiti del moderno Ayasofya Müzesi, nato nel 1935. Il progetto si è così esteso a questa ricca raccolta lapidaria che costituisce, per la varietà e l’importanza dei pezzi, un assai significativo punto di riferimento per lo studio della scultura bizantina nel contesto dell’antica Costantinopoli. A corollario di questa linea-guida, coordinata dalle università romane della Sapienza e di Tor Vergata, si sono via via maturate le ricerche parallele su altri aspetti della decorazione della Grande Chiesa connessi sia con il settore della scultura, come i rivestimenti marmorei in opus sectile o i manufatti bronzei, dalle porte agli arredi minori sia, eccezionalmente, con quello della pittura. Si tratta in questo caso di tre serie di tre clipei dipinti sui soffitti della galleria occidentale nella sua parte meridionale. Pur se la superficie appare assai deperita, si possono facilmente individuare, all'interno dei clipei, le lettere dorate di monogrammi cruciformi che dovevano essere connessi tra loro. Dall'aspetto e dalla forma dei monogrammi si può ipotizzare una cronologia all'VIII-IX secolo.

Parekbolai 6 (2016): https://ejournals.lib.auth.gr/parekbolai/article/view/5082 The paper deals especially with monograms on Byzantine lead seals. The early form was the block monogram, a type used already in Classical times, which came into fashion in the Byzantine world in the 6th or already in the 5th century and remained important till the early 7th century. Such monograms hide normally a name, a title or an office, the Greek ones in genitive, the Latin ones in nominative or genitive. Many of them can be read in different ways. For the double using of parts of letters for other ones the well-known Latin monogram of Theoderich is explained in detail. But the “typical Byzantine monogram” became the cross monogram, with letters more or less affixed on the arms of a Greek cross. The earliest example stems from a coin of Justinus I, starting 522, quite earlier than Theodora’s monograms on capitals in the Hagia Sophia. These cruciform monograms presented in the beginning also a name, ...

The Ląd Abbot Konstanty Iłowiecki and his Commemorative Plates

Konstanty Iłowiecki, arms-bearing Ostoja, was born in Iłowiec (currently Iłówiec n. Śrem) on 17 March 1709, died on 20 February 1777 in Ląd. Having studied at Poznan’s Academy, in 1727 he entered the Cistercian Monastery in Ląd. Ordained in 1732, he was appointed the deputy by the Ląd Abbot Antoni Łukomski as well as the Prior of the Ląd Monastery. Following Łukomski’s death on 8 May 1750, Konstanty Iłowiecki became the Ląd Monastery’s Abbot. He raised in the Ląd church a stucco tomb with his initials: ‘C I’ composed into it to commemorate his predecessor (fig. 1). In 1760, he began the construction of the parish church in Lądek where his portrait has been preserved (fig. 2). Elected the General Commissar and Visitator of the Polish Cistercian Province in 1752, he served the office for three terms. He was the author of logics, maths, and natural philosophy manuals preserved in the Abbey library in Mogiła. The Ląd Monastery features two cast iron plates with decoratively composed initials of Abbot Konstanty Iłowiecki. These were created after 1752 (figs. 3, 5) and in 1767 (figs. 4, 6) and were founded by Iłowiecki himself. The plates commemorate his election as General Commissar of the Cistercian Province and the anniversary of his entering the order and ordination.

The Book “Apocalisse. La soluzione dell’Apocalisse”, not yet translated from Italian language into English, puts forward a new and revolutionary interpretation of the Book of Revelation by John. Starting from a careful consideration of the actual state of research on the subject and making use of detailed textual analysis and real evidence (also archaeological), this book arrives at a sensational conclusion. This writing demonstrates that the Book of Revelation has been written in 67 AD and not, as generally believed, in 94 AD and that it announces the End of World not for the distant times but already for the year 71 AD. This happened because John believed that all the premonitory signs indicating the End, announced by Jesus in his Olivet Discourse, had come about in 67 AD. The persecution unleashed by Nero, constitutes the first and most important sign, mistaken by John for the persecutions announced by Jesus for the End times (in the course of this persecution Peter and Paul were killed). The second sign was the “wars and rumors of wars” announced by Jesus which seemed to have come about in 67 AD since in that year the echo of the Parthian War had not yet died away and the Judaic War had broken out bringing about the destruction of Jerusalem in 70AD. However, in 71 AD the End of the World, the return of Christ in his glory and the establishment of his millennial Kingdom, proclaimed with such ardor in the Book of Revelation, did not come about. In the two decades that followed the writing of the Book of Revelation John meditated at length over the interpretational error committed with regard to the true meaning of the Word of Jesus. The fourth Gospel was born from this long deliberation, and, unlike the Synoptic Gospels, shifts the emphasis from the expectation of the Kingdom of God to the gift of eternal life, attainable in this life, simply by believing that Jesus is the Son of God.

Уже не первое столетие продолжается изучение нумизматики античного Боспора. В результате было описано множество разновидностей монет его чекана. При их классификации ученые
обращали внимание как на изображения, так и на легенды, в том числе и на зашифрованные в монограммы. Предметом изучения стали лигатуры, известные на анонимных оболах боспорского чекана. Дело в том, что ни они, ни им подобные до сих пор не расшифрованы. В итоге в этих обозначениях удалось разобрать имена Падр и Итро. Предположительно данные монограммы принадлежали сподвижникам Митридата VI Евпатора Диониса – выходцам из Малой Азии.

This paper endeavours to reconstruct the history of the celebrated Trogir codex of Petronius (Paris, BNF, lat. 7989) in the period from its origin until the middle of the 17th century, when it was found by Marin Statilić (Marinus Statileus) in the library of Nicolò Cippico (Nicolaus Cippicus) in Trogir.
In my 2010 paper I suposed that the following sequence of owners of the codex could be assumed: Georgius Begna – Petrus Cipicus – Coriolanus Cippicus – Marko Marulić. But while the last link in this chain has been determined with complete certainty, the first now appears to be extremely unreliable.
The first solid and completely incontestable fact in the history of the Codex Traguriensis, after the inscription of the year 1423 at the bottom of its p. 179, consists of the notes and emendations of Marko Marulić, made at the end of the 15th and in the early 16th century. The early history of Paris, BNF, lat. 7989 is thus divided into two segments: before and after Marulić’s proprietorship. The first period is still shrouded in the mist of ignorance, filled out with some more or less acceptable hypotheses, while in the second period there are intermittent but properly documented items of information that show that from the second quarter of the 16th century the codex was constantly owned by the Cippicus family: from Hector the elder, via Polantonio (4) to Nicolaus, in whose library it was found by the then thirty-year-old Marin Statilić. It is very clear today that, after Florence, Trogir and Split were the key places in the early history of the codex.
For details see the full summary on pp.  178-184.

Rilevazione e studio dello stemma realizzato a fronte del reimpiego moderno di una lastra tombale rinascimentale, conservata in Calabria
- - -
Detection and study of the coat of arms made during the modern reuse of a Renaissance tombstone, preserved in Calabria (Italy)