Police Brutality

Course Description This course introduces students to the demands and conventions of academic reading and writing. It stresses on invention, drafting, revising, editing, and self-assessment, along with effective critiquing and collaborating. Students will be required to analyze texts as they build effective arguments in their writing. Instruction on the stages of the writing process, from prewriting exercises through rough drafts and revisions, forms a key part of the syllabus. The course stresses on the recursive nature of writing and reading-as well as their instruction-and is intended to offer students with a variety of forms of discourse leading towards exposition and argumentation in common Standard English. The course aims at continuing to develop students' practical fluency with sentence, paragraph and thesis-development skills but with increasingly complex applications. Rules and Requirements Students will be assigned a total of 32 pages of writing that will be divided among a number of short term essays (4 pages, typewritten and double-spaced pages). They will be required to revise at least three of these essays. There will be a short essay assigned at the beginning of the semester in order to assess a student's writing skills.

Convocation Address at Bethel University, August 29, 2016 about recent troubles in Minnesota, particularly the shooting of Philando Castille, and our responsibility as followers of the Gospel. There is an audio link also available. After you click the link, it's the first one in the queue; fast-forward to 15:00:  https://itunes.apple.com/us/itunes-u/2016-2017-chapel-college-arts/id1148681753?mt=10

The Trump Administration and its mantra to ‘Make America Great Again’ has been calibrated with racism and severe oppression against Black people in America who still bear the deep marks of slavery. After the official abolition of slavery in the second half of the nineteenth century, the initial inability of Black people to own land, coupled with the various Jim Crow laws rendered the acquired freedom nearly insignificant in the face of poverty and hopelessness. Although the age-long struggles for civil rights and equal treatments have caused the acquisition of more black-letter rights, the systemic racism that still perverts the American justice system has largely disabled these rights: the result is that Black people continue to exist at the periphery of American economy and politics. Using a functional approach and other types of approach to legal and sociological reasoning, this article examines the supportive roles of Corporate America, Mainstream Media, and White Supremacists i...

“Violencia institucional” es una categoría ampliamente utilizada en la Argentina, promovida por la articulación entre grupos del movimiento de derechos humanos, del movimiento de víctimas de hechos de violencia policial y de investigadores académicos, que en los últimos años ha revelado una productividad política que excede a las problemáticas para las cuales se la utiliza desde los años 80 y 90. Hoy es puesta en juego por una diversidad de actores y de organismos especializados dentro
y fuera del Estado.
Este artículo procura situar un debate abierto y compartir algunas distinciones identificadas en nuestro trabajo para la reflexión colectiva sobre la singularidad y las tensiones de la categoría “violencia institucional” en el presente de nuestro país.

This text examines three works by the Colombian artist Débora Arango (1907-2005) that address sexual abuse and violence within relationships of unequal power: the undated paintings "Justicia" (Justice) and "La despedida" (The Farewell) are well-known in Colombia; the third piece is an untitled drawing. The images depict the police, military, and clergy in violent or abusive relationships with women or adolescents. Individually they convey disturbing messages; together they denounce the perversion of authority within institutions that should protect everyone, especially the most vulnerable.

This writing, "Creative Community Policing Initiatives in Columbia, South Carolina," appears as Chapter 4 in Dennis Stevens' edited book, Policing and Community Partnerships.  To meet the public safety needs of increasingly diverse neighborhoods in cities across the nation, creative and innovative community policing initiatives seem to be required to curb and to prevent crimes and related problems and to bridge the gap between the police and citizens through community involvement in policing activities. Community policing is guided by the values of building partnerships, people helping people, and community organizing. In this light, community policing initiatives in Columbia, South Carolina, are characterized by the concept of "shared responsibility." In this chapter, therefore, the creative and innovative community policing initiatives in Columbia, South Carolina, are examined. This discussion thus focuses on questions as they relate to the community initiatives of the Columbia Police Department and the City of Columbia, South Carolina.

Unpublished working paper June 15, 2020-feel free to cite. The nature and causes of riots are widely misunderstood in the media and everyday discussions. This paper looks at the aftermath of riots in a suburban area of Paris to make a larger argument about what produces riots, the role of police violence, the activation of social boundaries, and the implied set of demands during and after riots. This profile uses the methods of visual sociology to show how youth often target symbols of the state to respond to state violence in an asymmetrical confrontation. It also presents original survey data about what non-riot participants think are the causes behind riots carried out by ethnic minorities and poor urban residents. It shows images from campaigns to ban the use of chokeholds in France, which recent protests have achieved.

This essay argues that videos of N.W.A.’s “Fuck tha Police” uploaded to YouTube represent a form of performative and spatial audience resistance within a neoliberal context. Drawing my analysis from audience comments on YouTube, I argue that audiences use the four “Fuck tha Police” videos’ YouTube sites as landmarks of resistance through mediated emotional excess. This expression, in turn, reestablishes the public community discourses missing from neoliberal culture, reintroducing the systemic context of racial police brutality. Finally, I argue that audience comments work as testimonials, recasting the space of YouTube to mirror the mock courtroom presented in the original N.W.A. video. In each of these performances of resistance, though, audiences must work within neoliberal institutional media structures to carve out an audience ownership of N.W.A.’s message. Audience messages of resistance, then, should be understood as ambivalent, since they challenge neoliberal culture but only within structures supported and facilitated by neoliberal economic policy.

Hungary is a major player in the European sex trade, not only as a host country for sex tourism and domestic punters, but also as a major provider of the labour force that works in western European countries. The scarcer the economic opportunities in a region, the more likely locals are to enter the trade and end up either providing or managing sexual services far from home. A vicious cycle of destitution locks large numbers of Hungarian women into sex work. Moving to western Europe to avoid prosecution, their vulnerability and isolation only increases.

LONDON -Nearly a quarter of a century after 96 Liverpool soccer fans were crushed to death in one of the worst stadium disasters in history, Prime Minister David Cameron formally apologized on Wednesday to the victims' families, saying their "appalling deaths" were compounded by an attempt by the police, investigators and the news media to depict the victims as hooligans and to blame them for the disaster.

John William Nixon was one of the most controversial figures to have walked the streets of Belfast in police uniform. He is also one of the least studied.  This dissertation provides an in-depth analysis of Nixon’s rise and fall as a police officer in both the Royal Irish and Royal Ulster Constabularies. Thereafter it briefly examines his transition into local and national politics. It also sheds light on some of the darkest moments in Belfast’s bloody history and deliberates on Nixon’s connection to them. Furthermore, the roots of his infamy are teased out through primary source material and historiography concerning his life. By weaving through conflicting evidence and presenting what is known about Nixon it has been possible to present the only academic biography on him in a manner that both guides the reader and provide them with scope to draw their own conclusions.

Obeah, which colonial ordinances defined capaciously as “any assumption of supernatural power,” was a crime in Trinidad until 2000, and the letter of the law continues to make Obeah a punishable offense in most of the anglophone Caribbean. Scholars have noted that contemporary attitudes toward Obeah—a hard-to-define term—are largely negative, implying spiritual harm. My fieldwork in a region of Trinidad regarded as the island’s capital of Obeah, however, revealed polyvalent, context-contingent attitudes toward the term. Using ethnographic examples, I offer alternatives to scholarly approaches that have attempted to explain away Obeah’s harm as evidence of colonial false consciousness. Rather than simply holding negative attitudes, my interlocutors took shifting, even contradictory stances toward Obeah that depended on tactical contexts of power. By examining attempts to intervene in the justice system through spiritual force, I argue that Obeah is a justice-making technology and that, like all systems of law, the potential for harm is part of its power. In the final part of the paper, I turn toward Obeah’s contested relationships with hegemonic definitions of religion. Rather than conforming to a definition of religions as mutually exclusive confessional communities rooted in collective avowals of belief, Obeah models a counterdiscourse on social relations that I call “altered solidarities,” challenging the limits of regnant conceptions of religion as the basis for legal recognition in modern states.

Using Marxist and Critical Race Theory frameworks to call codified culture into question, this essay explores how diverse modes of expression are crushed by the restraint of the individual and through a lack of variance that prohibits progress for Black males in American society. This essay critiques the capitalist structure that insists on the illusion of uniformity when it clearly benefits and operates from emphasizing difference. The article compares the impact of a consumerist frame of reference on career, residence, and material possessions; media technologies' published messages and images that contribute to negative stereotypes; and the formation of style as an act of naming or resisting with regard to the proliferation of questionable and brutal treatment of Black males by law enforcement agents, in particular, and society, in general.

In October 2020, the Nigerian youth championed what is arguably the most organic and decentralized protest ever experienced in Nigeria through the ENDSARS protest movement. This research examines the protest motives, planning and structure of the protest. The research conducts a primary qualitative research: semi-structured interview with high-level organizers and influential participants of the protest, and secondary qualitative research: media reports, social media data and grey literatures. It finds that organic protests are redefining strategy as a preplanned activity in social movement. Hence, it concludes that the ENDSARS protest had a strategy that evolved each protest day, where patterns of actions responded to (un)expected opportunities and challenges, as they emerged. Thus, ENDSARS protest can be said to have had an emergent strategy.

Brandon V. Moore Soc 101 03/20/16 Reading Assignment: The Souls Of Black Folk The Souls of Black Folks captures the dilemma that African Americans have had to face and do face then and now. Some may pose the question, what is the dilemma? The dilemma is that black people are not equated with the opportunity for higher education amongst other things.

After George Floyd was brutally killed by the police, several solutions were suggested as a response to the police excessive force. An accurate diagnosis of the problem is needed before an appropriate solution can be developed. To do otherwise could make a bad situation even worse. Rather than rushing to defund police departments, the root of the problem should be diagnosed first, followed by a discussion of alternative solutions that get to the heart of the problem. An important question to ask is: Where does the problem originate? Possible answers range from officer recruitment and training to police department organizational policies and police (sub) culture.

Come può un normale intervento di polizia trasformarsi in un omicidio di gruppo? Qual è il confine tra ordine pubblico e abuso di potere, superato il quale anche un uomo in divisa può arrivare a uccidere? Le vicende di Stefano Cucchi, Federico Aldrovandi, Giuseppe Uva e di molti altri ancora sollevano inquietanti interrogativi sull'operato delle Forze dell'ordine in Italia, e svelano scenari di brutalità e violenza che si credevano ormai superati, soprattutto dopo il G8 di Genova. La lista delle vittime di Stato però, è molto più estesa: nelle camere di sicurezza delle questure, nelle celle dei penitenziari o semplicemente per strada, l'elenco dei morti e dei feriti continua ad allungarsi ogni settimana, insabbiato da silenzi e omertà istituzionali. Attraverso materiali inediti, interviste ai familiari e atti giudiziari, questo libro ricostruisce pestaggi e violenze sui quali non sempre si ha interesse a gettare luce, e che rischiano di incrinare irreparabilmente la rispettabilità dei "tutori dello Stato" e la credibilità di certa giustizia italiana.

This study will highlight the history of the Turudbe Fulbe by examining them from their own writings as well as the writings of contemporary scholars. Iexamine the concept of identity construct and historical consciousness as utilized by the Turudbe Fulbe and their connection with the ancient tribe of the Banu Isra'il as well as Quraysh. I attempt to delineate the role that the Turudbe’ played in the reform and jihad movements of the 18th and 19th centuries. Their resilient historical consciousness and how this identity construction helped in the survival of this people will be examined in depth. Furthermore, I will also show how during the period of African enslavement in the western hemisphere, the Turudbe’ Fulbe helped produce some of the most dynamic leaders of reform and change in the African American struggle for freedom and justice. Men like Frederick Douglas, Denmark Vesey and David Walker were all influenced either directly or indirectly by enslaved Turudbe’ Fulbe men. In this regard, reference will be made to Amir Abd’r-Rahman ibn Ibrahim, Alfa Umar ibn Sayyid, and Muhammadu Bilali who were the purveyors of Turudbe Fulbe Islamic beliefs and who reflected the continuity of this great people and their contribution to western civilization.
The Turudbe’ Fulbe’: the Lost Children of Abraham
The Persistence of Historical Continuity Through Identity Construction in the Quest for Self-Determination

1. Abstract
2. Introduction
3. The Origin of the Turudbe’ Fulbe’
4. Social Stratification of the Turudbe’ Fulbe’
5. The Turudbe’ and the Diffusion of Islam in Western Bilad’’s-Sudan
6. Uthman Dan Fuduye’ and the Persistence of Turudbe’ Historical Consciousness
7. The Asabiya (Solidarity) of the Turudbe’ and the Philosophy of History
8. The Persistence of Turudbe’ Identity Construct in the American Diaspora
9. The ‘Lost and Found’ Turudbe’ Fulbe Children of Abraham: The Ordeal of Slavery and the Promise of Redemption
10. Conclusion
11. Appendix 1
The Kitaab an-Nasab (the Book of Lineage) of Abdullahi Dan Fuduye’
12. Appendix 2
The Aslu’l-Falaatiyeen (the Origin of the Fulani) of Abdullahi Dan Fuduye’
13. Appendix 3
The Nasab’l-Fullata (The Lineage of the Fulani) author unknown
14. Appendix 4
The Nasab Shaykh Uthman ibn Fuduye’ of Shaykh Uthman ibn Ahmad ibn al-Qadi Abu Bakr Ladan
15. Appendix 5 Kitab ‘n-Nasab wa’s-Sihr (the Book of Lineage and Relationships by Marriage) by Shaykh Bashir ibn Ahmad ibn al-Qadi Modibo Abdullahi ibn Bellel
16. Appendix 6
The Autobiography of Umar ibn Sayyid
17. Postface
18. Bibiliography

This article examines the practice of “carpeteo,” or politicized police surveillance and targeted harassment, during the 2010 and 2011 student strikes at the University of Puerto Rico (UPR). LeBrón argues that police and security forces engaged in tactics that deeply resonated, for many students, with historical forms of repression experienced by political dissidents in Puerto Rico. Drawing from interviews with student activists, the author details how students culled from popular knowledge about the violent, politicized policing experienced by Puerto Rican radical movements in order to position themselves within a genealogy of repression and resistance on the island. Rather than understanding their experience as unique or unprecedented, UPR students instead situated their movement, and the policing of their movement, within historical struggles against inequality and colonial rule in Puerto Rico.

This essay advances racial respiratory philosophy and calls for an
abolitionist rhetorical studies as a response to Ersula Ore and
my call for “cultivating otherwise worlds and breathable futures”
in the Aftertimes. I draw from respiratory philosophy and
communication and transdisciplinary scholarship on the
constitutive nature of white violence, cruelty, and antiblackness,
their relation to breathing/suffocation, and how the university is
implicated therein. I then offer a cross-institutional analysis of the
state’s dismissive, violent response to Eric Garner’s cry of “I can’t
breathe” and the social atmospheres of antiblackness that
saturate the university. I read these institutions through a racial
respiratory lens to demonstrate how what I call technologies of
suffocation work through similar logics and parallel effects in
different settings to loot Black breath and sustain white
supremacy. Following this analysis, I discuss abolition as a
productive force of societal transformation that also demands an
embodied, world-breaking/making praxis grounded in an ethical,
affective, and collective reorientation around the living and
breathing relations at the core of the modern world, a thorough
ontic-epistemic dismantling that could create space-times for
imagining a new society and new forms of relationality. I
conclude by thinking toward abolitionist futures, radical
humanism, and disciplinary transformation.

The Philippines is the country with the longest declared lockdown globally as it struggles against the rapid transmission of the COVID-19 (SARS-CoV-2) in its respective localities (See, 2021). One of the measures imposed at the onset of this global health crisis was movement restrictions, community lockdown and travel ban. Along with the struggles towards accessible healthcare and proactive response to meet the needs of the public, the increasing human rights abuses at the hands of the authorities have been significantly alarming (Amnesty International, 2021). The culture of impunity and the brutal response of the state and law enforcement agencies in mitigating the spread of the virus highlights the persistence of complete negligence in providing sufficient relief, crisis mismanagement, and idiocy of the Duterte administration.

Towards a coherent strategy for crime reduction in South Africa beyond 2010 As a leading African human security research institution, the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) works towards a stable and peaceful Africa characterised by sustainable development, human rights, the rule of law, democracy, collaborative security and gender mainstreaming. The ISS realises this vision by: • Undertaking applied research, training and capacity building • Working collaboratively with others • Facilitating and supporting policy formulation • Monitoring trends and policy implementation • Collecting, interpreting and disseminating information

This is the contest winning piece, which was originally drawn from what ended up being an early draft of my dissertation's first chapter; this version was deemed unworthy by powers out of my control, which propelled me to embrace its creative elements for the submission to Indiana Review's nonfiction contest (which, thankfully, for my psyche, my confidence in my writing, and for my physical health, won). I'll upload it (or link to it) after it's published at Indiana Review, first.

In December of 1994, Anthony Báez, a 29-year-old Puerto Rican man originally from the Bronx, was killed by Francis X. Livoti, an officer of the New York City Police Department’s 26th Precinct. This thesis is a theological response to the killing of Anthony Báez based in the tradition of Latino/a Theology.

This essay explores the historical and critical legacy of the Rodney King tape, namely, it’s transformation of the concerns of the field of documentary studies in the turn toward “visible evidence” in the 1990s. This turn privileged the power of visibility, particularly in radical and activist practices, but visibility is a fraught concept for minority subjects. I argue for an approach called “militant evidence” as an expanded and updated framework for media activism and the use of visible evidence. In this formulation, accumulated visible evidence is deployed within larger media and activist ecologies toward an abolition of police violence.

Wrongful Arrests in Bangladesh has been controversial because many people are now losing faith on the Police. In failing to identify the actual offenders, many innocent ones face conviction instead. This study is to identify the problems regarding Police misconduct in Bangladesh and solutions.

The resurgence of worldwide protests by activists of the Movement for Black Lives (BLM) has ushered a global reckoning with the meaning of this generation’s rallying cry – “Black Lives Matter.” As citizens emblazon their streets with this expression in massive artistic murals, the Trump administration has responded with the militarized policing of non-violent public demonstrations, revealing not merely a disregard for public safety, but far worse, a concerted dismantling of protestors’ First Amendment rights. Nevertheless, BLM protests have persisted. Accordingly, this Essay considers the implications of this generation’s acclamation of Black humanity amidst the social tensions exposed during the era of COVID-19. What does the Trump administration’s militarized response to BLM protests mean in a world mutilated by the scars of racial oppression, a wound laid bare by America’s racially biased, aggressive, and supervisory culture of policing?

In response, much in the way Cheryl Harris revealed Whiteness as Property, this Essay suggests and defends Black identity itself, or Blackness – whether articulated by the pure speech of racial justice activists who affirm Black humanity, or embodied by the symbolic speech of Black bodies assembled in collective dissent in the public square – as “fighting words” in the consciousness of America, a type of public speech unprotected by the Constitution. The very utterance of the phrase “Black Lives Matter” tends to incite imminent violence and unbridled rage from police in city streets across America. Discussions of “Black Lives Matter” by pundits conjure images of subversion, disorder, and looting, the racialized narratives of social unrest commonly portrayed by the media. Yet, the words “Black Lives Matter” and the peaceful assembly of Black protestors also encapsulate the fire of righteous indignation burning in the hearts of minoritized citizens. This dynamic reflects unresolved tensions in the First Amendment’s treatment of race relations in America. Even more, it exposes the role of policing in smothering the Constitutional rights of Black and Brown citizens.

This Essay provides three contributions to the ongoing discourse on policing in the United States. First, it reveals how unresolved racial tensions in the First Amendment – focusing specifically on ambiguities in the fighting words doctrine – perpetuate the racially biased, aggressive, and supervisory culture of American policing. Second, it analyzes how such unresolved racial tensions cast a dark shadow over the liberty of Black and Brown citizens who experience racism at the hands of police officers, yet avoid acts of protest for fear of bodily harm or arrest. Third, it illuminates the embeddedness of racism in American policing culture, more generally; a culture that not only constructs and reconstitutes the racial social order, but also degrades the dignity of Black and Brown citizens. Collectively, these insights lend support toward demands for police abolition from BLM activists. As this Essay concludes, until we as a nation wrestle with the unresolved racial subtext of modern policing – a racist culture woven into law that not only silences the legitimate protests of minoritized citizens in violation of their First Amendment rights, but also rationalizes callous violence at the hands of law enforcement – Black America will remain a peril to the veil of white supremacy that looms over the American constitutional order.

Hong Kong's new Police Commissioner Chris Tang announced in Beijing on December 7, 2019, that he would use "both hard and soft approaches" to end the anti-government protests. This article argues that such "approaches" amount to physical and non-physical repression-hard power, but employed by Hong Kong, rather than mainland, forces, combined with sharp power exercised by both Beijing and the local authorities. These measures are responses to the limits on what Beijing can do under the "one country, two systems" model. As Beijing cannot send the People's Liberation Army (PLA), it has subverted Hong Kong's once-respected civilian police force to act like the mainland's public security. And as Hong Kong's judiciary is relatively autonomous and many of the arrested would not be convicted or sentenced, the police have resorted to a decapacitation campaign to inflict direct violence on protesters. Moreover, as the city's freedom has allowed the public to support protesters in various ways,

Compilador: Ezequiel Gatto
Traductores: Patricio Orellana, Marcos Del Cogliano, Ezequiel Gatto, Lucía Trinidad Fernández.
Editorial: Tinta Limón Ediciones, Buenos Aires, octubre 2016.

Indice
Introducción, Ezequiel Gatto

Parte Uno. Genealogía
Michelle Alexander: El nuevo Jim Crow / Keeanga-Yamattha Taylor: De la protesta al riesgo / Darryl Pickeny: ¿Grandes cambios en los Estados Unidos negros?

Parte Dos. Textos urgentes
Adam Hudson: Un negro es asesinado cada 28 horas por la policía o un vigilante privado / Michael Denzel Smith: Una nueva generación de activismo negro / Davey D: Reflexiones sobre Ferguson como un movimiento de muchos frentes / Joy James: Penas, lágrimas y sangre: activismo negro, fracciones y la élite negra / D'Juan Hopewell: Dirigiendo nuestros dólares hacia nuestra liberación / Terrel Starr: Violencia sobre mujeres trans negras / Liz Mason-Deese: Crónica del levantamiento de Charlotte

Parte Tres. Documentos y entrevistas a organizaciones
Alicia Garza: Una historia del Movimiento #BlackLivesMatter / Alyssa Figueroa: Conocé a BlackOUT (entrevista)  / Jules Bentley: Ser negro y no pedir disculpas por ello: entrevista a Black Youth Project 100 / Black Lives Matter: El estado de la Unión negra / BYP 100:  Extractos de “Agenda para construir futuro negros” / Movement for Black Lives: Extractos de “Una visión para las vidas negras: demandas políticas para el poder negro, la libertad y la justicia”