Policy Mobility

Planners, politicians, boosters and other elites often use mega-events like the 2018 FIFA Men’s World Cup as a strategy for urban development. This was also the case with the World Cup, hosted in eleven Russian cities and designed to modernize Russia’s peripheral host cities. While the idea of developing cities through mega-events is common, the Russian experience displays much that is new.
This paper examines urban development in the World Cup as an example of mobile policy, exploring how this mega-event was imported from abroad and how this policy mutated as it was implemented on the ground in Russia. The specificities of the Russian experience were due in large part to the ways in which the World Cup organizing committee was created and operated as an extension of the central government in Moscow. What appeared at first to be a way for Russian peripheral host cities to differentiate themselves through urban development in a form of inter-urban competition, turned out to be a reestablishment of the central state in regional spatial planning. In this way, even as certain material conditions in the host cities were improved, the World Cup represented not an expression of regional democracy, nor even a strategy for inter-urban differentiation, but rather one more instance of development dictated from the center and from afar.

« Le 10 mai 2001, ils m’ont transféré en avion militaire à la nouvelle prison de Valledupar. On savait bien que là-bas c’était le régime yankee. Ils m’ont tout pris, ils m’ont donné un uniforme […] et ils m’ont rasé la tête. Les gardiens étaient très jeunes, ils nous ont traités de façon totalement inhumaine. On n’avait jamais connu ça auparavant […]. Rapidement, les détenus ont lancé un mouvement de protestation, au sujet du droit de visite. La réponse a été brutale. Une répression à feu et à sang, à coups de matraque et de gaz lacrymogène. »
Le témoignage de ce prisonnier reflète le virage opéré au sein du système carcéral colombien suite à une réforme inspirée par le modèle de prison de sécurité maximale américain. Réalisées dans le cadre des accords du « Plan Colombie » – le vaste programme anti-drogue et antiguérilla de Washington dans ce pays – les
transformations du système carcéral colombien sont révélatrices de la manière dont le « tournant punitif » initié aux États-Unis s’exporte au niveau international.
Cet ouvrage repose sur un riche matériel ethnographique, recueilli au cours d’une enquête de terrain en Colombie et aux États-Unis. L’étude est basée sur des observations dans les prisons colombiennes et sur des interviews approfondies avec des prisonniers, des membres de leurs familles, des gardiens, des représentants des autorités carcérales, des activistes des droits humains, ainsi que des architectes et entrepreneurs de l’industrie carcérale américaine. Les nouvelles prisons colombiennes y sont décrites comme un espace de dépossession et de contrôle sans précédent, mais également comme un lieu de résistances multiformes de la part de la communauté des prisonniers.

The main goal of this research is to contribute to the better informed policy based on the concept of the sustainable urban mobility and traffic management in the city of Sofia, Bulgaria. For this purposes it explores the basics of necessary conditions and the public acceptance in particular under which the eventual implementation of congestion charging is possible. The following work elaborates on: the literature overview; analysis of the accumulated experience and particularly on three case studies of cities considered as ones of the best examples for successful congestion charging implementation approach; analysis of the current urban traffic management system and prevailing policy in Sofia and the contribution and feedback provided by a selected panel of experts and responses, observations and recommendations received.

Le 20 juin 2014, la Ville de Genève dévoile les contours de sa future politique de la nuit. Cette annonce résulte de quatre années de travail soutenues et supervisées principalement par le Département de la culture et du sport de la Ville de Genève (DCS). Ce travail est passé par la réalisation de plusieurs documents, conférences et expérimentations visant à établir un diagnostic sur les nuits genevoises. Ces derniers témoignent d’une dynamique d’institutionnalisation de la nuit dans ses usages culturels à Genève que j’étudie à travers l’analyse des discours et des pratiques d’acteurs.

This paper explores IBM’s Smarter Cities Challenge as an example of global smart city pol- icymaking. The evolution of IBM’s smart city thinking is discussed, then a case study of Phi- ladelphia’s online workforce education initiative, Digital On-Ramps, is presented as an example of IBM’s consulting services. Philadelphia’s rationale for working with IBM and the translation of IBM’s ideas into locally adapted initiatives is considered. The paper argues that critical scholarship on the smart city over-emphasizes IBM’s agency in driving the discourse. Unpacking how and why cities enrolled in smart city policymaking with IBM places city governments as key actors advancing the smart city paradigm. Two points are made about the policy mobility of the smart city as a mask for entrepreneurial governance. (1) Smart city efforts are best understood as examples of outward-looking policy promotion for the globalized economy. (2) These policies proposed citywide benefit through a variety of digital governance augmentations, unlike established urban, economic development projects such as a downtown redevelopment. Yet, the policy rhetoric of positive change was always oriented to fostering globalized business enterprise. As such, implement- ing the particulars of often-untested smart city policies mattered less than their capacity to attract multinational corporations.

La política habitacional paraguaya se ha ido construyendo en fragmentados procesos y en un contexto de informalidad, clientelismo y corrupción. Tras un vacío histórico, de respuestas estatales efectivas para las necesidades habitacionales de los más vulnerables, se crea el Fondo Nacional de la Vivienda Social (FONAVIS), bajo la influencia del “modelo chileno” de subsidios habitacionales. El modelo, que también ha llegado a otros países, se moviliza a Paraguay en dos momentos históricos distintos. La investigación argumenta que la forma del viaje de políticas es determinante para su éxito o fracaso, con una perspectiva de análisis desde el campo de la movilización, ensamblaje y mutación de políticas, considerando características paraguayas propias de informalidad. En este marco y con una metodología mixta, se indaga en las dinámicas relacionales entre los agentes sociales, las instituciones, el territorio y los circuitos de conocimiento, que constituyen ambos procesos de movilización. Develando que, en la primera experiencia de movilización, el sistema fracasa debido a la insuficiente consideración de las condicionantes locales; y que, en segunda instancia, el aprendizaje multidireccional entre el modelo, el contexto local y la experiencia del primer viaje, permiten la adaptación y respuesta a las necesidades del contexto. La investigación, evidencia la existencia de intereses e interesados que motivan la circulación de modelos y, en un país donde los procesos de movilización han sido clave para el desarrollo de políticas públicas, se hace relevante adentrarse en la complejidad de estas dinámicas, debido a que, a menudo, las críticas no viajan con los modelos. Además de representar un aporte en el estudio de movilización de políticas en los circuitos del Sur Global. Así, el FONAVIS se posiciona como la primera política habitacional del país y, en el contexto político actual, como referente respecto a la diversidad de respuestas posibles frente a las demandas sociales.

According to Richard Florida, the world is in the grip of a 'New Urban Crisis'. In his most recent book Florida recounts a visit to Medellín that provoked an epiphany in which he realized that the New Urban Crisis is global in scope. Unfortunately, Florida's discovery of the global South is informed by a deeply Eurocentric understanding of urbanization. This leads him to conclude that Southern cities should 'unleash' creativity, and he proposes that the United States should develop a global urban policy that would export a version of American urbanism. In this essay we deconstruct Florida's notion of the New Urban Crisis and show that its Eurocentric assumptions obscure the very real environmental, economic and political challenges facing cities in the global South and their residents.

Recent scholarship on policy mobility, globally-active municipal governments, and transnational city-to-city policymaking suggest a new dynamic in entrepreneurial cities: entrepreneurialism based not only on place competition, but also based on practices of inter-urban networking. This paper argues that cross-city initiatives to share planning expertise can function both as policymaking networks and as markets for policy knowledge, as urban governance stakeholders strategically leverage inter-city initiatives for sharing urban planning knowledge. Bidding to host sporting ‘megaevents’ highlights these networked entrepreneurial strategies. A comparative study of bids to host the Olympic Games over a twenty year period shows that policymaking knowledge (templates, models, and best practices) shared between cities is both necessary for competing to host events, and represent ‘policy commodities’ that planning coalitions can use as part of their entrepreneurial portfolios. While much commentary on inter-urban policymaking focuses on how policy practices are received by cities or mobilized by international businesses or policymakers, this paper signals to a multi-directional entrepreneurial strategy: although megaevents federations and sponsors developed megaevents knowledge networks to leverage urban planning for profit, many local development coalitions have incorporated these same networks into their competitive strategies.
https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1068/a130112p

This paper takes as its starting point the idea that airspace is not a singular, finished interface for aeromobile activities to take place in. Striated by lines that connect some points rather than others, it is a contested network of vectors that sometimes require additional human inputs for traffic to flow in desired ways. Assuming the view of a globalising city-state in Asia, this paper refers to two sets of empirical evidence to build its case: first, over 100 airline newsletters on the ‘Singapore Girl’ published between 1982 and 2000, and, second, fifteen sets of interviews with air hub development officers working for Singapore. Particular attention is paid to the emotional
labours that have been invested by these aviation workers to induce particular, favourable business environments for air traffic to grow in the city-state. In so doing, this paper emphasises the uneven way aerial vectors are distributed across the globe, and highlights how these air-lines have a tendency to bypass (small) states not at the forefront of global aviation. Even for a successful overcomer like Singapore, the reordering of airspace does not come with the latitude of manufacturing a brand new air-scape, but involves the development of innovative counter regimes, people-performed technologies, and tactical solutions in an unequal air world.

A source of political conflicts, recurrent scandals and considerable geopolitical problems, electronic waste (e-waste) is a central challenge for contemporary societies. Drawing on Polanyian economic geography, this article provides a comparative reading of the extended producer responsibility (EPR) scheme in China and France and shows that e-waste policy in China is not a replication of global north models, but rather a new hybrid outcome, where neoliberal tendencies are negotiated within the characteristics of a resilient state. In this way, it extends the variegated capitalism framework to the sphere of post-consumption.

Low carbon urban transition experiments are emerging across cities globally. These experiments are socio-technical innovations with a high potential to contribute to a low carbon. Through the Global Intelligence Corps knowledge of these experiments is being disseminated across a variety of spatial contexts. Foreign cities are keen to replicate these examples of best practice; whilst technical experts, technology providers and governments are keen to export their expertise and technologies. However, the factors influencing the successful translation-movement, transformation and adaptation-of these experiments across spatial contexts requires deeper investigation. This paper explores the process using a mobile transitions conceptualisation. In this paper we develop a theoretical conceptualisation of the mobile transition process and test it using two low carbon experiments-Hammarby Sjostad (Stockholm) and BedZed (London). We identify the type of knowledge that is translatable (in the global form), and how this is modified both by the global and local assemblages throughout the process. The implication of our findings is that greater clarity is needed throughout the translation process if outcomes are to improve. Firstly, in order to determine the potential for an urban experiment to translate into a new spatial context the practitioner must understand the context from which it emerged and the context into which it will be translated. Secondly practitioners need to clearly define the translatable global form emerging from an experiment. It must be possible to decontextualise and re-contextualise the global form if it is to translate successfully. In some cases it may be impossible to decontextualise the global form without undermining the fundamental principles underlying the experiment. Thirdly, practitioners need to be aware of how the global form can be manipulated and re-represented by the global and local assemblages during the translation process. The global form is not fixed. Finally practitioners should be aware that new socio-technical systems (adopting the fundamental principles developed in the experiment) will emerge from the translation process.

L'article propose d’étudier l’essor de politiques étiquetées en termes de diversité en prenant l’angle spécifique de leur globalisation. L’hypothèse explorée est celle d’une complémentarité entre l’étude des circulations transnationales et des ressorts plus usuels de l’analyse sociologique. Nous commençons par délimiter un champ d’innovation conceptuelle et théorique, marqué par les néologismes de superdiversité, multiculture et post-racialisme. Nous explorons dans un deuxième temps en quoi le prisme global s’avère heuristique, en mobilisant les perspectives du transnational et celle des mobilités des politiques publiques. Quatre éléments font l’objet d’un éclairage spécifique : les logiques temporelles et la séquentialité des problèmes publics ; la dynamique circulatoire, venant suppléer la verticalité contrariée des normes internationales ; les transferts de normativité, depuis l’ordre judiciaire et politique, vers des instruments de régulation technique qui accélèrent la circulation de « bonnes pratiques ». L’étude est enfin l’occasion de souligner la saillance d’enjeux épistémiques qui invitent à décentrer le regard et dé-nationaliser plus avant les savoirs et l’enquête sociologiques.

A burgeoning literature looks into the processes and actors involved in the adoption and emulation of best practices and models of urban policy and development across the globe, often with the aim of attracting investment and making cities more competitive. With its focus on leisure, tourism and global capital, the redevelopment of the Bay of Luanda, in the capital of Angola, echoes the rhetoric, policies and projects underpinning such practices. Yet, a deeper interrogation reveals that the redevelopment forms part of a predominantly inward-looking project driven by the highest echelons of the national government and its ruling party. While these actors mimic and appropriate the language and tools of entrepreneurial cities, their aim is not necessarily to make the city more internationally competitive but to achieve domestic political legitimacy and stability. The argument presented in this article builds on McCann's (2013) call for scholars to also consider the 'introspective' politics of urban policy boosterism from the perspective of a context in which power is highly centralized. The article thus contributes to a growing literature that advances more adequate and provincialized theorizations of urban policy and city governance in the global South, with a particular focus on the African context.

Descarga libre en: www.teseopress.com/puertomadero

Un modo de intervención urbana recorre el mundo: los grandes proyectos urbanos. Zona de residencia de políticos, empresarios y famosos, Puerto Madero se volvió la postal de una Buenos Aires modernizada. Según la definición catastral, el área está comprendida por las calles Brasil, Ingeniero Huergo, Eduardo Madero, Cecilia Grierson, y por el Río de la Plata, el Riachuelo y la Dársena Sur. Este libro descentra esa definición al rastrear Puerto Madero ─y la Corporación Antiguo Puerto Madero Sociedad Anónima─ en movimiento y a lo largo del tiempo. Así, Puerto Madero no es un área fijada y definida de una vez para siempre sino un nexo particular de ideas, instituciones, actores y prácticas ─situadas a la vez que trasnacionales─. Tematizar su circulación implica asumir la multiplicidad que lo atraviesa: ya no se trata de un Puerto Madero, en singular sino de muchos; no tiene una localización única y definitiva, sino que está atravesado por variadas circulaciones que aquí se reconstruyen.

This chapter examines policy mobility in mega-event planning – especially, but not limited to, Olympics. Mobile policy can be thought of as a ‘policy commodity’ traded across cities; these commodities are produced both for transit and in transit. Sites of transit are also sites of production: mega-event planning industries might be thought of as production networks which are anchored in host sites temporarily, but which also generate value through a broader geography of knowledge creation, diffusion, and evolution. This is illustrated with case studies of policy commodities moving within the mega-events industry (e.g. technical standards, design guidelines, management protocols).

Chapter published in Salazar et al (2017), "Mega-event Mobilities"

Preferred citation: Lauermann J (2017) Made in transit: Mega-events and policy mobilities. In Salazar N, Timmerman C, Wets J, Gato LG, & Van den Broucke S (eds) Mega-event Mobilities: A Critical Analysis. London: Routledge (pp  90-107)

Die materielle und Symbolische Aufwertung der Favela Vidigal in Rio de Janeiro steht exemplarisch für sozialräumliche Dynamiken in vormals marginalisierten
und stigmatisierten Favelas in der Südzone der Olympia-Stadt. Sie verweist auf zweierlei: Erstens lässt sich der Wandel als Globalisierung eines Phänomens
deuten, das als Gentrifizierung bisher vornehmlich aus den alten Industrienationen bekannt ist. Zweitens zeigt sich die besondere Bedeutung, die verschiedene
Formen globaler Mobilität für den Aufwertungsprozess in städtischen Armutsgebieten haben können.
So erscheint der Gentrifizierungsprozess vor Ort eng mit der weltweiten Mobilität urbaner Politiken (mobile urban policy), mit der Ausbreitung des internationalen
Tourismus sowie mit einer neuen Nord-Süd-Migration verknüpft. Es ist daher vielversprechend, diesen Zusammenhang sowie die Wechselwirkungen von lokalen
Bedingungen und globalen Mobilitäten genauer zu betrachten.

Although not a recent phenomenon, megaproject building is currently enjoying renewed popularity in large cities across the world. Policy-makers are undertaking major investments in the form of large-scale urban development projects to position their metropolitan cities on a global scale and to scale-up urban infrastructure to meet basic needs of housing and transportation. The aim of this special issue, of which this article is the introduction, is to examine this trend, with a focus on four cities: Cape Town, Durban, Delhi, and Lima. On the basis of empirical case material, the articles analyse the challenges that megaprojects throw up for urban sustainability and discuss the peculiar issues facing cities characterized by extreme social inequalities, limited mobilisation of community groups and growing pressure on governments to implement neoliberal urban development policies. They illustrate how institutional contexts and specific policy instruments in conjunction with territorially grounded social dynamics give rise to distinct patterns of megaproject development. The articles engage critically with recent literature that has postulated the emergence of a new paradigm of megaproject building. The research is an outcome of work conducted in the framework of the “Chance2Sustain” project, funded under the European Commission’s 7th Framework Programme.

Measures to encourage walking, cycling and the use of public transport rather than the car both exemplify and reveal the change in local policy in Madrid, Barcelona and Valencia since 2015. The article explores the resources employed by politicians to re-politicise mobility by removing it from the purely technical sphere of transport management. This field of action is constructed around politicians whose positions and media strategies vary substantially.

Without denying the limitations (fetishisation of the bicycle and focus on a handful of flagship urban operations), the article describes the discontinuities but also the continuities with the programmes of previous municipalities. It also highlights how mobility planning, through the reorganisation of public space, expresses the intentions and expectations associated with political change (behaviour modification, respect, public spirit). This new form of governance through infrastructure also leads to a profound reshaping of local relations between public and private actors, community movements working for new mobilities, and interest groups that remain largely wedded to the automobile.

Research on policy mobility has tended to focus on what moves (e.g. policy models, templates) and who moves them (e.g. consultants, international organisations), with less attention paid to the relational politics of grounding dominant ideas in local policymaking. The ‘demand side’ at the end of the mobilisation process (e.g. local authorities and policy actors) is usually depicted as passive or as having stable interests. This assumption is problematic as it can reinforce taken-for-granted power asymmetries in the flow of urban policy ideas, particularly in cases where cities in the Global North are presented as ‘exporting sites’ for a Global South audience of ‘importing sites’. Drawing on the concept of policy ideas as ‘coalition magnets’ from policy studies, this article demonstrates how local policies are relationally produced by cosmopolitan policy actors on the ‘demand side’ who strategically mobilise circulating ideas as a tool for coalition building. We provide a relational ...

Dentre as experiências alçadas à condição de modelo em matéria de política urbana, aquela verificada na cidade de Barcelona nas últimas décadas figura entre as mais notórias. Seu prestígio é fruto tanto de sua circulação nos meios políticos e profissionais como também resultado de esforços ativos em sua internacionalização. Este capítulo analiza a mobilização do modelo Barcelona na cidade do Rio de Janeiro no âmbito da realização do primeiro plano estratégico na década de 1990. Ao utilizar marcos teóricos da literatura de circulação de políticas públicas e do novo institucionalismo, busca-se avaliar como o modelo evoluiu com base em sua mobilidade e como seu processo de “territorialização” deu suporte à mudança de paradigmas e novos arranjos institucionais. Verifica-se que a mobilização do modelo Barcelona é realizada tanto por sua oferta ativa como pela demanda informada de novos atores políticos no Rio de Janeiro que identificaram na experiência da cidade catalã elementos que deram coerência à suas proposições e ações políticas.

Israel’s dominant position within the homeland security (HLS) and counter­ terrorism field is now quite widely acknowledged within academic literature and beyond. While existing accounts of Israel’s HLS industry have made a number of critical contributions to understanding its rise, they fail to readily address how Israeli HLS approaches have come to be understood as mobile and universal strategies to be applied worldwide. They also negate the extent to which Israel’s security ‘solutions’ are (re)invented as they move geographically. I argue that Israeli claims to HLS dominance are realized through their encounters beyond Israel/Palestine in ways that stabilize their practices and technologies as global exemplars. Building on policy mobilities scholarship, I suggest that bound up with the development of an Israeli HLS ‘model’ is the constitution of an audience, which is central to giving these approaches their global appeal and respective political force. In developing these claims I explore the role of geographical imaginations in the constitution of mobilities and argue for the need to move from a framework of discourse to one of performativity.

This paper aims at dislocating the occidentalist invention of diversity by decolonizing the discovery of diversity within “western” metropolises. As a case in point, we focus on the rhetoric of the European Union´s Intercultural Cities Program (ICP). While the city becomes the privileged locus for “managing diversity” as largely neutral expressions of cultural hybridity, local practitioners are counseled to “tame” and “harness” a socio-­‐spatial alterity that is perceived as a threat to modern and cohesive urban development (Wood 2009: 18). By applying a relational analysis (Massey 2005: 9) of urban regeneration programs in Berlin-Neukölln, which serves as a case of“best practice” in the ICP, and Mexico City as the only project partner that has been subject to European colonialism, we trace the zig-zag itinerary of “diversity as a resource”. We identify a practice of “covering-over” (Dussel 1995: 12) of both countries’ colonial past, and a subsequent normalization of the colonial legacies that constitute a continuum of power asymmetries between and within the two cities. On a theoretical level, by “locating” the invention of diversity within discourses and practices around mestizaje in Mexico City’s Historic Center, we simultaneously aim at “dislocating” the production of a homogeneous“European metropolis” (Roy 2009).

Cet article illustre comment le Transit-Oriented Development (TOD) a acquis le statut de modèle circulant et dominant en urbanisme, puis comment sa propagation transnationale et sa territorialisation locale influencent la planification et la gouvernance (sub)urbaines. Par une recension exhaustive des écrits et une brève étude de cas, il documente les outils et les processus par lesquels les « circulateurs » du TOD le mettent en scène et le marchandisent, le négocient et l'adaptent, le vivent et le racontent, et enfin le tentent et le partagent. Il offre ainsi une réflexion conceptuelle sur la tension entre standardisation globale et différenciation locale qu'exacerbent l'adoption et l'adaptation des modèles circulants.

This article illustrates how Transit-Oriented Development (TOD) has become a circulating and dominant model in urban planning and how its transnational propagation and its local translation influence (sub)urban planning and governance. Through an exhaustive literature review and a brief case study, it documents the tools and processes by which TOD “circulators” stage and market it, negotiate and adapt it, live and tell it, and finally attempt and share it. It offers a conceptual reflection on the tension between global standardisation and local differentiation exacerbated by the adoption and adaptation of circulating models.

Diverse strands of geographic inquiry share a concern for the role of seductive projections of various forms in shaping urban policy and material realities at a distance. We trace a case of urban policy transfer from Kuala Lumpur (KL), Malaysia to Hyderabad, India. Drawing on our respective empirical investigations of the two Asian cities, we consider a geography of urban policy replication. At one level, this involves direct political connections between the two cities and, in particular, KL as a “model” for Hyderabad. Yet we are also concerned with
identifying broader intra-Asia policy networks and practices that demand critical geographic attention. We conclude with some reflections on the implications of the KL–Hyderabad case for
conceptions of and ways of doing urban geography. We argue that the kind of urban geography traced here forms an important complement to more conventional academic practices based on sustained engagement with specific urban sites, lives, and transformations.

For international organisations in the global education policy field, legitimacy is based in large part on the supposed techno-rational basis of these organisations and their ability to credibly produce knowledge and policy expertise. However, as the present article demonstrates, there are clearly a range of macro–micro organisational dynamics driving the production of knowledge and the policy ideas that are advanced. By revealing the way that a particular policy emerged and was promoted within the World Bank, this article seeks to expose the way that policy innovation is produced by the iterative interplay of agentic activity and particular organisational circumstances – and how this process is used to maintain and extend the influence of international organisations and the individuals who represent them. By drawing on Stewart Clegg’s ‘circuits of power’ approach, we seek to theorise the internal dynamics of international organisations, and, in so doing, to move beyond the dominant coercive and normative perspectives.

The “Education with Community Participation” (EDUCO) program in El Salvador achieved fame in the late 1990s and 2000s because it formally transferred, among other things, the ability to hire and fire teachers to a committee of parents at the community level. While recent literature has traced the evolution of this program within El Salvador, as well as its trajectory as it entered the international educational agenda and became a “global education policy,” an understudied aspect of this program is the community-level experience. After characterizing the history, design, and system-wide results of EDUCO, this chapter turns its attention to the local level by reviewing the literature that exists on EDUCO’s implementation, with a focus on community experiences. This literature is difficult to locate, even within El Salvador, and is almost entirely unknown outside the country. It is argued that the studies which make up this literature provide insight
into the experience of average communities in the EDUCO program. In the end, beyond presenting new and little-known insights into the community-level reality of the EDUCO program, this chapter reflects on the implications of these insights for (a) the theory and assumptions behind such models of community-level management, (b) the national and global-level politics of the decentralization trends in education that have been predominant since the early 1990s, and (c) the possibility of democratization from below. In addition to the above-mentioned foci, the chapter begins with a brief characterization of community-based management (CBM) and the research that has been conducted on this phenomenon.

Rio de Janeiro's Olympic candidature for the 2004 Olympic Games mobilised concepts from the experience of Barcelona with the planning of the mega-event and proposed polemic urban legacies that were radically different from those seen in current plans.

This paper examines how South Korean urbanists in the 1990s adopted Western place marketing strategies, and put them into practice as cultural revitalization programs in the Korean urban policy field. The emergence of place marketing in Korea as a new paradigm for local growth stems from Korea's transition from a developmental to a post-developmental system, which was a conjunctural outcome of democratization, neoliberalization and administrative decentralization of the early 1990s. This paper discusses how place marketing traveled to Korea in this context. In particular, it attends to how critical urbanists became a vanguard in mobilizing and developing place marketing for different local governments, perceiving it as a (progressive) alternative to the authoritarian, economy-centric developmentalist urban paradigm of the previous decades, despite its entanglement in the neoliberal urban paradigm of the West. The paper also examines the contradictions and conflicts that place marketing policies have generated across different places in Korea.

In this special issue response paper, we pick up from prior discussions to suggest areas where we think policy sociology can benefit from further conversation and research. In particular, we bring together our respective readings and work on policy mobilities, in conversation with the contributions of this special issue, to think further about what policy mobilities and related orientations can bring to the development of policy sociology. We specifically focus our attention on four areas for further conceptual and methodological extension in relation to policy mobilities and related approaches in policy sociology of education: i) temporality, ii) scale, iii) land, and, finally, iv) methodological diversity. In doing so, we advocate against ‘fast’ readings of literature from other fields, while emphasizing the value of transdisciplinary work in policy sociology and critical policy studies.

The relationship between industrialisation and urban development is subject to assumptions based on experiences in the global North, with little research on how it plays out in countries undergoing urbanisation and industrialisation today. In the context of recent excitement about China's role in stimulating an 'industrial revolution' in Africa, we examine how Chinese zones in Ethiopia and Uganda are influencing the urban-industrial nexus. We argue that Chinese zones are key sites of urban-industrial encounter, but these dynamics are not primarily driven by the government officials that dominate the 'policy mobilities' literature, nor by the State-Owned Enterprises usually associated with Chinese activity overseas. Rather, they are emerging through the activities of inexperienced private Chinese actors who do not even operate in the worlds of urban policy. Faced with government histories and capacities that vastly differ from China's, directly replicating the Chinese experience is virtually impossible; yet the tentative and improvisational relationships between Chinese firms, African government authorities and other local actors are gradually moulding new urbanisms into shape. The piecemeal bargaining and negotiation that unfolds through these relationships bridges some of the gaps between industrialisation and planning, but this cannot compensate for the governance of the urban-industrial nexus at higher scales.

A critical policy study of OVOP and OTOP The One Village One Product (OVOP) movement was a policy implemented in 1980 in Oita Prefecture, Japan. It was used as a basis for crafting the One Tambon One Product (OTOP) policy in Thailand. In this study, the policy mobilities approach is used, as opposed to traditional policy transfer approaches, which are rooted in neoclassical economics. The policy mobilities approach proves itself more useful for analyzing the cross-scalar pattern of the study case. After a brief explanation of the original movement in Oita Prefecture, the issue of the transfer of the program from Japan to Thailand will be discussed. This will first include an analysis of the motivations for implementing and using the program. Secondly, an examination of how the Japanese local and national authorities responded to the Thai demands will be made. Two-tier diplomacy influenced the policy movement process by conveying different meanings and practices of OVOP. These findings are coherent with one of the main claims of the policy mobilities approach, which is that policies evolve as they move. Furthermore, this case study highlights two vectors of policy mobility which also act as poles of policy evolution: the academia-policymaker nexus and the business-state apparatus.

Why was Hungary interested in the decolonized “developing world”? What does this episode of Eastern European history tell us about shared postcolonialities, transnational interconnectivity, and semi-peripheral positioning or development strategies? My talk introduces why and how socialist Hungary decided to develop foreign economic re-lations with decolonized countries, which in turn facilitated a new orien-tation towards the world and the emergence of Hungarian development expertise towards developing countries.

Perspectivas recientes como la de los policy mobility han abordado la movilidad de políticas urbanas entre distintas ciudades. Pese a proclamar la multidireccionalidad de tales procesos, esos estudios han estado mayormente concentrados en circulaciones de políticas y modelos urbanos entre ciudades del Norte Global, motivando una variedad de críticas. Este artículo reconstruye algunos alcances de esta perspectiva y propone un diálogo con campos de abordaje tales como el postcolonial urbanism y una serie de esfuerzos de investigadores latinoamericanos que buscan producir teoría en y sobre la región. Se concluye que estas iniciativas heterogéneas tienen puntos de contacto aunque divergen respecto al papel que América Latina asume en las mismas y a las formas-implícitas o explícitas-de conceptualizar las asimetrías de poder en la producción y circulación de políticas y teorías urbanas.

Palabras clave: América Latina, Políticas urbanas, teoría urbana, movilidad de políticas.

The relationship between industrialisation and urban development is subject to assumptions based on experiences in the global North, with little research on how it plays out in countries undergoing urbanisation and industrialisation today. In the context of recent excitement about China's role in stimulating an 'industrial revolution' in Africa, we examine how Chinese zones in Ethiopia and Uganda are influencing the urban-industrial nexus. We argue that Chinese zones are key sites of urban-industrial encounter, but these dynamics are not primarily driven by the government officials that dominate the 'policy mobilities' literature, nor by the State-Owned Enterprises usually associated with Chinese activity overseas. Rather, they are emerging through the activities of inexperienced private Chinese actors who do not even operate in the worlds of urban policy. Faced with government histories and capacities that vastly differ from China's, directly replicating the...

Ce projet de numéro propose de faire le point sur le développement au cours des dernières décennies en Europe, aux États-Unis, au Canada, comme dans d’autres parties du monde, de politiques étiquetées en termes de diversité : proposant de lutter contre les discriminations, de promouvoir l’équité et l’égalité des chances, de contribuer à des formes d’intégration politique davantage respectueuses du pluralisme culturel et plus inclusives des différences et des vulnérabilités. DEADLINE for abstracts : 15 Oct 2017

Dossier coordonné  par Milena Doytcheva
Pour la revue SociologieS : https://sociologies.revues.org/
via  l'AISLF :  https://www.aislf.org/spip.php?article3374

Il  paper  discute  l’emergere  e  la  diffusione  del  paradigma  della  resilienza  urbana nell’ambito  delle  politiche  urbane  presentando  il  caso  della  partecipazione  di  Roma Capitale  al  100  Resilient  cities  network  promosso  dalla  Rockefeller  Foundation.  In particolare,  il  caso  è  discusso  in  relazione  ai  profili  del  suo  concreto  situarsi  entro  il relativo  dibattito  scientifico  e  di  policy,  della  razionalità  assunta  a  ragione  dell’iniziativa in  relazione  in  particolare  al  contesto  locale,  delle  forme  organizzative  attraverso  le quali  questa  si  è  prodotta,  degli  effetti  sull’elaborazione  e  implementazione  delle politiche  pubbliche.  In  relazione  a  questi  profili,  il  paper  illumina  da  una  parte  la persistente  e  radicata  inadeguatezza  cognitiva  dell’amministrazione  capitolina  e  di molti  altri  attori  della  governce  urbana  riguardo  i  processi  di  elaborazione, implementazione  e  valutazione  strategica  delle  politiche  pubbliche  e  dall’altra  i  rischi di  standardizzazione  e  omologazione  di  cui  sono  portatori  i  circuiti  delle  policy mobilities. The  paper  discusses  the  emergence  and  spread  of  the  urban  resilience  paradigm  within  the field  of  urban  policy  focusing  in  particular  on  the  case  of  the  City  of  Rome’s  participation  to the  100  Resilient  cities  network  promoted  by  the  Rockefeller  Foundation.  The  case  is discussed  in  relation  to  its  actual  positioning  within  the  scientific  and  policy  debate  on urban  resilience,  to  the  rational  of  the  initiative  in  respect  to  the  local  context,  to  the organizational aspects of its production and to the implications for the local policy-making process.  The  paper  puts  light  on  one  side  on  the  persistent  cognitive  inadequacy  of  Rome’s city  administration  and  other  governance  actors  in  relation  to  strategic  design, implementation  and  assessment  of  public  policy  and  on  the  other  side  on  the  risks  of standardisation  and  omologation  implied  by  the  spread  of  policy-mobilites.

On the surface, contemporary urban megaprojects suggest a convergence in form: office towers, hotels, museums, shopping and renewed public spaces often involving transnational firms and renowned architects. However, framing local policies as instances of a 'serial reproduction' of iconic landscapes obscures more than reveals how circulating planning models are reproduced and institutionalised. To this effect, this paper suggests a complementary approach between the literature of policy mobilities and new institutionalism focusing on how policies are 'arrived at' and the role of ideas in the policy process. An analytical framework is applied to the case study of a large-scale waterfront regeneration programme in Rio de Janeiro to examine the mutual evolvement between ideas, interests and institutions. The paper concludes by stressing the importance of paying attention to how policy knowledge is assembled, institutionalised and interests identified.

In contemporary cities, data are a key component in drives to become "smarter". From sensors embedded in the urban landscape to increasing pressure to make data freely available in open data platforms, new ways of producing and collecting data are shifting how we think of and represent places and people. Data's collection, processing, production, and representation all entail complex negotiations that produce and underwrite new inequalities and exclusions. Yet, while some critical research has begun to explore the precise types and functions of these data-focused inequalities and exclusions, it remains understudied both comparatively and in empirical grounding.

These shifts can be understood through existing geographic research, but raise new questions and research challenges at the intersection of GIScience and urban geography. In this presentation I draw on a nascent project in the city of Calgary that seeks to explore these processes. The City of Calgary currently approaches its open data platform and smart city initiatives in ways that challenge research conducted elsewhere, in avoiding the smart city discursive framework and seeming to cautiously vet the types of data released for public use. I submit that while existing research on knowledge politics is useful for understanding the politics behind open data platforms, the Calgary case entails practices and processes that necessitate reconceptualizing how knowledge, places, and people come to be encoded as data.