Politcal Science

Proponiamo qui, senza alcuna pretesa di completezza, una serie di atteggiamenti divfondo da riconoscere e da valorizzare in vista di una rinnovata − e non illusoria −veducazione all’azione sociale e politica che sia capace di ispirarsi, in maniera intelligente e responsabile, alle vie del Vangelo.

While the study of presidentialisation is often combined with the concept of personalisation, Gianluca Passarelli decides to make a clear conceptual distinction between the two, focussing on the already highly debated study of the presidentialisation of politics. By starting with the premise that under certain circumstances presidentialisation is also possible in non-presidential systems, this book takes a closer look at the presidentialisation of political parties in the world, advocating that the presidentialisation of politics stems from the behaviour of political parties.

Zaštita maloletnih migranata bez pratnje u Republici Srbiji – Predlozi za njeno unapređenje zasnovani na uvidima iz prakse

Apstrakt

Zaštita maloletnih migranata bez pratnje ima prioritet u odnosu na druge postupke u sistemu azila i socijalnoj i porodičnopravnoj zaštiti migrantske populacije u Srbiji. Cilj ovog rada je utvrdjivanje glavnih problema i predloga mogućih unapredjenja zaštite. Uvidi iz prakse zasnovani su na neposrednom učešću autora u socijalnoj, porodičnopravnoj i medjunarodnoj zaštiti nepraćene i razdvojene dece izbeglica i drugih migranata u Srbiji. U radu su identifikovani glavni akteri i način funkcionisanja sistema zaštite, sa posebnim osvrtom na glavne probleme tog sistema. Predlozi za unapredjenje zaštite zasnovani su na direktnim praktičnim uvidima u probleme u postupku zaštite koji su potvrdjeni na mnogim pojedinačnim slučajevima.

Ključne reči: Maloletni migranti bez pratnje roditelja, staratelja ili odgovorne odrasle osobe, medjunarodna zaštita, socijalna zaštita, porodičnopravna zaštita, starateljstvo, smeštaj, trajna rešenja.


Protection of unaccompanied and separated refugee/migrant children in the Republic of Serbia – Proposals for its improvement based on the insights from the practice

Abstract

The protection of unaccompanied and separated refugee/migrant children has priority over other procedures in the asylum system and the social and family law protection of the migrant population in Serbia. The aim of this paper is to establish the main problems and proposals for possible improvements in the protection. Insights from practice are based on the direct participation of the author in the international, social and family law protection of unaccompanied and separated refugee/migrant children in Serbia. The paper identifies main actors and the mode of operation of the protection system, with special emphasis on the major problems of the system. The proposals for the improvement of protection are based on direct practical insights into the problems in the protection procedure which were confirmed in many individual cases.

Key words:
Unaccompanied and separated refugeee/migrant children, international protection, social protection, family law protection, guardianship, accommodation, durable solutions.

[English Abstract] : This  contribution  offers  a  reflection  on the  construction  of  a  feminist  and  trans  epistemology  within  the  Academy  when  one  thinks  of  themselves  as  a  member  of  a  subaltern  group.  The  articulation  of  insider  and outsider  status – the limits and advantages of being “within” and “out of” – reveals  the  construction  of situated knowledges  within a constructivist dynamic of public and academic space. This  paper is based on a research – a  PhD  thesis  on  the  media  construction  of  transidentities – whose  metanarrative  provides examples of an inscription within feminist epistemologies as well as thoughts inspired by Anglo-Saxon Trans Studies.  We  study  and  analyze  the  terms  of  a  self-narrative  as  a necessary  step  to  go  beyond  moral  ties, intimacy  and  familiarity  with  the  field  of  study.  In  order  to  do  so,  we  go  back  on  the  notion  of  standpoint epistemology  as  it  has  been  proposed  by  Donna  Haraway  and  as  it  has  been  developed  since  then.  With situated knowledges, we inscribe the subject within the field of Philosophy and we recognize the trans subject as a subject of knowledge through a feminist framework.


- [French Abstract] : Cette contribution propose une réflexion sur la construction d’une épistémologie trans et féministe au sein de l’université quand on se pense comme membre d’un groupe subalterne. L’articulation des statuts d’insider et d’outsider (les limites et les avantages à être « du dedans » et « du dehors ») montre la construction de savoirs situés dans une dynamique constructiviste de l’espace public et de l’espace académique. Le métarécit de la recherche sur laquelle nous nous appuyons (une thèse de doctorat sur la construction médiatique des transidentités) donne les exemples d’une inscription dans les épistémologies féministes et des ouvertures inspirées par les Trans Studies anglo-saxonnes. Nous étudions et analysons les termes d’un discours sur soi comme étape nécessaire vers un au-delà de l’appartenance morale, de l’intimité et de la familiarité avec le terrain étudié. Pour ce faire, nous revenons plus précisément sur la notion d’épistémologie du point de vue (standpoint epistemology) proposée par Donna Haraway et ses développements. Avec les savoirs situés nous déplaçons le sujet dans le champ de la philosophie et reconnaissons le sujet trans comme sujet de savoirs grâce aux outils de la pensée féministe.

This work examines the political murals of Northern Ireland's major cities of Belfast and Derry (Londonderry). Expanding on a decades old practice, the two sides in the thirty-year long struggle known as the Troubles painted thousands of large street murals on homes, businesses and walls. These murals, hundreds of which still exist, are used to express neighborhood loyalties, major political and military events, memorialize the fallen, call for justice and peace, and demonstrate a willingness to fight for freedom. Using photographs taken during two visits to the region along with information from interviews of participants on both sides, this self-published (Blurb) book presents a sample of over 70 of these murals created by the Republican and Loyalist sides along with modern social and political imagery.

Many ask: can philosophy do anything for national development? The answer is in the affirmative. This essay explores the ways by which philosophy can and ought to be at the service of national development. Thus, it carries marks both of descriptivity and prescriptivity. In this way, it is an essential desideratum for national development planners.

Du 11 septembre aux extraterrestres, des camps de concentration américains à l'assassinat de Kennedy, cette thèse a pour objectif d'éclairer sous un angle sociopolitique les fondements, les mécanismes et les enjeux de la pensée conspirationniste aux États-Unis depuis la révolution jusqu'à nos jours. S'il ne s'agit pas de dresser un catalogue exhaustif de toutes les théories du complot en vogue, le but demeure de démontrer que le conspirationnisme est un véritable fait social aux États-Unis, un élément de culture politique et populaire. Cette thèse se propose alors d'étudier les rouages et les origines du conspirationnisme sous trois aspects différents et complémentaires qui forment un triangle. D'abord, sous l'angle factuel, c'est-à-dire en étudiant les thèses du complot relatives à un événement extraordinaire (9/11, assassinat de JFK, etc.). Ensuite, sous l'angle des acteurs du conspirationnisme : les leaders conspirationnistes (LaRouche, Icke, etc.), les citoyens enquêteurs et les boucs-émissaires (communistes, juifs, illuminatis, etc.). Enfin, sous l'angle culturel en mettant en perspective le conspirationnisme avec la culture américaine : l'anti-étatisme, la présence de mafias ou encore le cinéma de masse

From 9/11 to UFOs, from American concentration camps to the Kennedy's assassination, this dissertation aims to enlighten, through a sociopolitical analysis, the grounds, the mechanics and the goals of the conspiratorial thought in the United States since the Revolution. Even Though it is no question to draw an exhaustive catalog of each and every conspiracy theory, I would stress that conspiracism is part of the American political and popular culture. Then, this dissertation studies the origins and the developments of conspiracism through three complementary focuses. First, a factual approach which dwells on specific conspiracy theories such as the 9/11 attacks or the assassination of Kennedy. Secondly, I will come on the actors of conspiracism : the conspiracist leaders (LaRouche, Icke) the citizens sleuths and the scapegoats (Communists, Jews, Illuminatis). Finally, under a cultural angle, I will outlook conspiracism and the American culture of anti-statism, the presence of mafias or the role of mass-medias

Emmanuel Macron's win in the French presidential elections not only means the death of 'Frexit', but has wide-ranging implications not just for the European project, but also for the ongoing Brexit negotiations. His victory will give Europe a resurgent strength and a leader who is not only passionate about the project but willing and able to be a strong presence in an international arena where France has been missing since the end of the Sarkozy administration. However, with a cornucopia of domestic issues, and the economic constraints of the Franco-British relationship, his impact on Brexit will be mixed, writes Joseph Downing. In November 2016 Emmanuel Macron entered the French presidential campaign without a party and running on a centrist, pro-Europe platform. In the shadow of Brexit and with rumours of a eurosceptic wave sweeping the continent many saw this is pure insanity with zero chance of success. Only 6 months later he stands as Frances first elected president in a generation not hailing from one of the two major parties – the centre-left socialists or the centre right republicans. In one of the strangest political upsets in what has been a year of political firsts, Macrons election demonstrates that it has been easy to overstate the importance of Euroskepticism as an issue in an election fought on an extremely diverse set of political fronts. Image by enmarchefr (Instagram). This presidential campaign has been beset with such a plethora of wide-ranging issues it has been hard to pick apart what is driving voters behaviour. The far right Marine Le Pen and the far left Jean-Luc Melenchon polled 40% of the first round votes on two very different but highly Eurosceptic platforms. Le Pen, who in the second round polled around 33.9 per cent of the final vote even went as far as to promise a 'Frexit' referendum on France's EU membership and succeed domestically from the Euro, moves that would have thrown Europe into a turmoil from which it may never have fully recovered from. However, it is too easy to read these successes as products of a deep sense of euroskepticism. Importantly, both candidates had extremely wide-ranging campaigns which covered a large swathe of political concerns – for le Pen migration and security, for Melenchon economic precarity and the

Philippine manufacturing sector had experienced a renaissance, or using the government’s terminology, a resurgence. While experiencing sustained growth in the last four to five years, the reality of the enigmatic turn during the 60s up to the early 90s still hunts this particular economic sector. It is primarily due to the country’s head start as a developed nation in the 60s compared to our neighboring countries yet experienced stagnation and worst lagged behind amongst Asian countries because of the following factors enumerated by World Bank Organization, namely: lack of structural transformation; barrier to domestic competition; underinvestment in physical and human capital; private sector’s reluctance to invest; problematic business regulations; and existing labor regulations. The first of these is the most crucial factor as it supports agricultural, manufacturing, and service sectors in equal terms. 2014 saw the adoption of a new policy dubbed by DTI and BOI as the Manufacturing Resurgence Program (2014-2025), of which aims to introduce a new industrial policy and stimulate the resurgence of the country’s manufacturing industry. With majority of the needed pieces in place, only time and the government’s full support, will able to tell if by 2025, we will able to see an industry that embodies a mantra of “a manufacturing industry for the Filipinos, by the Filipinos”.

Democracy has never been more popular. It is successfully practiced today in a myriad of different ways by people across virtually every cultural, religious or socio-economic context. The forty-five essays collected in this companion suggest that the global popularity of democracy derives in part from its breadth and depth in the common history of human civilization. The chapters include exceptional accounts of democracy in ancient Greece and Rome, modern Europe and America, among peoples’ movements and national revolutions, and its triumph since the end of the Cold War. However, this book also includes alternative accounts of democracy’s history: its origins in prehistoric societies and early city-states, under-acknowledged contributions from China, Africa and the Islamic world, its familiarity to various Indigenous Australians and Native Americans, the various challenges it faces today in South America, Eastern Europe, the Middle East and Asia, the latest democratic developments in light of globalization and new technologies, and potential future pathways to a more democratic world. Understanding where democracy comes from, where its greatest successes and most dismal failures lie, is central to democracy’s project of inventing ways to address the need of people everywhere to live in peace, freedom and with a say in the decisions that affect their lives.

"Nowadays, nobody is very comfortable with the way the Nigerian Postal Service (NIPOST) works. The issue is not only that lesser people now visit NIPOST but that NIPOST actually has less to offer them. It is even much harder to imagine this, especially when NIPOST is conveniently and enviously staffed, workers take-home packages intimidating, and staff training – regular and superb. Even so, the organization is in the verge of collapsing. There
are genuine fears that it may be haplessly thrown into private hands, as did her contemporaries. Upon this bleak premise, this paper seeks to link between the structural defects of the NIPOST human resource capacity and poor service delivery. The qualitative methods of data collection and analysis are applied. We conclude, relying upon the neoliberal framework, that the structuring of NIPOST is not so amenable to the prevailing postal market operation. Such inherent conflict poses serious obstacles on qualitative service delivery. However, we are optimistic that NIPOST can perform efficiently, ownership status
notwithstanding, provided it is well restructured alongside the pervasive market patterns, like those privately owned."

Jest to prezentacja niedopuszczona do wygłoszenia na Międzynarodowej Konferencji Naukowej „O Lemie i Po Lemie” - Gdańsk 19-21 Listopada 2021 roku, Zakład Teorii Literatury i Krytyki Artystycznej, Instytut Filologii Polskiej, Wydział Filologiczny Uniwersytetu Gdańskiego. Tematem tej prezentacji jest próba analizy porównawczej powieści Cixina Liu Problem trzech ciał 1 oraz Stanisława Lema Fiasko 2 .

This essay examines the heritage destruction wrought by ISIS across Syria and Iraq. It argues that far from random outbursts of barbarity and ignorance, these acts were not only very deliberate and carefully staged, but also had clear purposes which themselves reveal a great deal about the deadly ideology that drives ISIS.

The notion that democracy could have a ‘secret’ history might at first seem strange to many readers. Indeed, the history of democracy has become so standardized, is so familiar and appears to be so complete that it is hard to believe that it could hold any secrets whatsoever. The ancient Greek practice of demokratia and the functions of the Roman Republic are foundational to Western understanding of politics; school textbooks introduce the Magna Carta and the rise of the English Parliament; Hollywood blockbusters recount the events surrounding the American Declaration of Independence; many best-selling novels have been written about the French Revolution; and the gradual global spread of the Western model of democracy has been a recurrent news story since the end of the Cold War. So pervasive is this traditional story of democracy that it has achieved the status of received wisdom: endlessly recycled without criticism by policy-makers, academics, in the popular media and in classrooms across the world.

The central argument of this book is that there is much more to the history of democracy than this foreshortened genealogy admits. There is a whole ‘secret’ history, too big, too complex and insufficiently Western in character to be included in the standard narrative.

Resumo Este artigo pretende compreender a conjuntura político-religiosa contemporânea no Brasil com um duplo enfoque: por um lado, na atuação e nos valores políticos dos evangélicos mais visíveis na cena nacional e, por outro, no conservadorismo crescente no país. O argumento é que parcela desses religiosos está articulada a linhas de força em diferentes dimensões (econômica, moral, securitária e interacional) do processo social em curso no país e que configuram o que tem sido denominado com relativa imprecisão de "onda conservadora".

Türkiye'de çok partili sistemin kalıcı olarak kurulması, çok yakın tarihlerde gerçekleştirilmiştir ki, bu sürecin en önemli halkası, kuşkusuz Demokrat Parti'dir.
Demokrat Parti'nin muhalefet ve İktidar dönemleri, çeşitli nedenlerden dolayı, bugüne kadar ayrıntılı olarak incelenmiş değildir. Bu konuda yapılan araştırmaların yeteri kadar objektif olmayışı, temel kaynaklara inilmeden hazırlanmış olmalarının yanı sıra; dönemi bir bütün olarak inceleyen doyurucu bir bilimsel araştırmanın bulunmayışı ve benim bu dönem hakkındaki eksikliklerimi tamamlamak gereksinimim, bu konu üzerinde çalışma yapmamın en temel gerekçeleri olarak söylenebilir.
Bu çalışmayı yapmaktaki en büyük amacım; yakın tarihimizin belli bir dönemine ait kırgınlıkları canlandırmak değil, Türk insanının demokrasiye olan inancını, bağlılığını ve bu yönetim biçimi içinde yaşamak için gösterdiği çabayı sergilemektir. Bu nedenle; olaylar bir tarihçi anlayışıyla ele alınmış ve aşırı yorumlara yer vermekten kaçınılmıştır.
Bana göre; bu çalışmamın en orijinal yanı bugüne kadar kullanılmayan ve sayıları 305'i bulan Demokrat Parti Meclis Grubu Gizli Tutanakları'nın tamamının incelenerek, bunlardan yararlanma fırsatının elde edilmiş olmasıdır. Bunların yanı sıra; Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi Tutanakları, Kanunlar Dergisi, Düstur, Devlet İstatistik Enstitüsü'nün yayınları, dönemin muhalif, iktidar yanlısı gazete ve dergileri, dönemin önemli siyasi kişileri ile yapılan görüşmeler, dönem hakkında yazılan yerli ve yabancı kaynaklardan yararlanılmıştır.
Bu araştırmada basına geniş ölçüde yer verilmesinin en önemli nedeni; dönemin önde gelen gazetelerindeki yazarların, gerek dönem öncesi ve gerekse dönem içinde, Bakan, milletvekili ya da yüksek bürokratik makamlarda görev alan kişiler olmaları yazılarıyla, dönemin iç ve dış politikaları üzerinde etkili olmalarından ileri gelmiştir.
Bütün bunlara ek olarak; Demokrat Parti döneminde aktif siyasetin içinde yer alan; Prof. Dr. Rıfkı Salim Burçak, Baha Akşit, Sebati Ataman, Hayrettin Erkmen, Ahmet İhsan Gürsoy, İbrahim Saffet Omay ve Dr. Mükerrem Sarol ile dönemin Cumhurbaşkanı Celâl Bayar’ın kızı Nilüfer Gürsoy Bayar ile görüşmeler yapılmıştır. Bu kişilere, bana gösterdikleri yakın ve sıcak ilgiden dolayı, teşekkür ederim.
Öte yandan, çalışmalarım sırasında beni, uyarıcı eleştirileri ile destekleyen Prof. Dr. Abdurrahman Çaycı, Prof. Dr. Yuluğ Tekin Kurat, Prof. Dr. Ergun Özbudun, Prof. Dr. Tarık Zafer Tuna’ya ve Prof. Dr. Şerafettin Turan Hocalarıma sonsuz teşekkürlerimi sunuyorum.
Ayrıca bu çalışmalarımın bir bölümü sırasında, değerli yardımlarını gördüğüm T.B.M.M. Kitaplığı ve Arşivi’nin tüm çalışanlarına, Türk Tarih Kurumu Kitaplığı ve Millî Kütüphane çalışanlarına, öğrencim Ahmet Öncü’ye teşekkür etmeyi de bir borç bilirim.
Bütün bunların ötesinde, eserimizi okurlara ulaştırmada, “Bilgi insanlığın ortak hazinesidir!” ilkesiyle yayın hayatına giren ve kâr unsurunu geri planda tutan, son yıllarda da çok sayıda önemli esere hayat vermiş olan Mer-Ak Yayınevi’ni seçtik. Böylece uzun yılların emeği olan çalışmalarımızı, çok daha geniş okur kitlesinin istifadesine sunduk. Mer-Ak Mersin Akademi ile birlikte hayata geçirdiğimiz bu esere emeği geçen herkese ve Mersin Akademi Yayınevi’ne çok teşekkür ederiz. Özellikle de, eserin siz değerli okurlarımıza ulaştırılmasında her türlü desteği veren, Mer-Ak Mersin Akademi Yayınevi’nin sahibi Gülten ARSLAN’a ayrıca teşekkür ederiz.
Türk Siyasal yaşamının önemli bir kesitini oluşturan bu çalışmanın bütün eksikleri ve sorumluluğu bana aittir. Bu konuda, benden sonra bilimsel araştırma yapacak olan değerli araştırmacılara başarılar ve kolaylıklar diler, onları şimdiden saygıyla selamlarım.

While the 1967 war placed the “Palestine question” at the forefront of international attention with the PLO gaining worldwide prominence as “the sole representative of the Palestinian people” while maintaining its terrorist ways, the Arab states have shown no real interest in Palestinian statehood beyond the customary lip service.
The Assad regime has never abandoned its perception of Palestine as Syria’s southern province and its outright rejection of “peace” that did not entail Israel’s destruction. However, Anwar Sadat went to great lengths to attach the Palestinian issue to the Egyptian-Israeli peace negotiations. Yet the agreed formulation spoke about a transient autonomy without specifying statehood as the end result, let alone insisting on its attainment, and Sadat was not deterred from opting for a separate Egyptian-Israeli peace once Arafat rejected his overture. Similarly, despite Jordan’s 1988 renunciation of claims to the West Bank, the Hashemite monarchy has neither shown any desire for the establishment of a Palestinian state, which it fears might subvert its rule. Neither has Amman shied away from making peace and closely collaborating with Israel with the kingdom’s possible return to the West Bank occasionally mooted by both sides.
This half-hearted approach toward Palestinian nationalism notwithstanding, decades of staunch anti-Zionist propaganda have entrenched the “Palestine question” in the collective Arab psyche to the extent of making it exceedingly difficult for these states to conclude formal peace treaties with Israel without a pro forma Palestinian-Israeli agreement. Yet while this state of affairs gives the Palestinians some veto power over inter-Arab politics, it is unlikely to derail the intensifying, multifaceted, and increasingly overt Arab-Israeli collaboration even in the event of severe deterioration in Israeli-Palestinian relations, as the “Abraham Accords” shows.

The notion of debt (debitum), is simultaneously present within the sphere of ethics and economics. This essay will discuss the genealogy of the contended notion through an investigation that will touch upon different branches of social sciences and ethics; it will explore the possibility of the subject to exit the debtor-creditor relation that permeates a wide area of the moral sphere.

As globalization forces corporations to take on more diplomatic challenges, a trend has been developing for national governments to take a more corporate approach when it comes to opening up markets for domestic industries. Nowhere is this trend more pronounced than in the United States as K Street lobbying firms and public relations consultants are rapidly becoming the foreign diplomats of the 21st Century, promoting the interests of foreign nations and their industries from a domestic vantage point. What was once, just a few short decades ago almost the exclusive role of career diplomats in national embassies, consulates, and missions has now become, in the face of ever increasing globalization and trade liberalization, the purview of corporate consultants, lobbyists, and lawyers. In past centuries, nations hired mercenaries to supplement armies. In a world where economic advantage has replaced military advantage for many nations; these modern mercenaries take a diplomatic rather than combat role and enter their field of battle in the uniform of corporate professionals. They are armed, not with fire arms and military tactics, but with connections to powerful committee chairs, position papers, grassroots armies, and campaign dollars to defeat those who would stand in their way at the ballot box, rather than the battle field. With the collective costs running into the hundreds of millions in U.S. dollars, enough funds are expended to support a small army.
This paper will seek to provide greater understanding of the transaction costs, added value, and future implications of this trend of “Privatized Diplomacy” (PD), the term that will be used to describe this strategy, which is experiencing dynamic growth in its use in an increasingly globalized world. This paper will also examine how PD relates to firms’ needs for more general corporate diplomacy (CD) strategy, as well as discuss how the use of these private domestic diplomats has the potential to neutralize the liability of foreignness (LOF) and affect outcomes predicted by the obsolescing bargain model (OBM) as firms seeking entry into new, but established, markets are represented by more familiar, and local faces. This paper will also rely on personal experience as a registered lobbyist as well as my own association with the government of the Republic of China (Taiwan) who has been a first-hand observer of the tactic of building local domestic constituencies to influence domestic governments for foreign trade and investment opportunities.

This essay studies the impact of social media on the election of 2016 in the USA, where the primary candidates used social media platforms as the main tool for their campaigns with great success. The 2016 election social media campaigns accumulated great numbers for both candidates, but it was discovered that there was use of bots and fake news and other tools, in addition to propaganda, both from the US and from foreign countries. The importance of the use of social media in politics is clear in this major event.