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(English) Does it matter whether research is conducted by the private business rather than in universities or government research centres? While most of the attention of science and innovation policy in the last decades has explored the... more
(English) Does it matter whether research is conducted by the private business rather than in universities or government research centres? While most of the attention of science and innovation policy in the last decades has explored the relevance of the interconnections between public and business players in enhancing knowledge-based societies, a major trend has been ignored: both the quota of public R&D and its share over the total R&D investment has shrunk in most OECD countries. As a result, a larger fraction of knowledge is today generated in the private sector. We argue that this is a major problem since public research and private research differ along a number of characteristics, e.g. public access, potential for future technological innovations, criteria of resource allocation. This trend can have adverse implications for long-term innovation and economic welfare in our societies. Through the lens of the public goods theory and of the sector of funding and execution of R&D for the period 1981-2012 we try to explain why. (Italiano) E' un problema se l'attivita di ricerca e condotta nelle imprese private piuttosto che nelle universita e nei centri di ricerca pubblici? Mentre numerosi studi di politica della scienza e dell'innovazione degli ultimi decenni hanno esplorato la rilevanza delle interconnessioni tra soggetti pubblici e privati nel promuovere le societa basate sulla conoscenza, una tendenza fondamentale e stata ignorata: sia la quota di R&S pubblica che la sua quota sul totale dell'investimento in R&S sono diminuite nella maggior parte dei paesi OCSE. Di conseguenza una frazione maggiore di conoscenza e oggi generata nell'industria. Viene qui sostenuto che si tratta di un fondamentale problema perche le attivita di ricerca pubblica e quella privata hanno sostanziali differenze e specificita, tra le quali: le condizioni di accesso, il potenziale di ulteriori innovazioni tecnologiche, i criteri per l'allocazione delle risorse. Queste tendenze hanno conseguenze nocive per il benessere e l'innovazione nelle nostre societa. Tentiamo di spiegare perche attraverso la prospettiva della teoria dei beni pubblici e dei settori di finanziamento e di esecuzione della R&S per il periodo 1981-2012.
Preface. Introduction 1. At the Root of the Crisis: Some Proposed Explanations 2. Technological Change, Patterns of Innovation, and Economic Development: The Contribution of the Neo-Schumpeterian Research 3. The Role of the Rules:... more
Preface. Introduction 1. At the Root of the Crisis: Some Proposed Explanations 2. Technological Change, Patterns of Innovation, and Economic Development: The Contribution of the Neo-Schumpeterian Research 3. The Role of the Rules: National Systems of Innovation and Labor Market Institutions 4. Is the Crisis Hampering Innovation Convergence in Europe? 5. National Systems of Innovation, Structure, and Demand 6. Varieties of Capitalism and Innovation Investment 7. Who is Swimming Against the Stream: Is Accumulation More Creative than Destruction? 8. Innovation in the Manufacturing and Service Sector: Impact and Firms' Strategies 9. Is Slack Good for Innovation in Times of Crisis? 10. Conclusions
Book synopsis: First handbook for the discipline of IR concerning science and technology Features well-known scholars from various disciplines Presents interviews about the core themes of the book Offers a methodological toolbox for... more
Book synopsis: First handbook for the discipline of IR concerning science and technology Features well-known scholars from various disciplines Presents interviews about the core themes of the book Offers a methodological toolbox for experts and students An increasing number of scholars have begun to see science and technology as relevant issues in International Relations (IR), acknowledging the impact of material elements, technical instruments, and scientific practices on international security, statehood, and global governance. This two-volume collection brings the debate about science and technology to the center of International Relations. It shows how integrating science and technology translates into novel analytical frameworks, conceptual approaches and empirical puzzles, and thereby offers a state-of-the-art review of various methodological and theoretical ways in which sciences and technologies matter for the study of international affairs and world politics. The authors not only offer a set of practical examples of research frameworks for experts and students alike, but also propose a conceptual space for interdisciplinary learning in order to improve our understanding of the global politics of science and technology. The second volume raises a plethora of issue areas, actors, and cases under the umbrella notion techno-politics. Distinguishing between interactional and co-productive perspectives, it outlines a toolbox of analytical frameworks that transcend technological determinism and social constructivism.
(English) Does it matter whether research is conducted by the private business rather than in universities or government research centres? While most of the attention of science and innovation policy in the last decades has explored the... more
(English) Does it matter whether research is conducted by the private business rather than in universities or government research centres? While most of the attention of science and innovation policy in the last decades has explored the relevance of the interconnections between public and business players in enhancing knowledge-based societies, a major trend has been ignored: both the quota of public R&D and its share over the total R&D investment has shrunk in most OECD countries. As a result, a larger fraction of knowledge is today generated in the private sector. We argue that this is a major problem since public research and private research differ along a number of characteristics, e.g. public access, potential for future technological innovations, criteria of resource allocation. This trend can have adverse implications for long-term innovation and economic welfare in our societies. Through the lens of the public goods theory and of the sector of funding and execution of R&D for the period 1981-2012 we try to explain why. (Italiano) E' un problema se l'attivita di ricerca e condotta nelle imprese private piuttosto che nelle universita e nei centri di ricerca pubblici? Mentre numerosi studi di politica della scienza e dell'innovazione degli ultimi decenni hanno esplorato la rilevanza delle interconnessioni tra soggetti pubblici e privati nel promuovere le societa basate sulla conoscenza, una tendenza fondamentale e stata ignorata: sia la quota di R&S pubblica che la sua quota sul totale dell'investimento in R&S sono diminuite nella maggior parte dei paesi OCSE. Di conseguenza una frazione maggiore di conoscenza e oggi generata nell'industria. Viene qui sostenuto che si tratta di un fondamentale problema perche le attivita di ricerca pubblica e quella privata hanno sostanziali differenze e specificita, tra le quali: le condizioni di accesso, il potenziale di ulteriori innovazioni tecnologiche, i criteri per l'allocazione delle risorse. Queste tendenze hanno conseguenze nocive per il benessere e l'innovazione nelle nostre societa. Tentiamo di spiegare perche attraverso la prospettiva della teoria dei beni pubblici e dei settori di finanziamento e di esecuzione della R&S per il periodo 1981-2012.
Abstract: Intellectual Property Rights have become ubiquitous in the current debate and have emerged as the key issue of global innovation policy. The 'Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights agreement'(TRIPS),... more
Abstract: Intellectual Property Rights have become ubiquitous in the current debate and have emerged as the key issue of global innovation policy. The 'Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights agreement'(TRIPS), signed on 1994 as a founding element of ...
(English) The paper explores the methods to introduce democratic devices in global governance. The first part makes an attempt to define what a democratic deficit is. The second part provides some benchmark to identify when and how... more
(English) The paper explores the methods to introduce democratic devices in global governance. The first part makes an attempt to define what a democratic deficit is. The second part provides some benchmark to identify when and how international organizations, the most important and visible part of global governance, correspond to the values of democracy. The third part presents the internal and the external levers. The internal lever is defined as the ways in which democratization within countries helps to foster more transparent, accountable and participatory forms of global governance. The external lever is defined as the ways in which international organizations contribute to promote democratic transition and consolidation in their members. Neither the internal nor the external levers work effectively if they are left to inter-governmental bargaining only. An active participation of non-governmental actors is needed in order to make them effective. The paper finally discuss a list of proposals to democratize global governance. (Italiano) Questo paper esplora i metodi per introdurre strumenti democratici all’interno della global governance. La prima parte cerca di stabilire cosa sia un deficit democratico. La seconda parte fornisce alcuni punti di riferimento che permettono di identificare quando e come le organizzazioni internazionali, la parte piu importante e visibile della global governance, corrispondono ai valori della democrazia. La terza parte presenta le leve interna ed esterna. La leva interna e definita come il modo in cui la democratizzazione all’interno dei paesi contribuisce a promuovere forme piu trasparenti, responsabili e participative di global governance. La leva esterna e definita come il modo in cui le organizzazioni internazionali contribuiscono a promuovere la transizione democratica e il consolidamento tra i loro membri. Ne la leva interna ne quella esterna funzionano in modo efficace quando sono lasciati alla mera contrattazione intergovernativa. Una partecipazione attiva degli attori intergovernativi e necessaria al fine di rendere le leve efficaci. Il paper infine discute un elenco di proposte per rendere democratica la global governance.
ABSTRACT It is hardly surprising that companies try to exploit their intellectual property rights (IPRs) globally. This has generated hated disputes on the advantages and disadvantages associated to a global regime of IPRs. The aim of... more
ABSTRACT It is hardly surprising that companies try to exploit their intellectual property rights (IPRs) globally. This has generated hated disputes on the advantages and disadvantages associated to a global regime of IPRs. The aim of this chapter is to put the debate in the right context of what IP can actually do, and what they cannot do, in order to reward inventors and innovators and to prevent imitators. The generation, transmission and diffusion of knowledge are complex phenomena and both supporters and detractors of IPRs often tend to exaggerate the effects that they have in the economy and society. We present two ideal typical models pro and against IPRs and discuss their limitations. In our view, both the models overemphasize the role of IPRs in the world economy.
Democracy is increasingly seen as the only legitimate form of government, but few people would regard international relations as governed according to democratic principles. Can this lack of global democracy be justified? Which models of... more
Democracy is increasingly seen as the only legitimate form of government, but few people would regard international relations as governed according to democratic principles. Can this lack of global democracy be justified? Which models of global politics should contemporary democrats endorse and which should they reject? What are the most promising pathways to global democratic change? To what extent does the extension of democracy from the national to the international level require a radical rethinking of what ...
The refugees’ flows have alighted the European political debate boosting nationalistic forces in almost all countries. The aim of this paper is to show that the actual number of asylum seekers does not really allow to talk about a... more
The refugees’ flows have alighted the European political debate boosting nationalistic forces in almost all countries. The aim of this paper is to show that the actual number of asylum seekers does not really allow to talk about a ‘refugee crisis’. It argues, however, that the current European Union institutions and procedures are highly insufficient to manage successfully refugees’ inflows and asylum requests. A European foreign policy could have helped to prevent refugees’ inflows from war-thorn areas such as Afghanistan, Iraq, Eritrea, Libya and Syria. Once the problem is there, the procedures centred on the Dublin Convention are inadequate and the paper provides a few radical suggestions that are made for an EU-centred refugees and asylum seekers management and policy.
While the model of deliberative democracy gives a crucial role to dialogue, empirical evidence has not yet established if discussion helps to reach a better understanding of political issues and, above all, if individuals are prepared to... more
While the model of deliberative democracy gives a crucial role to dialogue, empirical evidence has not yet established if discussion helps to reach a better understanding of political issues and, above all, if individuals are prepared to change their views and preferences. Moreover, it is still unclear when the deliberative model, and more specifically discussion, could be usefully employed as a teaching tool, to improve students’ knowledge. This article presents an exercise carried out within the Department of Political and Social Sciences at the LUISS University of Rome. Students were asked to discuss in the classroom the course issues, and to cast a vote on selected issues before and after the deliberation. Although our sample is not representative, we have managed to gather evidence from the same population on a rather large number of issues. Students changed their view in 25.8 per cent of cases, and they agreed that discussion increased their understanding, while students with ...
Knowledge and technological innovation play a crucial role in economic activities. While this has long been recognized by managers, scientists and engineers it is only really since the early 1980s that economists have devoted much effort... more
Knowledge and technological innovation play a crucial role in economic activities. While this has long been recognized by managers, scientists and engineers it is only really since the early 1980s that economists have devoted much effort to studying the way in which knowledge leads to the generation and diffusion of technological innovation. This attention has, however, produced a vast literature which has begun to shed some light into the ‘black box’ of the relationship between technology and the productive process (see, in particular, Rosenberg,). The initial hypotheses in a handful of pioneering works during the 1950s and 1960s on the economic determinants and impact of innovation have since been corroborated by a substantial amount of theoretical and empirical research.1
The 2008 crisis had severe consequences in Europe, especially for investment, including investments in R&D and innovation. We argue that there are large scientific and technological opportunities that could pave the way to a new stage... more
The 2008 crisis had severe consequences in Europe, especially for investment, including investments in R&D and innovation. We argue that there are large scientific and technological opportunities that could pave the way to a new stage of social development and economic growth, but they need appropriate economic policies to be seized. A European recovery can come from developing and exploiting these opportunities, but to do so requires a large public programme of investment in R&D and innovation that attracts businesses to invest further. The European Union could play a crucial role in this process by pursuing the ambitious goals outlined by the European Council in the Lisbon (2000) and Barcelona (2002) summits, which unfortunately were abandoned as a consequence of the economic crisis and the austerity measures. Powerful instruments, such as the Juncker investment plan, and the proposed 2021-2027 Framework Programme Horizon Europe, can provide the right kind of stimulus. A re-organization of the governance of the European innovation and competence building through a proper Council at the EU level is essential.
Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche (CNR). Biblioteca Centrale / CNR - Consiglio Nazionale delle RichercheSIGLEITItal
Based on a survey which includes over 5.000 European firms, this article investigates the innovation investment strategies of firms in response to the crisis in the service and manufacturing sectors. Overall innovation investment shows a... more
Based on a survey which includes over 5.000 European firms, this article investigates the innovation investment strategies of firms in response to the crisis in the service and manufacturing sectors. Overall innovation investment shows a cyclical dynamic. Countries with high intensity in knowledge-intensive services are relatively less hit by the recession. At the firm level, firms devoted to service innovation are more inclined to invest in innovation as a response of the crisis. Specifically, strategies combining both product and ...
The 2008 crisis had severe consequences in Europe at many levels. One of them is the significantly lower levels of public and private investments. This article explores to what extent a large plan of public innovation investment could... more
The 2008 crisis had severe consequences in Europe at many levels. One of them is the significantly lower levels of public and private investments. This article explores to what extent a large plan of public innovation investment could contribute to the overall economic recovery and to opening a new stage of development in the European Union (EU). We argue that key scientific and technological opportunities, currently untapped, exist, which have the potential to accelerate economic growth and to pull in private investments. Decisive instruments, such as the Juncker investment plan and the proposed 2021–7 Framework Programme Horizon Europe, are important steps in that direction. The article concludes by reviving Lundvall’s call for a Council for Innovation and Competence Building that should have the same political weight as the EU Economic and Financial Affairs Council.
In this paper we present a principled view that grounds the need for whistleblowing protection, often missing in the literature. They argue that whistleblowers have a right to protection because of their role in ensuring accountability... more
In this paper we present a principled view that grounds the need for whistleblowing protection, often missing in the literature. They argue that whistleblowers have a right to protection because of their role in ensuring accountability against wrongdoings that go unnoticed due to unrestrained practices of secrecy. This right derives from the crucial role of whistleblowing in exposing right limitations, in absence of procedures of redress, and information of public interest. Given this role, absence of procedures of protection and fair hearing of disclosure claims puts unfair burdens on whistleblowers so much as to, in some instances, preclude the very possibility of disclosure. In this regard, a cognizance of their role in ensuring protection of rights and structure of accountability demands a system of protection extended to human rights defendants. We argue that the European Union should stand up for the legal protection of whistle-blowers and encourage their contribution towards more transparent institutions and economic transactions.
Biblioteca de la Universidad Complutense de Madrid, Base de datos de artículos de revistas, ...
European citizenship, which was once seen as the symbol of European integration, is increasingly perceived as an obstacle to self-government and a threat to national welfare. As European ruling classes fail to provide an adequate response... more
European citizenship, which was once seen as the symbol of European integration, is increasingly perceived as an obstacle to self-government and a threat to national welfare. As European ruling classes fail to provide an adequate response to the tensions that arise from the wider trends of globalization, anti-political movements are gaining support. A significant part of European citizenry is aligning with parties that preach the restoration of national borders and the reinstatement of cultural identity as the source of sovereign power embodied in the nation state.Does the way forward reside in dissolving the European project or reducing the power held by European institutions? In this article, we suggest the opposite. We need to begin by recognizing the significance of European integration as an evolving political experience of immense magnitude.We need to emphasize that Europe today provides citizens with unique means to claim social, political and economic rights by going beyond ...
La crisis generada por el Covid19 ha llevado a un consenso generalizado acerca de que sin una valiente intervencion publica, la economia europea corre el riesgo de derrumbarse. Los costes de la inaccion implicarian un aumento del... more
La crisis generada por el Covid19 ha llevado a un consenso generalizado acerca de que sin una valiente intervencion publica, la economia europea corre el riesgo de derrumbarse. Los costes de la inaccion implicarian un aumento del desempleo y de notables quiebras que pondrian en peligro nuestros sistemas democraticos. La economia europea es mas fragil que la de Estados Unidos y la de China, y se ha visto afectada por esta inesperada crisis sanitaria cuando aun no se habia recuperado plenamente de la crisis financiera.
By Archibugi D., (2018) In "Legitimacy, Democracy and Disagreement". Essays in honour of Sebastiano Maffettone.
The refugee’s flows have alighted the European political debate boosting nationalistic forces in almost all countries. The aim of this paper is to show that the actual number of asylum seekers does not really allow to talk about a... more
The refugee’s flows have alighted the European political debate boosting nationalistic forces in almost all countries. The aim of this paper is to show that the actual number of asylum seekers does not really allow to talk about a “refugee crises”. It argues, however, that the current European Union institutions and procedures are highly insufficient to manage successfully refugee’s inflows and asylum requests. A European foreign policy could have helped to prevent refugees’ inflows from war-thorn areas such as Afghanistan, Iraq, Eritrea, Libya and Syria. Once the problem is there, the procedures centred on the Dublin Convention are inadequate and the paper provides a few radical suggestions that are made for an EU- centred refugees and asylum seekers management and policy.
As a response to the increase in the number of refugees arriving in the European Union territory since 2014, European Commission has implemented the European Agenda on Migration. I argues that the new system, despite being promising for... more
As a response to the increase in the number of refugees arriving in the European Union territory since 2014, European Commission has implemented the European Agenda on Migration. I argues that the new system, despite being promising for resolving the problems from the point of view of Member States, overlooks the perspective of asylum seekers. As an alternative, I proposes a novel policy that could supplement the European Agenda on Migration. The novel policy consists in enlarging the set of rights granted to refugees with several rights classically attached to the concept of citizenship while harmonizing laws and practices at European level.

And 380 more

The 2008 crisis had severe consequences in Europe, especially for investments in R&D and innovation. There are large scientific and technological opportunities, but they need appropriate public policies to be seized. A European recovery... more
The 2008 crisis had severe consequences in Europe, especially for investments in R&D and innovation. There are large scientific and technological opportunities, but they need appropriate public policies to be seized. A European recovery can come from exploiting these opportunities, but to do so requires a large governmental programme of investment in R&D and innovation that attracts businesses to invest further. The EU could play a crucial role in this process by pursuing the ambitious goals outlined by the European Council in the Lisbon (2000) and Barcelona (2002) summits, which unfortunately were abandoned because of the economic crisis and the austerity measures. Powerful instruments, such as the Juncker investment plan, and the proposed 2021-2027 Framework Programme Horizon Europe, can provide the right kind of stimulus. A reorganization of the governance of the European innovation and competence building through a proper Council at the EU level is essential.
The 2008 crisis had severe consequences in Europe at many levels. One of them is the significantly lower levels of public and private investments. This article explores to what extent a large plan of public innovation investment could... more
The 2008 crisis had severe consequences in Europe at many levels. One of them is the significantly lower levels of public and private investments. This article explores to what extent a large plan of public innovation investment could contribute to the overall economic recovery and to opening a new stage of development in the European Union (EU). We argue that key scientific and technological opportunities, currently untapped, exist, which have the potential to accelerate economic growth and to pull in private investments. Decisive instruments, such as the Juncker investment plan and the proposed 2021-7 Framework Programme Horizon Europe, are important steps in that direction. The article concludes by reviving Lundvall's call for a Council for Innovation and Competence Building that should have the same political weight as the EU Economic and Financial Affairs Council.
Using data on more then 22,000 manufacturing firms participating to the second Italian Innovation Survey, fresh evidence is presented on the number of firms involved in innovation, the total expenditures devoted to innovation and the... more
Using data on more then 22,000 manufacturing firms participating to the second Italian Innovation Survey, fresh evidence is presented on the number of firms involved in innovation, the total expenditures devoted to innovation and the quantity and quality of innovating output. The most important innovation expenditures are investment in new machinery and
R&D. The existence of major cross-industry differences are however confirmed. Within the group of innovating firms, the small ones do not emerge less innovative than the large ones. However, data clearly show that small firms introducing innovations are a minority and that they account for on!y a small share of total innovation expenditure of the Italian manufacturing industry. The paper also quantifies the share of new products and processes on total sales showing that a substantial part of sales in the manufacturing industry (62%) is made of unchanged products and processes and only 1.2% of total sales is made of entirely new products. It is also shown that only to a limited extent the innovation patterns highlighted in this article reflect the peculiar characteristics of Italian industrial structure. Most of them are common to most of the European countries which have taken part to the Community Innovation Survey (CIS).
There is increasing emphasis being put on the need to be 'internationally competitive'. This imperative is being driven, it is argued, by the globalization of economic and corporate life. This 'globalization' is the subject of a... more
There is increasing emphasis being put on the need to be 'internationally competitive'. This imperative is being driven, it is argued, by the globalization of economic and corporate life. This 'globalization' is the subject of a burgeoning academic literature. To achieve and maintain the necessary competitive edge requires companies to be innovative, technologically dynamic, and organizationally efcient—in a dynamic, not just static sense. There is a literature on systems of innovation analyzing such requirements, how they have been met in practice in different contexts up until now, and what the implications are for policy. However, these two literatures—on systems of innovation and globalization— have developed quite independently. The purpose of the current paper is to discuss the implications of each for the other. Far from transcending national systems of innovation, current globalization processes are shown to have a symbiotic relation to such systems.
This article addresses the impact of the current economic downturn on innovation across Europe. Using micro-and macro-data, we investigate to what extent some structural characteristics of National Systems of Innovation, along with... more
This article addresses the impact of the current economic downturn on innovation across Europe. Using micro-and macro-data, we investigate to what extent some structural characteristics of National Systems of Innovation, along with demand, affect firms' persistency in terms of innovation investment. It emerges that the effects of the economic downturn in terms of firms' innovation investment are not the same across European countries. The competences and quality of the human resources, the specialization in the high-technology sector, together with the development of the financial system seem to be the structural factors which are able to offset the effect of the economic downturn on innovation investments of firms across Europe. Finally, some considerations about policies during recessions are discussed.
The paper develops a taxonomy of the globalisation of innovation based on three categories: (a) the international exploitation of technology produced on a national basis; (b) the global generation of innovations; (c) the global... more
The paper develops a taxonomy of the globalisation of innovation based on three categories: (a) the international exploitation of technology produced on a national basis; (b) the global generation of innovations; (c) the global technological collaborations. The most evident changes implied by the increasing globalisation of innovation and technology are the tougher and increased competition and the greater collaboration between actors, both across and within national boundaries. The advantages, just as the costs, of these tendencies can be substantial, leading to a higher risk of 'winners and losers'. The paper analyses the different impact that each category might have on the economic and innovative performance of countries and regions, with the aim of defining the implications for national policies. It is suggested that public policies play a different role in each of the three processes of the globalisation of innovation and that a single strategy does not exist, neither from a firm's nor from a government's perspective. The paper emphasis that none of the three categories in this taxonomy renders national policy obsolete. On the contrary, public policies are necessary on a far wider range than those currently implemented in the majority of countries.
Several new measures of national technological capabilities have recently been developed. These attempts are a result of an often-implicit theoretical consensus about the nature of technology. The aim of this article is to compare their... more
Several new measures of national technological capabilities have recently been developed. These attempts are a result of an often-implicit theoretical consensus about the nature of technology. The aim of this article is to compare their methodologies and results. The World Economic Forum (WEF), the UN Development Program (UNDP), the UN Industrial Development Organisation (UNIDO), and the RAND Corporation are the institutions that have provided the measures examined here. We compare these authoritative attempts with our own measure of technological capability, ArCo. The results provide a broadly comparable ranking of countries, although a few significant differences do emerge.
Patents are an indicator of invention and innovation but, as with other indicators, they have their pitfalls. This paper looks at their use and their advantages and disadvantages. It shows the heterogeneous nature of patents, how they can... more
Patents are an indicator of invention and innovation but, as with other indicators, they have their pitfalls. This paper looks at their use and their advantages and disadvantages. It shows the heterogeneous nature of patents, how they can be compared with other indicators, and offers some international comparisons.
The victory of Western liberal states ending the Cold War inspired the hope that international relations could be guided by the ideals of democracy and the rule of law. In the early 1990s, a group of thinkers developed the political... more
The victory of Western liberal states ending the Cold War inspired the hope that international relations could be guided by the ideals of democracy and the rule of law. In the early 1990s, a group of thinkers developed the political project of cosmopolitan democracy with the aim of providing intellectual arguments in favour of an expansion of democracy, both within states and at the global level. While some significant successes have been achieved in terms of democratization within states, much less has been attained in democratizing the global system. The aim of this review article is twofold — on the one hand, to reassert the basic concepts of cosmopolitan democracy; on the other, to address the criticisms coming from Realist, Marxist, Communitarian and Multicultural perspectives.

KEY WORDS ♦ democratic deficit ♦ democratic peace ♦ democratization ♦ global governance ♦ global movements ♦ globalization of democracy ♦ rule of law
— This paper devises a new indicator (ArCo) of technological capabilities that aims at accounting for developed and developing countries. Building on similar attempts as those devised by UN Agencies, including the UNDP Human Development... more
— This paper devises a new indicator (ArCo) of technological capabilities that aims at accounting for developed and developing countries. Building on similar attempts as those devised by UN Agencies, including the UNDP Human Development Report's Technology Achievement Index (TAI) and UNIDO's Industrial Performance Scoreboard, this index takes into account a number of other variables associated with technological change. Three main components are considered: the creation of technology, the technological infrastructures and the development of human skills. Eight subcategories have also been included. ArCo also allows for comparisons between countries over time. A preliminary attempt to correlate ArCo to GDP is also presented.
IF WE PAUSE TO ASK OURSELVES, at the dawn ofthe twenty-first century, which political institutions constitute the world's major depositories of power, we would have to reply: states. It is the same answer that any seasoned observer would... more
IF WE PAUSE TO ASK OURSELVES, at the dawn ofthe twenty-first century, which political institutions constitute the world's major depositories of power, we would have to reply: states. It is the same answer that any seasoned observer would have given in I8I5. In the course of the last two centuries, state structures have only increased in the scale and scope of their dominion—a fact strikingly illustrated by a glance at the political map. With the exception of Antarctica, the entire land-surface of the planet is now divided into the bright, bold blocks of colour that denote states' territory. If the United States is green, Canada is red: while inside states' borders, the colours are homogeneous. The cartographical convention testifies to a certain political reality: however mixed the human experience—social, religious, ethnic—within its borders, unitary state power predominates overall. It is states that have armed forces; control police; mint currency; permit or refuse entrance to their lands; states that recognize citizens' rights and impose their duties. Since states began, there has also been a slow, complex interaction between those who held power and those who were subject to it. In part of the world—fortunately, a growing one— the arbitrary use of government force is now subject to the checks and balances of a wider political community. The state has evolved, under the pressure of citizens, to become not only a tool of dominion but also an instrument of service. Never in the history of the human race has there been such a successful structure, one which has, defacto, become of crucial importance to all the inhabitants of the planet. No single religion—not even all the religions put together—has ever held as much power as the world's states possess today. Since their inception, states have had to come to terms with their own internal heterogeneity: their populations are made up of people who speak different languages, have different traditions, profess different NEW LEFT REVIEW 4 JUL AUG 2000 I37
This article provides an overview of recent research using innovation surveys and patent data as indicators of technological activity. The conceptual and methodological problems of 'measuring' technology are discussed, with a... more
This article provides an overview of recent research using innovation surveys and patent data as indicators of technological activity. The conceptual and methodological problems of 'measuring' technology are discussed, with a classification of the types of information which can be drawn from patent databases and from surveys of both innovations and the innovative efforts of firms. The findings and the methodological strengths and weaknesses of such studies are reviewed, considering first the evidence at the firm level, second the analysis of the industrial structure and finally the evidence at the countr3' level and the process of globalization. The overview shows that rich and important evidence on the technological activities of firms is offered by these indicators. A summary of new departures for research based on innovation and patent data concludes the paper.
This chapter deals with what is considered to be the legitimate use of force in two intellectual traditions that are at the origins of the modern international thought: the law of nations (hereinafter LN) and the perpetual peace projects... more
This chapter deals with what is considered to be the legitimate use of force in two intellectual traditions that are at the origins of the modern international thought: the law of nations (hereinafter LN) and the perpetual peace projects (hereinafter PPP). These two traditions emerged in the late 16th century and lasted up to the Congress of Vienna, when their late developments gave rise to modern international law on the one hand and to international organisations and peace movements on the other hand. Both the LN and the PPP influenced and were influenced by the emergence and growth of the modern states in Europe (and, progressively, outside the Old Continent) and tackled the question of how these new institutional entities should regulate their mutual relations. As a consequence, the main issue addressed by these two traditions is the question of war and, therefore, the achievement of peace. In considering the development of the LN and the PPP, we need to bear in mind that both these traditions arise and develop in a transitional historical contexts, and often advocated changes that would take place in the following centuries.
Much has been written on the increasingly international generation, transmission and diffusion of technologies, with the phenomenon having been given its own term - techno-globalism- and interpreted by some as dispacing national systems... more
Much has been written on the increasingly international generation, transmission and diffusion of technologies, with the phenomenon having been given its own term - techno-globalism- and interpreted by some as dispacing national systems of innovation and making redundant and futile any attempt by national governments to foster technological development domestically. This paper reconsiders the evidence by developing a new taxonomy and investigating separately: (a) the global exploitation of technology, (b) global technological collaboration and (c) the global generation of technology. We find quite distinct answers when the degree of globalisation is evaluated separately on these three definitions.
Democracy has spread far and wide over the past century, yet the democratization of global governance remains elusive. Political theorist Daniele Archibugi speaks with Tellus Senior Fellow Allen White about the past, present, and future... more
Democracy has spread far and wide over the past century, yet the democratization of global governance remains elusive. Political theorist Daniele Archibugi speaks with Tellus Senior Fellow Allen White about the past, present, and future of the fight for cosmopolitan democracy and international justice.
In the 1920s José Ortega y Gasset, an educated and conservative Spanishthinker, observed with increasing concern that liberal regimes, in spite of thefact that they extended surage and increased political and social rights, werelosing... more
In the 1920s José Ortega y Gasset, an educated and conservative Spanishthinker, observed with increasing concern that liberal regimes, in spite of thefact that they extended surage and increased political and social rights, werelosing control over their political systems and that the masses were inclinedto support extremist political forces. The populist upsurge we havewitnessed in the last years could be the symptom, to use Ortega’s term, of anew revolt of the masses. The rebellion is directed not so much towards thevery essence of the democratic form of government, but rather towards thoseelites that have failed to share advantages with the people
When, at the end of the cold war and at the beginning of a new wave of democratization, we suggested the idea of a cosmopolitan democracy, we were aware that we were pouring old wine into new bottles.  The attempt to make world politics... more
When, at the end of the cold war and at the beginning of a new wave of democratization, we suggested the idea of a cosmopolitan democracy, we were aware that we were pouring old wine into new bottles.  The attempt to make world politics more transparent, more accountable, more participa-tory, and more respectful of the rule of law had pioneers spanning from Immanuel Kant to Richard Falk. Still, the idea that " democracy " as a concept and a practice could and should be applied beyond nation-states was somehow innovative. If we read the international relations textbooks prior to , we may be surprised to note that many of them do not even contain the word " democracy. " When the word appears, it is generally in reference to the internal political regime of states, and certainly not in relation to the possibility of reordering world politics according to democratic rules. Even international organizations were seen mostly as purely intergovernmental bodies, and the prospect of making them more democratic was not contemplated. The European Union, the first international organization composed exclusively of democratic regimes and with some germs of democratic norms in its modus operandi, was mainly discussed in relation to the limits it imposed on the sovereign decision-making of its member countries rather than in terms of its ability to deal publicly with transnational issues. The state of the art was not very different in the realm of democratic theory. Most of the textbooks dedicated to democracy (including the first edition of a work by one of us ) did not contain any reference to the problem of democracy beyond borders. Many of these textbooks addressed in detail how decision-making within town halls, counties,
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Book Review of  \"Political trials in theory and history\" edited by Jens Meierhenrich and Devin O. Pendas
This reference book provides the reader with an exhaustive array of epistemological, theoretical, and empirical explorations related to the field of cosmopolitanism studies. It considers the cosmopolitan perspective rather as a relevant... more
This reference book provides the reader with an exhaustive array of epistemological, theoretical, and empirical explorations related to the field of cosmopolitanism studies. It considers the cosmopolitan perspective rather as a relevant approach to the understanding of some major issues related to globalization than as a subfield of global studies. In this unique contribution to conceptualizing, establishing, experiencing, and challenging cos-mopolitanism, each chapter seizes the paradoxical dialectic of opening up and closing up, of enlightenment and counter-enlightenment, of hope and despair at work in the global world, while the volume as a whole insists on the moral, intellectual, structural, and historical resources that still make cosmopolitanism a real possibility-and not just wishful thinking-even in these hard times.

Contributors include: John Agnew, Daniele Archibugi, Paul Bagguley, Esperança Bielsa, Estevão Bosco, Stéphane Chauvier, Daniel Chernilo, Vincenzo Cicchelli, Vittorio Cotesta, Stéphane Dufoix, David Held, Robert Holton, Yasmin Hussain, David Inglis, Lauren Langman, Pietro Maffettone, Sylvie Mesure, Magdalena Nowicka, Sylvie Octobre, Delphine Pagès-El Karaoui, Massimo Pendenza, Alain Policar, Frédéric Ramel, Laurence Roulleau-Berger, Hiro Saito, Camille Schmoll, Bryan S. Turner, Clive Walker, and Daniel J. Whelan.
“This landmark collection offers a critical way out of the current global crises of political and epidemiological lockdown.”
– Arjun Appadurai, New York University and The Hertie School, Berlin
“Timely and important, this book stands as a major contribution to cosmopolitanism studies. This is a must read-book.”
– Shujiro Yazawa, Hitotsubashi University and Seijo University, Tokyo
“This remarkable collection challenges us in understanding the world of strangers and sets out the case for a cosmopolitan approach to contemporary global politics.”
– Sari Hanafi, American University of Beirut, President of the International Sociological Association
As a response to the increase in the number of refugees arriving in the European Union territory since 2014, European Commission has implemented the European Agenda on Migration. I argues that the new system, despite being promising for... more
As a response to the increase in the number of refugees arriving in the European Union territory since 2014, European Commission has implemented the European Agenda on Migration. I argues that the new system, despite being promising for resolving the problems from the point of view of Member States, overlooks the perspective of asylum seekers. As an alternative, I proposes a novel policy that could supplement the European Agenda on Migration. The novel policy consists in enlarging the set of rights granted to refugees with several rights classically attached to the concept of citizenship while harmonizing laws and practices at European level.
While the European integration project is facing new challenges, abandonments and criticism, it is often forgotten that there are powerful legal instruments that allow citizens to protect and extend their rights. These instruments and the... more
While the European integration project is facing new challenges, abandonments and criticism, it is often forgotten that there are powerful legal instruments that allow citizens to protect and extend their rights. These instruments and the actions taken to activate them are often overlooked and deliberately ignored in the mainstream debates.

This book presents a selection of cases in which legal institutions, social movements, avant-gardes and minorities have tried, and often succeeded, to enhance the current state of human rights through traditional as well as innovative actions. The chapters of this book investigate some of the cases in which the gap between the conventionally recognized rights and those advocated is becoming wider and where traditionally disadvantaged groups raise new problems or new issues are emerging concerning individual freedom, transparency and accountability, which are not yet properly addressed in the current political and legal landscape. Can political institutions and courts without coercive power of last resort actually foster more progressive rights? This book suggests that the expansion of human rights might be a viable strategy to generate a proper European citizenship.

This text will be of key interest to scholars and students of European Studies, Politics and International Relations, Law and Society, Sociology and Migration Studies and more broadly to NGOs and policy advisers.
The chapter explores the methods to introduce democratic devices in global governance. The first part makes an attempt to define what a democratic deficit is. The second part provides some benchmark to identify when and how international... more
The chapter explores the methods to introduce democratic devices in global governance. The first part makes an attempt to define what a democratic deficit is. The second part provides some benchmark to identify when and how international organizations, the most important and visible part of global governance, corresponds to the values of democracy. The third part presents the internal and the external levers. The internal lever is defined as the ways in which democratization within countries helps to foster more transparent, accountable and participatory forms of global governance. The external lever is defined as the ways in which international organizations contribute to promote democratic transition and consolidation in their members. Neither the internal nor the external levers work effectively if they are left to inter-governmental bargaining only. An active participation of non-governmental actors is needed in order to make them effective. The chapter finally discusses a list of proposals to democratize global governance.
Cosmopolitics, the concept of a world politics based on shared democratic values, is in an increasingly fragile state. Cosmopolitics, the concept of a world politics based on shared democratic values, is in an increasingly fragile state.... more
Cosmopolitics, the concept of a world politics based on shared democratic values, is in an increasingly fragile state.
Cosmopolitics, the concept of a world politics based on shared democratic values, is in an increasingly fragile state. While Western democracies insist ever more vehemently upon a maintenance of their privileges—freedom of speech, security, wealth—an increasing number of the world's inhabitants are under threat of poverty, famine and war.

What is needed, the writers suggest, is a deliberate decision to extend the principles and values of democracy to the sphere of international relations. Recent experience does not bode well, but their arguments, which range from reform of the United Nations, reduction of military weapons, additional power for international judiciary institutions and an increase in aid to developing countries, urge new and inspired action.

With contributions by Robin Blackburn, Timothy Brennan, Craig Calhoun, David Chandler, Richard Falk, Peter Gowan, Geoffrey Hawthorn, David Held, Mathias Koenig-Archibugi, Mario Pianta, Thomas Pogge, Andrew Strauss, and Nadia Urbinati
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Democracy is increasingly seen as the only legitimate form of government, but few people would regard international relations as governed according to democratic principles. Can this lack of global democracy be justified? Which models of... more
Democracy is increasingly seen as the only legitimate form of government, but few people would regard international relations as governed according to democratic principles. Can this lack of global democracy be justified? Which models of global politics should contemporary democrats endorse and which should they reject? What are the most promising pathways to global democratic change? To what extent does the extension of democracy from the national to the international level require a radical rethinking of what democratic institutions should be? This book answers these questions by providing a sustained dialogue between scholars of political theory, international law and empirical social science. By presenting a broad range of views by prominent scholars, it offers an in-depth analysis of one of the key challenges of our century: globalizing democracy and democratizing globalization.