Frank Schimmelfennig

ABSTRACT In a ‘demoi-cracy’, separate statespeoples enter into a political arrangement and jointly exercise political authority. Its proper domain is a polity of democratic states with hierarchical, majoritarian features of policy-making, especially in value-laden redistributive and coercive policy areas, but without a unified political community (demos). In its vertical dimension, demoi-cracy is based on the equality and interaction of citizens' and statespeoples' representatives in the making of common policies. Horizontally, it seeks to balance equal transnational rights of citizens with national policy-making autonomy. The EU belongs to the domain of demoi-cracy and has established many of its features. We argue that both vertical and horizontal Demoi-cratization have been triggered by processes of supranational integration in the European Union (EU). They differ, however, in the origins and the outcomes. Vertical Demoi-cratization has initially been a reaction of parliamentary institutional actors to majoritarian decision-making in regulatory policy-areas, resulting in the empowerment of the European Parliament (EP) and the strengthening of parliamentary oversight at the national level. By contrast, horizontal Demoi-cratization has been promoted by governments as an alternative to majoritarian and legally binding policy-making in core areas of statehood, as well as coercive and redistributive policy-areas; it has resulted in soft, co-ordinative forms of policy-making, seeking to protect national autonomy. The extent to which these developments actually meet the normative standards of Demoi-cracy in practice, however, is mixed.

... and the participants of the workshop" Exter-nal Governance in the European Union" at the ... market would not have led the small economies of Central and Eastern Europe to adopt EU ... The adoption of EU rules by nonmember countries like Norway or Switzerland provides ample ...

ABSTRACT What is the effect of European Union (EU) enlargement on differentiated integration? And is it driven by the relative bargaining power of old and new member states or by the equal or even preferential treatment of weaker candidates? This article analyses differentiation in EU treaty and secondary law across the EU's six enlargement rounds. It shows that exemptive differentiation privileging the new member states has been more frequent than discriminatory differentiation. Whereas there is some evidence that poorer new members suffer more strongly from discrimination, most of the variation in differentiation across new member states is explained by differences between enlargement rounds. In addition, the EU grants poorer candidates more time to fully adopt the EU acquis. The analysis suggests that bargaining between old and new member states over differentiation is constrained by the equal and even preferential treatment of weaker candidates.

... helped to arrest General Zdravko Tolimir (number three on the ICTY list after Karadzic and ... However, the rejection of the Annan peace plan by the Greek community ahead of ... elections of 2007, the Erdogan government considered major concessions on the Cyprus issue too risky ...

... at the workshops without con-tributing a chapter to the final volume: Dorothee Bohle, Martin Brusis, Dorota Dakowska, Adam Fagin, Asuman Goskel, Abby Innes, Petr Jehlicka, Jan-I linrik Meyer-Sahling, Dimitris Papadimitriou, Nieves Perez-Solorzano Borragan, Gwendolyn ...

ABSTRACT Parliaments in the demoi-cratic system of the EU develop in co-evolution. We study why some national parliaments react to the empowerment of the European Parliament (EP) by strengthening their own competences, whereas others do not. First, we argue that national parliamentary parties take systematic positions on the powers of the EP. In particular, support for parliamentarisation at the European level decreases to the extent that parties are culturally conservative, confront Eurosceptic populations and have weak supranational office opportunities. Second, aggregate support for the EP among the party composition of national parliaments tells us whether or not national parliaments perceive the EP as a competitor and strive for stronger parliamentary competences at the national level. We present support for these arguments using quantitative and qualitative analyses of party positions on the European Parliament and of national parliaments’ oversight institutions in EU affairs.

ABSTRACT Liberal intergovernmentalism explains the politics to cope with the euro area crisis by the constellation of national preferences and bargaining power and by institutional choices designed to commit euro area countries credibly to the currency union. National preferences resulted from high negative interdependence in the euro area and the fiscal position of its member states: a common preference for the preservation of the euro was accompanied by divergent preferences regarding the distribution of adjustment costs. These mixed motives constituted a ‘chicken game’ situation characterized by hard intergovernmental bargaining and brinkmanship. Whereas negotiations produced a co-operative solution averting the breakdown of the euro area and strengthening the credibility of member state commitments, asymmetrical interdependence resulted in a burden-sharing and institutional design that reflected German preferences predominantly.

... it began negotiations on a Partnership and Cooperation Agreement (PCA) with the EuropeanCommunity. ... Belarus joined the North Atlantic Cooperation Council in March 1992 and became a NATO ... The EU, for instance, made the Interim Agreement to the PCA – which would ...

ABSTRACT Over the past half century, the European Parliament has undergone a remarkable transformation from an assembly endowed with supervisory powers to a directly-elected legislator, co-deciding most secondary legislation on equal footing with the Council. Furthermore, while human rights were not institutionalized in the founding Treaties, the European Court of Justice began to make references to fundamental rights in its jurisprudence since the late sixties, and the recent past has seen the codification of fundamental rights in the Charter of Fundamental Rights. Under what conditions have the parliamentarization and the institutionalization of human rights at the EU level progressed? We explain the constitutionalization of the EU – parliamentarization and the institutionalization of human rights – as strategic action in a community environment. According to this approach, community actors use the liberal democratic identity, values and norms that constitute the EU’s ethos strategically to put social and moral pressure on those community members that oppose the constitutionalization of the EU. We find that salience has been the most relevant condition for triggering incremental constitutionalization: The more a proposed or implemented decision by the member states to pool or delegate sovereignty is perceived to curb the competencies of national parliaments and to undermine national or other international human rights provisions, the more salient the “legitimacy deficit” of European integration becomes. This state of affairs, in turn, generates normative pressure on EU actors to redress the situation through strengthening the powers of the EP and human rights provisions at the EU level.

Zusammenfassungen  Dank der starken Anreize eines Beitritts zur Europäischen Union überlagerte die „Europäisierung“ Mittel- und Osteuropas — also der flächendeckende Transfer der Regeln der EU in die Beitrittsländer — seit Mitte der 1990er Jahre zunehmend deren eigenständige liberaldemokratische Entwicklung. Die Auswirkungen der Europäisierung auf die Transformation waren jedoch ambivalent. Zwar leistete die EU einen wichtigen Beitrag zur demokratischen Konsolidierung in der

... forward stationing of allied forces (mainly in Germany) in the 1950s were designed to reduce ... and protract the need to revert to the use of nuclear weapons and thus to test the credibility of US extended deterrence. ... them by the global projection of military force. ...

In May 2004, eight former Eastern Bloc countries joined the European Union: the three Baltic republics, Poland, Hungary, the Czech and Slovak republics, and Slovenia. What is involved in "accession"? How have accession dynamics affected and been affected by the domestic politics of candidate countries and their adoption of EU rules? In this carefully designed volume of original essays, the editors have brought together a group of scholars with firsthand research experience in the new member-states of Central and Eastern Europe. Framed by opening and concluding chapters by Frank Schimmelfennig and Ulrich Sedelmeier that outline several aspects of preparation for accession, the empirical case studies discuss a variety of topics, including democracy and human rights, the reform of state administrations and economic, social, and environmental policies. This book demonstrates the importance of the credibility and the costs of accession conditionality for the adoption of EU rule...

Politiktransfer durch politische Konditionalit~it. Der Einfluss der EU auf die Nichtdiskriminierungs-und Minderheitenschutzgesetzgebung in Mittel-und Osteuropa Frank Schimmelfennig / Guido Schwellnus 1. Einleitung ... Page 2. 272 Frank Schimmelfennig / Guido Schwellnus ...

ABSTRACT Liberal intergovernmentalism explains the politics to cope with the euro area crisis by the constellation of national preferences and bargaining power and by institutional choices designed to commit euro area countries credibly to the currency union. National preferences resulted from high negative interdependence in the euro area and the fiscal position of its member states: a common preference for the preservation of the euro was accompanied by divergent preferences regarding the distribution of adjustment costs. These mixed motives constituted a ‘chicken game’ situation characterized by hard intergovernmental bargaining and brinkmanship. Whereas negotiations produced a co-operative solution averting the breakdown of the euro area and strengthening the credibility of member state commitments, asymmetrical interdependence resulted in a burden-sharing and institutional design that reflected German preferences predominantly.

Zusammenfassungen  Dank der starken Anreize eines Beitritts zur Europäischen Union überlagerte die „Europäisierung“ Mittel- und Osteuropas — also der flächendeckende Transfer der Regeln der EU in die Beitrittsländer — seit Mitte der 1990er Jahre zunehmend deren eigenständige liberaldemokratische Entwicklung. Die Auswirkungen der Europäisierung auf die Transformation waren jedoch ambivalent. Zwar leistete die EU einen wichtigen Beitrag zur demokratischen Konsolidierung in der

... Dabei spielt die Beitrittskonditionalität die zentrale Rolle. Unter den in der Literatur diskutierten Europäisierungsmechanismen gehört die Bei-trittskonditionalität eindeutig zu den „rationalistischen“ (Börzel/Risse 2007) oder „compli-ance“-Mechanismen (Knill/Lenschow 2003). ...