Zeynep Alemdar

Teknoloji, endüstri ve ekonomi bu şekilde ve -daha da önemlisi- şimdiye kadar dünya tarihinde rastlanmamış bir hızla değişirken, alışılmış düşünce kalıplarımızı kırmaktan başka bir çaremiz yok. Her ne kadar gündem içinde boğuluyor ve bugünden yarına hangi haberle uyanacağımızı bilemiyorsak da, Türkiye’nin demokratikleşmesi için çalışanların ve hukukun üstünlüğü, insan hakları ve ifade özgürlüğünden yoksun bir ülkede yaşamak istemeyenlerin Türkiye için bir gelecek düşüncesi oluşturması gerekiyor.

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Toplantılar için bakınız: http://wfp14.org/en/our-events/speaker-series/. Eğitimler için bakınız: http://bm1325eylemplani.org/. Sohbetler için bakınız: http://wfp14. org/en/our-events/roundtables/cooperation-withdiplomatic-corps. Alemdar Z. (2018). Women Count Turkey 2018: Turkey’s Implementation of Unscr 1325. Stockholm: Operation 1325. URL: https://www.operation1325. se/sites/default/files/women_count_turkey.pdf.

Although Turkey has come a long way in terms of human rights since the 1980 military coup, a closer historical look inside the Turkish political scene shows us how freedom of speech was always to be sacrificed if its exercise threatened the perceived unity of the country. The article shows how decision makers’ perceptions of the state as a superior institution in need of protection have shaped the practice of governing free speech in Turkey since the early years of the Republic, and introduces a unique chronology, accounting for the interaction of internal and external influences.

The privatization of security services, which implies the dispersal of the legitimate right to use force, has been traditionally understood as operating at the expense of state sovereignty. The increasing privatization of security services around the world and the substantial growth of the private security sector in Turkey create the need to reassess the nature of this privatization. Drawing upon the work of Michel Foucault and other scholars of governmentality, as well as our own field research, we try to make such an assessment, without falling back on the traditional state-market (state-society) duality. Research shows that the Turkish private security sector, reported as being tied to both the exigencies of the state and the rules of the market, has an amorphic nature marked by intricate relationships, formal and informal, with public law enforcement agencies. We argue that the sector's privatization, although defended by some as a way to grant accountability and transparenc...

Yerel aktorlerin uluslararasi aktorlerle yandaslik baglari kurarak devletlerin baskici politikalarini degistirme yollarini aciklayan bumerang ve sarmal modeller, bu ulusotesi iliskilerin devlet uzerinde ozellikle insan haklari normlarinin icsellestirilmesi konusunda etkili oldugunu iddia eder. Turkiye’de ozellikle AB surecinde olusturulan insan haklari kurumlarinin yapi ve isleyisinin etkisizligi ve insan haklari alaninda alinan bazi diger onlemlerin geri dondurulmesi ornekleri ise, bumerang modelinin teorisyenlerin ongoremedigi sekilde tersine isleyebildigini, sarmal modelin basamakli yapisinin ise ongoruldugu sekilde ilerlemedigini gosteriyor. Bu calisma, Turkiye ornegi uzerinden, modellerin bir eksiginin de yerel sivil toplum kuruluslarinin yandas aldigi kurumlari ve devletin o kurumla iliskilerinin ozel durumlarini her yonuyle incelememeleri olduguna ve modellerin yandas alinan kurumun ic dinamiklerine de dikkat etmeleri gerektigine dikkat cekiyor.

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This paper analyses the complex and intertwined relationship between Germany and Turkey. The profound and multi-dimensional relationship between the countries is surveyed with a specific eye on the political ebbs and flows of the last thirty years. The paper specifically focuses on the domestic political agendas of the two countries, and puts their bilateral relationship as well as their respective relationships with the EU to the fore. Different political parties in Germany, how they view Turkish- German and Turkey- EU relations, how they position themselves vis-à-vis German Turks, and German governments’ policies are described in an historical manner in order to shed light into the intricacies of the relationship. The economic and the security issues are deliberately left out for the two adjacent papers part of this project. Based on a thorough understanding of the domestic and international dynamics that have shaped this relationship, the paper builds 3 scenarios for the future of the political relations between these two Allies, explaining the likely benefits and the costs of these specific scenarios as well.

NATO brings about change in the traditional militaries through the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda, transforming the understanding of security. The UNSCR 1325 frames how women's inclusion in conflict resolution increases women's, therefore everyone's well-being. This article lays out that despite the discussions around the Istanbul Convention, EU's dethronement as a moral norm-exporter, and the sour discourse against Syrians in Turkey, it is still possible to write a National Action Plan (NAP) for UNSCR 1325 with the support of the resilient and independent women's civil society. While there is no one-size-fits-all recipe for a NAP, women's civil societies' involvement in international security issues with organizations such as NATO could open new discussions within the civil sphere and contribute to the international discussion around the WPS to push for positive change for women in Turkey.

Abstract: Thank you for your interest in this graduate work published by ProQuest's UMI Dissertation Publishing group. This graduate work is no longer available through this web page. If you are interested in this or other dissertations and theses published by ProQuest, please try ...