Patrick Naef

This paper investigates the enduring impacts of Swiss energy efficiency programs on household electricity use and on the continuation of energy-conserving practices. Employing a mixed-methods research design, we analyzed electricity consumption data from 2009 to 2019 and incorporated insights from 2840 survey responses collected in 2018. Findings reveal sustained reductions in electricity use and continued adoption of energyefficient appliances among program participants, underscoring the role of non-financial incentives-particularly environmental awareness-in promoting long-lasting energy conservation behaviors. Socio-cultural factors emerged as more indicative of household energy use than social status. Scaling the results to the national level, we estimate a potential annual energy saving of 2400 GWh, equivalent to 13 % of Swiss household electricity consumption in 2009. The paper advocates energy policies that prioritize engagement and periodic reinforcement to enhance long-term program efficacy.

In this article, I examine 'underground memories' to demonstrate how they serve as resources for resistance in the margins of Colombia. I focus on their relations with the urban fabric, looking at the ways the walls of Bogota and Medellin are used as canvases for spreading images and narratives about the conflict. I suggest that murals representing the violence serve as a repository for memories; they challenge hegemonic narratives and contribute to the recovery of public space. This analysis draws on three case studies. In the first one, I examine the impact of a mural in Bogota that denounced extrajudicial killings involving the Colombian army. The second case focuses on a community initiative aimed at collecting testimonies from residents in a marginalized district of Medellin. Finally, the last case study analyses the touristification of some of the many murals depicting the violence in Medellin. I argue that, to different degrees, all the memorial projects presented in this study challenge state narratives. Through representations of murdered teenagers, suspect military officers and even drug cartel bosses, they raise questions of social justice, impunity, illegality and the dramatic banalization of violence in the country. They broaden the narrative on the recent past, through histories and images that the Colombian state is still reluctant to unearth.

This article provides a picture of the political economy of tourism and violence in Medellín. It analyses the way criminal actors and tourism entrepreneurs share a territory, by shedding light on the extortion of tour guides, street performers and business owners in some of its barrios populares (poor neighbourhoods). The main objective is to demonstrate how intimate relationshipsbetween and among kin, friends, long-term acquaintancesimpact what is considered the criminal governance of tourism. This contribution shows that extortion in Medellín meets only limited resistance from tourism entrepreneurs. It also emphasises how criminals, tourism actors and tourists themselves contribute to the creation of fragile secured spaces in the developing touristscapes of Colombia's second city.

Este articulo ofrece un breve vistazo a algunas de mis investigaciones actuales, en las que examino el modo en que las relaciones íntimas influyen la gobernanza criminal. Me interesa saber cómo median los lazos interpersonales, como el parentesco, la amistad y los conocidos de larga data, en la forma en que los actores ilegales imponen sus normas. Exploro, por ejemplo, la extorsión de personas que trabajan en el sector turístico, como guías turísticos, artistas callejeros y propietarios de negocios. A través de un enfoque basado en los barrios, intento comprender algunas de las micro-dinámicas que conforman lo que a menudo se denominaba las reglas del juego, en algunas de las zonas marginales de Medellín que empiezan a experimentar la llegada de turistas.

While Colombia experienced a significant boom in tourism in the past decade, the sector has often sprung up in weak legal settings. Medellín is a revealing case. In the country’s second city, tourism is a fast growing business, but public authorities are struggling to regulate it. Medellín is also frequently hailed for its resilience and innovation in international media and in global development programs. Yet, the influence of criminal actors on how it is governed is critical, especially in marginalized neighborhoods.  This post offers a brief glance at some of my current research, in which I examine the way intimate relations shape criminal governance. I am interested in how interpersonal ties, like kin, friendship and long-term acquaintances, influence how criminal actors enforce their rules. I explore for instance the extortion of people working in the tourism sector, such as tour guides, street artists and business owners. Through a neighborhood-based approach, I seek to understand some of the micro-dynamics that shape what was often referred to as the rules of the game, in some of Medellin’s marginal areas that began experiencing the arrival of tourists.

Although the use of resilience in international relations and urban planning has given rise to a growing body of critical research, this contested concept continues to feature prominently in the conversation on the development of cities. Taking the 100 Resilient Cities (100RC) network pioneered by the Rockefeller Foundation as a case study, this article exposes some of the challenges inherent in the implementation of a global model of resilience. Exploring initiatives related to violence prevention in the member cities of Medellin, Cali (Colombia), Chicago (United States), and Belfast (Northern Ireland), this study will look at the practices of resilience officers, a position created by the 100RC network, and determine whether it can be considered as a new profession in the field of resilience planning. It will also use urban resilience to question the category of global cities, by suggesting that networks centered on resilience can serve as globalizing agents for “ordinary cities” (Robinson 2006). Finally, this article maintains that although the flexible and elusive definition promoted by 100RC facilitated a global circulation of the concept, its one-size-fits-all approach implied significant challenges and led in some cases to its depoliticization.

Cet article explore l'impact de la pandémie de Covid-19 sur les « mondes de l'art » (Becker 1988) à Genève, la seconde ville de Suisse. L'objectif principal est de déterminer si la pandémie a radicalement reconfiguré les mondes de l'art, ou si cette crise sanitaire n'a fait que renforcer des tendances existantes, à savoir la logique marchande qui sous-tend les milieux artistiques et la nécessité toujours plus importante pour les artistes de développer des capacités entrepreneuriales. En prêtant attention aux discours des artistes et des responsables d'institutions culturelles, cette étude se focalise sur deux périodes : une première faisant suite à la première vague de Covid-19 en été 2020, puis une seconde se déroulant après la deuxième vague au printemps 2021.

Medellin and New Orleans were regularly presented as resilience flagships of the Rockefeller's 100 Resilient Cities (100RC) program. In this article, I will demonstrate how 100RC was embedded or abandoned in both cities' policies. The two case studies provide an opportunity to understand how the 100RC approach to resilience offeredor failed to offeran appropriate space for the multiple deployments of resilience. 100RC initially promoted an integrative definition of resilience, aiming to address natural as well as social stresses and shocks. I argue that this holistic approach paradoxically contributed to limiting the multiplicity of resilience in both cities. In Medellin, the project came to a halt after political changes. New Orleans eventually developed a more reductionist and technical approach than that initially formulated, focusing on the effectiveness of infrastructures rather than social changes. Considering the importance of contextualizing resilience to local concerns, this analysis will thus demonstrate some of the challenges implied in the institutionalization of a global model of resilience. Moreover, it will also highlight the importance of contextualizing neoliberalism and question the widespread vision of resilient cities as being merely neoliberal.

L'année 2020, présentée en couverture de Time Magazine comme la pire de l'histoire, a vu la «résilience» fleurir dans les discours politiques. Déjà en mars 2020, quand Emmanuel Macron s'empare de cette notion dans le cadre de la lutte contre la pandémie, il voit les médias français s'interroger sur l'usage de ce terme et la stratégie qu'il décrit. Un an plus tard, lors du dernier Forum économique mondial, le président français plaide pour une économie plus résiliente. Selon lui, le capitalisme du «monde d'après» doit être pensé avec l'humain et le climat. Issue de la physique, puis introduite en psychologie et en écologie, la notion ambiguë de «résilience» a ensuite intégré les sciences sociales. Depuis un certain temps déjà, géographes, politologues et anthropologues ont développé un corpus critique, insistant sur l'importance de préciser le sujet ou l'objet associé à cette notion. En se situant au-delà d'une approche uniquement technicienne des crises, de nombreuses voix ont ainsi démontré que la résilience n'est pas toujours désirable. Si, avant la pandémie, le terme était déjà incontournable dans les organisations internationales, il est aussi fréquemment proposé dans le discours politique comme remède à tous les maux, qu'ils soient naturels ou sociaux.

Más de quince años después de que los alcaldes Luis Pérez Gutiérrez y Sergio Fajardo iniciaran el proyecto de urbanismo social en Medellín, los efectos de estas políticas urbanas son, como mínimo, mixtos. Aunque hoy en día la planificación urbana social sigue despertando cierto entusiasmo en los barrios que están al centro de estos programas, cada vez aumentan las voces que expresan desilusión por ciertos impactos de algunos proyectos emblemáticos. Cada vez más críticos cuestionan los objetivos reales de estas obras urbanas más allá del marketing urbano, presentando a Medellín como una ciudad maquillada, disfrazada o simplemente relegada.

In Medellin, during this last decade, the municipality and the private sector have been very active in the reconstruction of the city's war-torn image. With the acknowledged objective of attracting foreign investments and tourists, the second city of Colombia has been consecutively branded as "innovative", "smart", "sustainable" and lately as a "resilient city". Since 2016 and the integration of the city as one of the first members of the "100 Resilient Cities" network pioneered by the Rockefeller Foundation, Medellin's authorities have emphasised "urban resilience" as a core value of the city and its residents. Until now, few studies have put into perspective the notion of "branding" with that of "resilience". By looking closely at discourses on the promotion of the city, as well as its burgeoning tourism sector, this article aims to fill this gap by providing a thorough analysis of the way urban resilience is used as a city-brand in a city still struggling to overcome high levels of violence. This study aims to show that antagonists' visions of resilience are at stake when comparing the branding discourses of public authorities and the representations of self-settled communities who are at the centre of these narratives. While branding discourses praise the resilience of Medellin communities, many in these same communities tend to reject this vision of resilience as self-reliance (adaptation) and instead call for structural changes (transformation).

Las estructuras criminales de Medellín y Latinoamérica se han adaptado a los cambios sociales y económicos vinculados a la pandemia del Coronavirus y su contención. Las autoridades de Estados como Colombia, Brasil y México, observan inermes cómo las organizaciones criminales emplean la entrega de mercados y ayudas como estrategias de fortalecimiento de su capital social.

Moins de criminalité dans les rues latino-américaines en période de confinement? Pour Patrick Naef, spécialiste des violences urbaines en Colombie, «les organisations criminelles se sont adaptées aux reconfigurations socioéconomiques liées à la pandémie». Avec des stratégies oscillant entre «prospectives économiques et renforcement du capital social».

Déclarer qu’une Colombie touristique garantit une reconstruction post-conflit n’est pas un acte performatif. Il faut alors se demander si appréhender le tourisme comme un outil au service de la paix relève plus d’un mythe ou d’une réalité. Après une bref regard sur la reprise du tourisme colombien depuis le début des années 2000, cet article propose d’observer certains défis qui caractérisent le secteur depuis la signature des accords de paix entre le gouvernement et les Farc-Ep, tels que la reconstruction de l’image du pays, la prostitution et le narcotourisme, la problématique de l’accès aux terres et aux ressources, la promotion de l’éco-tourisme et du tourisme « communautaire », ainsi que le rôle de cette industrie dans la réintégration des combattants démobilisés.

Declarar que una Colombia turística garantiza la reconstrucción post-conflicto no es un acto performativo. Hay que preguntarse entonces si considerar el turismo como herramienta para la paz no es más un mito que una realidad. Después de una ojeada a la recuperación del turismo colombiano desde principios de la década de 2000, este artículo se propone analizar algunos de los retos que caracterizan el sector desde la firma de los acuerdos de paz entre el gobierno y la Farc-Ep, como la reconstrucción de la imagen del país, la prostitución y el narco-turismo, la cuestión del acceso a la tierra y los recursos, la promoción del ecoturismo y el turismo "comunitario", así como el papel de esta actividad en la reintegración de los combatientes desmovilizados.

Declaring that a tourist Colombia guarantees a post-conflict reconstruction is not a performative act. We must therefore ask ourselves whether perceiving tourism as a tool in the service of peace is more of a myth or a reality. After a brief look at the recovery of Colombian tourism since the beginning of the 2000s, this article aims to observe some of the challenges that have characterised the sector since the signing of peace agreements between the government and the FARC-Ep, such as the rebuilding the country’s image, prostitution and narco-tourism, the issue of access to land and resources, the promotion of eco-tourism and "community" tourism, and the role of this industry in the reintegration of demobilised combatants.

This contribution proposes to address a central question in social
science approaches to household energy studies: “how do
conventions around energy services evolve, how do they alter
over time, and how can they be changed once they are cemented?”
(Sovacool 2014: 19). Drawing from a social practice theoretical
framework, we posit that energy usage at the household
level is tied up with forms of routinized and habitual activities in
and across consumption domains, embedded in socio-cultural,
and technical and material arrangements. We begin by proposing
a definition of energy sufficiency which accounts not only
for absolute reductions in resource usage, but also changes in
everyday and habitual practices – which implies challenging
collective conventions around energy usage in the home, as
well as setting upper limits to consumption. Drawing from the
ongoing ENERGISE research project (H2020), with its focus on
laundry and heating, we then provide an overview of the literature
on collective conventions related to these two consumption
domains, noting the lack of a systematic review and easily
accessible data. We follow with a review of over 1,000 initiatives
aimed at reducing energy usage in the home or promoting
renewables, relating these initiatives based on a typology that
reflects our conceptual framework around the notion of ‘sufficiency’.
We discuss how and why energy consumption continues
to be framed in terms of individual action and technological
change, often blind-sighted to social norms and collective conventions
– necessary towards achieving the normative goal of
sufficiency. In a fourth section, we outline the ENERGISE Living
Lab approach, designed towards setting upper limits to consumption
and engaging households in a participative process
towards creating ruptures in everyday routines – with an explicit
focus on collective conventions. On this basis, we conclude with
a discussion around the need for further developments around
conspicuous and symbolic consumption, towards amplifying
social change. We consider the opportunities that this represents,
and how such an approach to uncovering, contesting and
amplifying challenges to collective conventions can be relevant
to practitioners and policy-makers alike.

Through our scholarly representations, as well as our teaching, anthropologists illustrate how our common human heritage includes a rich variety of social and cultural practices as well as other culturally relative  markers of our diverse humankind. Through our research, some anthropologists endeavor to combat ethnocentrism, or to illuminate and better understand the effects of racism and other systems and structures of inequality, and through engaged anthropology, others seek to transform such systems and structures. Besides describing human diversity past and present, anthropologists increasingly illustrate the historical processes by which particular notions of “the familiar” and “the strange” are constructed, reproduced, and maintained in society. One of anthropology’s primordial goals is thus to challenge ideas that certain populations and their customs are “strange” by demonstrating in part how one’s own culture is historical and contingent, only one among many possible variations, and as such can appear “strange” to others. We join other scholars whose work is informed by social constructivism and an emphasis on ontological dimensions of making meaning about the world (Anderson 1991; Pina-Cabral 2017). We are also attentive to the ways in which power is illustrated in hegemonic discourses about the familiar and the strange, especially in heritage and tourism encounters. Of course, anthropologists are not alone in disseminating and deconstructing representations associated with “strangeness” and “familiarity.” While they may make the familiar appear strange or the strange familiar as a strategy to unsettle common assumptions about the way we imagine the world to be, other social actors also transpose familiarity and strangeness for a range of goals and interests, generating different and more-or-less intended effects.

Medellin was particularly affected by the war that began more than fifty years ago, and the ghost of its infamous cartel still haunts Colombia's second largest city. However, it is now often singled out as a transformed city, and tourism is rapidly developing. In this context, local guides are now leading tourists in the footsteps of the notorious drug lord, Pablo Escobar. These tours usually include sites in Medellin related to Escobar, such as his grave or some of his former residences, one of which has been transformed into an informal museum by his brother, Roberto Escobar, who was also the bookkeeper for the Medellin cartel. Although the memory of Pablo Escobar is certainly part of Colombian history, these tours are nevertheless controversial, especially for local authorities who are trying to promote the image of a city recovering from its dark age of violence. This article explores the touristification of Medellin's narco-related past, taking a close look at the diverse stakeholders involved and the different narratives they produce. Focusing on so-called narco-tours or Pablo tours, it will look at the way they contribute to shaping the notion of " the familiar " and " the strange, " which constitute the central theme of this special issue. Despite promising prospects for peace, Colombia is still one of the world's main actors in the production of cocaine and remains a key symbol of narco-business. Thanks to the infamous drug lord Pablo Escobar—founder of the Medellin cartel—the second-largest city in the country is closely associated with what is often referred to in the United States as the War on Drugs. Pablo Escobar has also inspired many television and cinema productions in the past decade, as well as the growing tourism sector of Medellin, where his infamous memory is now center stage. In the past few years, despite ongoing armed conflict between the government, crime syndicates, paramilitary groups, and leftist rebels, several initiatives relating to the war, such as memorials, museums, or artistic projects, appeared in different parts of the country. Tourism entrepreneurs are also part of the process, offering historical tours for the emerging tourism market related to the violence that plagued and still affects Colombia. Here again, Medellin is center stage, since many tour guides describe how the city moved from " the most violent to most innovative in the world " (Naef 2016a). In this context, many of them are also taking tourists to follow the footsteps of the drug lord Pablo Escobar.

L'objectif de cet article est de revenir sur la problématique des « disparitions forcées » en Colombie, en se penchant sur le cas d'une décharge de déchets industriels, située en périphérie de la ville de Medellín et transformée en une fosse commune au cours des deux dernières décennies. En documentant certains évènements associés à ce cimetière informel nommé « l'escombrera », il s'agit d'observer comment des pratiques mémorielles-performances artistiques et commémorations-amènent aux victimes et leurs proches des moyens pour reconstruire leurs liens avec un territoire dont ils ont été entièrement ou partiellement exclus, que ce soit par son réinvestissement physique – en organisant des performances aux environs du site – ou symboliquement – par la reconnaissance des évènements qui ont traumatisé cette zone de la ville. L'escombrera est au centre des revendications de plusieurs associations de victimes, qui dénoncent depuis quinze ans le fait que près de 300 disparus y seraient enterrés, faisant de ce lieu l'une des fosses communes les plus importantes de Colombie.

Abstract: The main objective of this article is to look at the issue of " forced disappearances " in Colombia, by focusing on an industrial waste dump located in the outskirts of Medellin and transformed over the last two decades into a mass grave. By documenting some events associated with this informal graveyard, called the " escombrera " , I intend to observe how memorial practices – artistic performances and commemorations – provide a way for victims and their relatives to reconstruct their ties with a territory from which they have been partially or entirely excluded, either by reclaiming it physically– through the organization of performances in the surroundings of the site – or symbolically – by an acknowledgment of the events that have traumatized this area of the city. The " escombrera " is at the centre of claims by several victims' groups, who for the last 15 years have been denouncing the fact that almost 300 disappeared persons are buried there, making this site one of the largest mass graves in Colombia.

This contribution aims to explore how 'atmosphere' can be disseminated in urban settings in Switzerland, through the development of what is referred to as 'encounter zones`('zones de rencontre' in French and 'Begegnungszonen' in German). This urban planning tool dedicated to regulating traffic and allowing different users (pedestrians, cars, bicycles, etc.) to cohabit in a non-segregated space has been introduced all over the country since its official integration into the national legislation in 2002. The main objective is to determine how these areas can become appropriate settings for the development of a desirable atmosphere, conceived here as a quality of place where social encounters and space sharing can happen. In other words, the purpose is to determine if these areas can become more than just a traffic regulation tool, and contribute to social cohesion and the development of lively neighbourhoods. This paper is based on anthropological empirical findings collected in a larger study on encounter zones in Western Switzerland.

La ville de Medellín, en Colombie, est célèbre dans le monde entier pour avoir été la plaque tournante internationale du trafic de cocaïne. Pablo Escobar, qui fut à la tête du cartel de Medellín, est le personnage emblématique de ce trafic. La société colombienne entretient un rapport quasi schizophrène avec ce passé, entre volonté de tourner une page obscure de son histoire et devoir de mémoire pour les nombreuses victimes de la violence passée. Faute d'une action publique visant à évoquer cette histoire douloureuse, c'est Roberto Escobar, frère de Pablo et ancien criminel, qui accueille les touristes dans l'une des anciennes résidences du baron de la drogue…

The objective is to explore the touristification of some peripheral neighbourhoods of Medellin. The focus is on urban areas built by war-displaced populations commonly referred to as ‘comunas’ and often associated with crime and narco-traffic. Some tours generally labelled as ‘comuna tours’ have been emerging during the last three years and are largely included in the promotion of the ‘new Medellin’, focusing on its transformation from ‘the most violent to the most innovative city in the world’. Examining the role of the different stakeholders, including local community leaders, private entrepreneurs or state representatives, it will show that this practice is above all multiform and has to be analysed along with the general process of city branding ongoing in Medellin. Between the acknowledgement of past violent events and the will to look forward, competing narratives are at stake in this touristic and memorial arena.

The present contribution aims to propose a definition of what is often referred to as a ‘martyred city’, a notion widely used in the media and the public sphere, but still largely understudied in academia. By looking at two cities in the former Yugoslavia – Sarajevo and Vukovar – this article presents the way in which a place can be associated with the notion of martyrdom through memorial sites and practices, such as war museums and tourism. The ‘martyred city’ is a way to memorialize past traumatic events, but also a means to achieve diverse agendas and objectives. It is finally stated that the distinction between ‘victims’ and ‘martyrs’ is often blurred, and a shift from the former to the latter can be observed.

L’époque des cartels de la drogue et de Pablo Escobar appartient au passé. Les autorités de la deuxième métropole de Colombie ont développé un ambitieux programme de rénovation urbaine qui est devenu un exemple à l’étranger. Même les touristes sont séduits. Mais derrière cette belle façade, les problèmes sociaux demeurent

L’espace post-yougoslave est caractérisé par des courants nationa- listes importants et antagonistes, entraînant d’intenses conflits de mémoire. Cependant, les notions récentes de « yougonostalgie » et « yougosphère » semblent renvoyer à une représentation plus englobante de la mémoire, étant associée à l’identité yougoslave en opposition aux identités nationales renfor- cées par les guerres des années 1990. La question qui sous-tend cette analyse est d’établir dans quelle mesure des éléments relevant de la période yougos- lave, conceptualisés en termes de « patrimoine socialiste », sont promus afin de proposer, au-delà des différences nationales, un patrimoine partagé.

In his founding work, Benedict Anderson (1983) defines the nation as an “imagined community” and presents nationalism as a vehicle for its creation. He identifies several institutions and instruments that contribute to the development of nationalism such as maps, censuses, and museums.

In the light of this concept, in which museums can be seen as vehicles of nationalism, an increasing number of scholars have demonstrated how tourism can also constitute an important base for the fabric of a nation and serve as a support for nationalist productions. Numerous sites visited by tourists, including museums, national parks, and memorials, but also events indirectly involving tourism, such as commemorative ceremonies and historical anniversaries, are increasingly viewed through the lens of nationalism.

The objective of this contribution is to explore heritage management through the lens of concepts like terrorscape and leisurescape. Using a case study from Lithuania, “Stalin World”, it will examine the way specific landscapes can overlap with the touristification of Soviet traumatic heritage. This historical theme park located in the south of the country may be conceived as a touristscape constructed of traumatic memory: a reconstituted terrorscape based on the history of the gulag. The main argument here is that, through the mobilization of irony and derision in a context close to leisure, this traumatic heritage can be confronted in a country still trying to forget the dark years of Soviet rule. However, the trivialization of such a traumatic heritage has been contested and this memorial initiative was a source of vivid debates on the safeguarding or obliteration of Soviet memory, as well as ethical questions as to its management.

Cette contribution vise à explorer la mise en tourisme de certains lieux de mémoire dans l’espace post-yougoslave, plus précisément à Vukovar, une localité située en Slavonie à l’est de la Croatie, qui acquiert après la guerre un statut de ville martyre.

This paper aims at exploring the developing tourism in certain places of collective remembrance in the post-Yugoslav region, specifically that of Vukovar, a locality situated in Slavonia in the east of Croatia, which acquired the status of a martyred city after the war.

L’obiettivo di questo contributo è mettere in luce le modalità con cui lo sviluppo turistico si sia affermato in certi luoghi dello spazio post-jugoslavo, come è avvenuto a Vukovar, un centro ubicato della Slavonia nella Croazia orientale, e riconosciuta città martire dopo la guerra.

Le texte suivant s’attache à mettre en lumière les liens existant entre la notion de « tourisme de mémoire » et les processus de réconciliation qui s’instaurent après un conflit armé. Un secteur touristique apparaît de plus en plus rapidement après une guerre, aussi violente soit-elle et le patrimoine produit par le conflit devient ainsi une ressource touristique exploitée par des acteurs, privés ou publics, impliqués dans ce domaine. Pour saisir dans sa profondeur l’influence des mécanismes mis en jeu par le développement d’un tourisme post-conflit sur une dynamique de réconciliation, il importe de replacer le secteur touristique dans le cadre socio-politique général dans lequel il évolue. A travers ces lignes, un regard spécifique sera posé sur le contexte de production patrimoniale et touristique ainsi que son influence sur le processus de réconciliation, au Vietnam dans un premier temps et en Bosnie dans un second temps.

La région des Balkans a connu des conflits armés violents dans les années quatre-vingt-dix et près de vingt ans après, les traces de la guerre sont encore visibles. Si les immeubles en ruines, les mines antipersonnelles, les impacts de balles et de mortiers disparaissent progressivement suivant un processus de reconstruction, certaines traces sont encore présentes, conservées volontairement ou laissées à l’abandon. De plus, certaines pratiques - muséales, artistiques, ou commerciales - participent à la mise en mémoire de ces guerres, par la production de graffitis, la vente de souvenirs ou encore la réalisation de divers projets artistiques. Cette contribution vise à exposer certaines représentations iconographiques de ces conflits, par l’exploration d’objets contemporains à ces guerres ou par la présentation d’éléments produits a posteriori. Les «roses de Sarajevo» (photo 1) - des impacts de mortiers remplis de peinture rouge et repérables dans différents endroits de la capitale bosnienne – peuvent déjà illustrer une forme de patrimonialisation et de mise en mémoire de la guerre.

Cet article propose de questionner l’influence d’un conflit récent sur la production d’un imaginaire touristique lié à un lieu, plus précisément à Sarajevo, la capitale de Bosnie-Herzégovine. Cette ville, ainsi que l’ensemble de la région des Balkans, a souvent été assimilée à un baril de poudre, notamment à travers la couverture médiatique du conflit qui a embrasé les Balkans dans les années 90. De plus, certaines productions cinématographiques tendent à créer une image romantique et orientaliste de cette région, l’assimilant en grande partie au feu et au sang. Je démontrerai que cette vision, certes simpliste et réductrice, tend à créer chez certains touristes un imaginaire, voire une fascination teintée d’aventure. Dans ce contexte, les lieux traumatisés par la guerre ou encore les sites symboles de la résistance sont exploités par des acteurs locaux et s’inscrivent peu à peu dans le paysage touristique de la ville et de la région.

The aim of this article is to examine the influence of a recent conflict on the production of tourist imaginaries linked to a place, more precisely to Sarajevo, the capital of Bosnia-Herzegovina. Both the city itself, as well as the whole Balkan region, have often been compared to a powder keg, notably in the media coverage of the conflict which set fire to the Balkans during the 1990s. In addition, certain films tend to create a romantic and orientalist image of this region, largely equating it with one of fire and blood. I will show that this vision, which is albeit simplistic and limited, tends to create, for some tourists, an imaginary, and even a certain fascination tinged with adventure. In this context, the places which have undergone the trauma of war or the sites which symbolize resistance are being exploited by local actors and included in the tourist landscape of the city and region little by little.

In diesem Artikel werden wir den Einfluss eines Konflikts auf die Produktion eines touristischen Imaginären untersuchen, das an einen spezifischen Ort, nämlich Sarajevo, die Hauptstadt Bosnien-Herzegowinas gebunden ist. Diese Stadt, ebenso wie der gesamte Balkan, wurde häufig mit einem Pulverfass verglichen, insbesondere in der medialen Berichterstattung über den Konflikt, der den Balkan in den 90er Jahren erfasste. Zudem erzeugen gewisse kinematographische Werke ein romantisiertes und orientalistisches Bild dieser Region, indem sie diese größtenteils mit Feuer und Blut assoziieren. Wir werden aufzeigen, dass diese sicher grob vereinfachende und reduktionistische Wahrnehmung bei gewissen Touristen ein Imaginäres, ja eine Faszination und Abenteuerlust zu erzeugen imstande ist. In diesem Sinne machen sich lokale Akteure die durch den Krieg gezeichneten Orte oder auch symbolische Orte des Widerstands zu Nutzen und diese Orte schreiben sich wiederum nach und nach in die touristische Landschaft der Stadt und der Region ein.

The setting for this research is the region of Kotor and the Bay of Risan in Montenegro which are listed as protected cultural and natural heritage sites by UNESCO. The central themes of this paper are heritage preservation and the promotion of tourism. It will demonstrate how heritage can be used by certain actors in the area studied, particularly those in the tourism industry, to create an identity specific to the region of Kotor. It is assumed that there is a real determination to set the area apart from the rest of the country by highlighting particular cultural elements. The tourism sector's commitment to promote a type of tourism which it considers better adapted to the site will be put into light, bearing in mind the conservation element but also taking into account the commercial aspect. The arguments and the methods used to promote the region will be presented, showing how elements specific to the site are emphasized. An analysis of the presentation and the explanations that support the construction of this identity and the strategies aimed at developing a type of tourism specific to the Kotor site will also be undertaken. Lastly, this paper will highlight some of the consequences that tourism, and particularly certain promotional efforts, can have on the site.

Cet article présente une recherche en cours sur la reconversion de sites traumatisés par un conflit récent, à savoir la guerre qui a embrasé la région des Balkans dans les années 90, et plus particulièrement sur la mise en tourisme de ce qui est devenu après la guerre un patrimoine sensible. Je limiterai mon propos à certains objets considérés comme des « attractions » principales de tours spécifiquement orientés sur la visite des stigmates de ce qui est communément appelée la guerre des Balkans . Ceux-ci, souvent désignés comme des « war tours », sont proposés à Vukovar, une ville secondaire de Slavonie en Croatie orientale, ainsi qu’à Sarajevo, la capitale de la Bosnie-Herzégovine. Les sites analysés à travers cette recherche sont des éléments marquants et constituants de lieux définis par Maria Tumarkin (2005) selon le concept de traumascape. Suivant cette idée, mon étude s’attache à observer la manière dont ces traumascapes prennent aussi la forme de touristscape.  Je commencerai par présenter les critères qui ont guidé le choix de mes études de cas en exposant le contexte de mon terrain. Je m’intéresserai ensuite de plus près à différents « war tours » et aux sites qui sont mis en avant à travers cette pratique touristique. Je conclurai par un approfondissement théorique des enjeux issus de cette problématique en proposant un bref tour d’horizon de la littérature liée à ce champ de recherche émergeant

In the following text I intend to demonstrate how local and global factors interact by presenting the case of Kotor (Montenegro), where tourism has been made a key element in the economic development of the town and the surrounding area. I shall examine the process of labelling the site through its UNESCO designation and the consequences in terms of tourism-related strategies and urban dynamics. Furthermore, this site has the particularity of being situated in a region that is now an independent State, which has suffered a ten-year embargo and thus an almost total isolation from the global scene. As I shall demonstrate in my conclusion, Kotor’s rapid (re)integration has had
numerous impacts on the site organisation, namely a process of gentrification and museification of the city’s historic centre.
Keywords : Montenegro, UNESCO, tourism, gentrification,

Le cadre de mon étude se situe dans la région de Kotor et de la baie de Risan
(Monténégro), inscrite comme patrimoine culturel et naturel sur la liste des sites
protégés par l’UNESCO. La conservation du patrimoine et la promotion touristique
constituent les thèmes centraux de mon mémoire. Je tenterai de démontrer dans ce
travail comment le patrimoine peut être utilisé par certains acteurs de mon terrain,
principalement ceux liées au secteur touristique, pour la construction d’une identité
qui serait spécifiquement liée à la région de Kotor. Ceci m’amènera à postuler qu’il
existe une réelle volonté de se distinguer du reste du pays, par la mise en avant
d’éléments culturels particuliers. Je m’intéresserai ensuite à la volonté qu’ont les
instances touristiques de promouvoir une type de tourisme vu comme plus adapté au
site, ce dans une logique de conservation, mais aussi comme j’aimerais le
démontrer, dans un logique proprement marchande.