Bizantine Art

The late Antique mosaic of Orpheus decorated a small room, approximately 18 m2 in area, connected with two even smaller ones, in 4 m2 and the other 2 m2 in area, belonging most likely to a small funerary chapel (or tomb) discovered in the ancient necropolis by the Damascene Gate in Jerusalem; it was discovered in 1901 by H. Vincent.
The author proposes a new interpretation of the iconographic program of the Orpheus myth used by wealthy Christians in a sepulchral context (see Olszewski M.T. «Orphée endeuillé de la mosaïque funéraire de Jérusalem», in Rey Mimoso-Ruiz, B. ed., Actes du colloque «Orphée entre Soleil et ombre», à l’Institut Catholique de Toulouse du 16 au 17 novembre 2007, Inter Lignes, numéros spécial – mars 2008, pp. 205-214, 226). He also proposes a new interpretation of the role Orpheus played in Roman funerary art, concentrating on the importance of the play on words and the visual and textual punning that was popular in ancient art and especially in funerary art. He rejects the popular interpretation of Orpheus as Christ in the Roman catacombs and proposes to interpret the image as that of Orpheus, bard of the departed souls, without any ahistorical connection with Christ. The program of the mosaic from Jerusalem is thus explained as a play on the words Orpheus-orphanos and Chiron (Chi-Rho) and Pan [Παν(τοκράτωρ)].The frequently used Christian funerary formula of resting in peace, Christ or the Lord corresponds
perfectly with the mood created around the mythical bard.
Orpheus’ universal role as singer and musician moving even the most stony of hearts, extolling the beloved departed, is absolutely justified in the context of a 6th-century Christian tomb. Orpheus is a popular and neutral figure, meaning that in effect it does not constitute a threat to Christian theology and can be tolerated by the educated Christians of Jerusalem.

Indice, introduzione, conclusione, bibliografia ed immagini delle principali opere trattate nella mia tesi di laurea magistrale, seguita dalla prof.ssa Cavicchioli e dal prof. Canetti dell'Università di Bologna. 
L'elaborato rappresenta un tentativo, partendo dai presupposti teorizzati dalla scuola de Les Annales - in particolare dalle affascinanti riflessioni di F. Braudel sul Mediterraneo -  di fare luce sulla storia di alcuni dei manufatti più famosi e più venerati della Calabria, ampliando, quando necessario, il discorso a tutto il sud Italia. Un tipo di approccio più antropologico e più attento alle "immagini" che alle "opere d'arte" propriamente dette, è in questa regione quasi imprescindibile, date le gravissime perdite sia documentarie che di manufatti originali o ben conservati e l'impossibilità, quindi, di procedere in modo "tradizionale" con un'analisi  per cronologie e filiazioni stilistiche dirette.  Principalmente per questo motivo, ritengo, la Calabria è stata sostanzialmente dimenticata dagli studiosi di storia dell'arte; e per questo ho tentato, attraverso tre affondi su questioni molto specifiche e circostanziate, di far emergere la fecondità che essa può offrire agli studi attraverso uno "scarto" metodologico di avvicinamento fra la storia dell'arte, l'antropologia delle immagini e la storia delle religioni. I manufatti di cui mi sono occupata, come emerge dalle figure in appendice al testo, sono di varia natura e di diversi livelli qualitativi, con una certa prevalenza di pittura, scultura e architettura sacra; le dedicazioni, invece, sono molto più omogenee visto che c'è un generale primato assoluto della figura mariana a cui ho voluto accostare, nell'ultimo capitolo, una declinazione peculiare che assume la dedicazione a San Leonardo in alcuni edifici sul mare a lui dedicati.

The purpose of the study is to analyse the elephant iconography during the Middle Age. The first step of the study is to analyse the mosaic in the cathedral of Trani (Puglia, Italy), representing a scene having a complex meaning.
The elephant, symbol of Christ and imperial animal, crowed the medieval bestiaries, and sculptured, the wall of the sacred buildings in Puglia.

This  research  observes  the  development  of  the  Armenian  mural  art,  which  is  based  on
monuments from the IV to XIV centuries and new materials about them. The relatively small number of
frescoes  in  the  Armenian  churches  is  due  to  rituals,  where  the  images  do  not 
participate.  The reason for the bad preservation of the samples we have is partly linked to the
applied technique for creating them (the base is a thin gypsum layer).As a result of the historical
events, the monumental painting developed in a non-proportional way: it flourished in the VII, X
and XIII centuries.
The  VII  century  was  the  mostrichin  frescoes,  traces  of  which  were  preserved  in  dozens 
of churches. In the conch of the altars apse, the Christ in Glory from Ascension’s scene is
accompanied by  other  scenes,  such  as  at  the  churches  of  Lmbat  and  Karmravor,  where  we 
can  see  the illustrations  of  texts  depicting  Theophania from the Old Testament (Revelations 
of  God  to  prophets Ezekiel  and  Isaiah  Ez.1,  1-28,  Isa.  6,  1-2  )  and  Revelation  of 
God  to  John  from  Apocalypse (Apocalypse4, 6-8); at the churches of Aruj, Artik, Mren and Kosh
by Christ the lawmaker (Christ us legem Dat, Traditio Legis), in the cathedral of Talin that image
is alternated with Hetoimasia. On the curved walls of the apse the rows of the Apostles (sometimes
with Mother of God),the forefathers or the  bishopsof  the  church  would  conclude  the  imagery 
of  the  altar.The  saints  are  often  painted  in medallions. The altar or the entrance on both
sides had the images of sacred warriors of Saint Sargis and Saint Gevork in the Iconography of
Martyrs, as horsemen, but without the evil forces under their feet.
The  walls  of  the  praying  hall  have  been  decorated  with  scenes from the Gospel,  very 
little  is preserved, but the testimony of Vrtanes Kertogh confirms this as fact. The supporting
columns were decorated  with  symbolic  motives  from  early  Christianity:  floral  and  flower 
chains,  bouquets  in pitchers, palm trees and birds (Yerevan, church of Poghos-Petros, V-VII c.).
Some churches have almost  been  completely  decorated  with  ornamental  motives  (the  Yeghvard 
Zoravar  church).  The Armenian art of this era represented a unique branch of the Eastern
Christian art, something between the East and the West, once using the Hellenistic traditions and,
on other instances, the local Eastern.
The  hierarchical  fresco  decoration  system  on  Armenian  churches  has  been  formed  in  the 
X century, with the image of Christ in the conch of the apse, based on the sequence and parallels
of the Old  and  New  Laws,  on  the  legacy  of  Heavenly  and  Earthly  churches.Such  a  program
was  based  on rituals of the Armenian Church and the circular rhythmic nature of Armenian
churches interior.
The  frescoes  of  churches  of  Aghtamar  and  Tatev  have  been  thoroughly  observed,  they  are
created in two different styles - Eastern and Western (in Tatev, “Frang nation’s”
(Western-European, according to Archbishop Stepanos Syunetsi) masters have worked alongside the
Armenians), but for the  same  decoration  program.  According  to  sources,  different 
frescoes  from  Syunik  and
Vaspourakan are presented, and these are completing our understanding of the decoration system.
Particularly  Akhtamar's  frescoes  with  well-preserved  wide-range  scenes  of  Old  and  New 
Testament, that make one completion with sculptures, testify to the great upheaval of the art in
the X century. It is shown  that  Iconography  in  the  10th  century  has  been  in  relationship
of those Eastern and Western traditions,  that  preserved  their  connection  with  early 
Christian  art.  All  this  is  an  evidence  of  the medieval "small Renaissance" phenomenon in
this period.
In X-XI centuries Armenian painters have also worked outside Armenia, in Georgia, Egypt, and
Cappadocia.
In XIII century, during the rule of the Zakarians, a new phenomenon emerged: the art of the
Chalcedonian Armenians, characterized  by  the  unprecedented  rise of  monumental  painting  (for 
the frescoes  it  was  compulsory  for  the  Chalcedonic  temple)  and  its  convergence  with 
Chalcedonic  - Byzantine  and  Georgian  -  frescoes.  At  the  same  time,  along  with  Armenian,
Georgian  and  Greek inscriptions  appear  in  the  painting  as  evidence  of  the  confessional 
(not  national)  belongings  of painters.
The art of the Chalcedonian Armenians unified the traditions of orthodox churches (especially the 
Byzantine,  which  was  perceived  as  the  ecumenical  churches  art)  with  local 
iconographical, imaginative,  and  stylistic  features.  The  Chalcedonian  Armenian  pictorial 
program  is  specific  with images of new saints, personalities, and scenes, most often associated
with Gregory the Illuminator, symbolizing  the  early  universal  Church,  as  Chalcedonian 
Armenians  considered  themselves  as successors of him.
The  peculiarities  of  the  illustrations  and  iconography  of  Chalcedonian  Armenians  - 
Akhtala Monastery, the TigranHonents Church of Ani, the Kobayr and Kirants Monastery -  have  been
analyzed, in particular the elements of the Theophany in the conch, the St. Gregory the Illuminator
cycle, the images of St. Nino and of donators, the connection with Byzantine, and the new - “about
1200’s style”-s lines.
The frescoes belonging to the traditional Armenian Apostolic Church are singled out: Horomos
monastery,  St.  Savior's  Church  in  Ani  and  the  Arakelots  Monastery  in  Tavush,  which  all
are differing  from  the  Chalcedonian  Armenian’s  monuments,  in  their  composition  and 
interpretation  of the images.
The  study  of  the  Armenian  medieval  murals  ends  with  the  frescoes  of  1297  in  Dadivank,
Artsakh,  which  are  rare  in  their  plots,  unusual  in  decoration  system  and  styleand 
represent  a separate group.

Sommario
Nella prima metà del XIV secolo, i benedettini della badia di San Leone Magno a Bitonto
decidono di affrescare il coro della chiesa con un complesso programma iconografico,
dispiegato su tre pareti, che prevedeva un monumentale Giudizio Universale sul muro di
fondo. Raro esempio di ‘Giudizio Universale’ legato alla tradizione occidentale nella regione,
lontanissimo dagli altri casi bizantineggianti pugliesi, l’affresco è frutto di programmatiche
scelte iconografiche e precise elaborazioni dottrinali e ascetiche dei monaci
bitontini, legate ai più aggiornati dibattiti culturali dell’epoca.
Abstract
In the first half of the 14th century, Benedictines of the San Leone Magno’s abbey in
Bitonto decided to fresco the choir of their church. The iconographic project chosen was
deployed on three walls and included a magnificent ‘Last Judgemet’, the only one linked
to the western tradition in the region. The style is so far from the multiple examples of
Bizantine ‘Judgments’ in Apulia. The work is the result of iconographic choices and the
desire of the monks of Bitonto, both linked to the cultural debate of the epoch.

S.Guido, The Major Vatican Cross Reliquary, Città del Vaticano 2012, Bollettino d'archivio n-18-19,  pp.9-15, (ISBN: 9788863390230)
1- The Major Vatican Cross Reliquary is a precious testimony to the refined techniques of Byzantine Imperial goldsmiths in the centuries at the turn of the year 1000. The artwork has been analyzed down to the smallest details and its technical characteristics have been thoroughly investigated. It has been deprived of some of its decorative elements over the centuries, namely the precious stones and pearls embellishing its terminals, replaced by other extremely refined artifacts in the XVI century.
S.Guido, An artwork from Constantinople to the Vatican, pp.18-37;
2-An excursus into the production of Cross Reliquaries in the first- and middle-age Byzantium allows placing the examined artwork into a precise context. Some artworks inspired by the same culture are significantly similar in typology and technology used for the Major Vatican Cross Reliquary, which enables the establishment of a temporal relationship and, therefore, to date it to the end of the X century. Moreover, disassembling the artifacts and analyzing the techniques used to produce the refined decorative motifs, along with comparing them with those resorted to in the production of coeval artworks, allowed the formulation of a more precise hypothesis on the period it dates back to; that is the Reign of Emperor Romano II (959-963).
S.Guido, The Major Vatican Cross Reliquary. Technique of production and restoration, pp. 38-43.
3- All the necessary phases of the restoration works carried out on the Cross Reliquary are hereby outlined. More precisely, its dismantling allowed the investigation of its shape, dimensions as well as of the techniques resorted to in the production of the elements that make up an assemblage comprising of about twenty fragments in fusions with almost pure gold, for a total weight of 756 grams. The same investigations were also carried out on the shrine by Filippo Borgognoni in 1837.

Questo articolo parla dei vari tipi di Follis anonimi Bizantini. E' stato scritto traducendo dall'inglese un articolo apparso su forumancientcoins.com e inserendo un piccolo glossario. Scritto principalmente per chi è a digiuno di numismatica bizantina, vuole solamente essere una piccola guida per chi si avvicina a questa monetazione. Per studi approfonditi suggeriamo altri articoli e testi.

CHRISTIAN ITINERARIA TO THE HOLY PLACES
FROM THE II TO VIII CENTURY

The article is a summary of Christian itineraria, documents and letters from a trip to the Holy Land; from Meliton of Sardis letter’s in the second century, to description of the holy places in Greek Epiphanius of Jerusalem in the eighth century. The author touches the theme of evolution in the approach to the pilgrimage over seven centuries. At the beginning the journey to Jerusalem was sightseeing, historical and descriptive. From the fourth century, pilgrimage becomes the religious and spiritual journey. In the sixth century it is great phenomenon of religion (the cult of the Holy Wood of the Cross, the cult of relics, eulogia) but also political. From the beginning was associated with the ascetic and monastic ideals. Due to the invasion of Islam in the seventh and eighth centuries, itineraria were mostly copies of previous or notation of experiences of other people.

The Crux Vaticana or Cross of Justin II
The Crux Vaticana and ‘Byzantine’ Rome
The Crux Vaticana, the reliquary-cross of the passion of Our Lord, is as much a celebrated object as it is an enigmatic one. Its long-awaited restoration has finally allowed us to obtain a clear idea of its original state and subsequent alterations. Evidently a work of imperial patronage - from its ostentatious text which records the pious gift of the emperor Justin and his consort, as well as their images (significantly in the gesture of prayer) - we can consequently date the object (565-578) and define its place (Constantinople). It is a key work of reference among the silver objects produced in Byzantium in the 6th c., especially in the context of their often controversial attribution to Costantinople or Syria. Even if some of its iconographic choices (e.g. the duplication of the image of Christ, or the imperial garb) and stylistic comparisons with this work may still cause controversy, its genuine nature can no longer be denied.
The Cross was sent by the imperial couple to Rome, the city of the martyrs, whose most recent works of religious patronage had aligned it appropriately with the empire’s new capital. These monuments and the Crux Vaticana still testify powerfully today both to the links between Rome and Costantinople and to the faith of this pious emperor and of his wife.
The Crux Vaticana or Cross of Justin II
New data and technical observations emerging from restoration operations

The Crux Vaticana, a prestigious testimony to the skills of the Byzantine goldsmiths kept in the Treasury Museum of Saint Peter’s Basilica, represents a rare example of imperial patronage still in existence. Thanks to the preliminary phase of studies and to the subsequent works of recent restoration, the lively debate over its original consistency and the authenticity of the cross is today met by convincing responses and new certainties about its modification and substitution. Furthermore, on the basis of prime documents and images and following valuations of the materials that constitute the cross and its decorative elements, it has been possible to reattach the lost crown of pearls around the reliquary and add once again single pearls on its front, in an act of partial restoration. Whilst respecting the balance between original appearance and historical manipulation, this act helps us to better perceive the harmonious composition of the significant sequence of gemstones which are placed in a precisely alternating chromatic sequence.
The Crux Vaticana or Cross of Justin II
A Latin inscription carved in Constantinople

The inscription on the Crux Vatican qualifies the object as a donation to the city of Rome from the emperor Justin II and his wife Sophia, rightly mentioned as partner. The use of the Latin language, known in Constantinople well into the period of late antiquity, and the uncial style of writing “of type b”, adopted for the legendary Byzantine coin, prove the substantial authenticity of the cross, which, before becoming part of the Treasury of Saint Peters, was perhaps kept at least initially in the church of Santa Maria Antiqua, a palatine chapel in Rome dating to the time of the Byzantine duchy.

La moda europea ha mostrado la influencia y fascinación por Oriente muy visiblemente a través de la joyería, una disciplina artística idónea para asimilar y reinterpretar los estilos y técnicas del pasado. Muchas joyas desde comienzos del siglo XX son evocadoras muestras de la atracción por lo misterioso y exótico como fuente de inspiración para los artífices, con distintos grados más o menos conscientes de apropiación ante el capricho de la moda más sofisticada, que se ha dejado seducir por lo lejano y desconocido. Las joyas chinas, esenciales y cerradas a sus tradiciones espirituales y ancestrales, anduvieron un riguroso camino a través de los siglos, siendo los cinturones de placas y los aderezos para el cabello las dos tipologías más recurrentes. No obstante, especialmente visible resultó la influencia de China en las joyas del Art Dèco creadas por Fouquet, Boucheron, Cartier, Ravasco o Chanel.
Del mismo modo joyas del Museo Nacional de Kuwait o del Guimet de París evidencian la influencia de las joyas de la Dinastía Mogol en los artífices europeos. No solo las esmeraldas labradas en Jaipur se guarnecieron en las creaciones europeas del siglo XX, sino que se fusionó la técnica del oro kundan con las formas de los sarpush y otros motivos tomados del arte islámico y el continente indio, tal y como muestran fabulosas creaciones de Shinde para Madonna, Sofía Loren o Gwyneth Palthrow. 
La influencia del Extremo Oriente en la joyería europea también se aprecia muy visiblemente a partir de la apertura de los puertos de Japón al comercio internacional: motivos tomados de la pintura y los estampados textiles se recrearon en las joyas de los hermanos Falize, dejando bellísimas creaciones en cloisonné por Antoine Tard, que recreaban los kimonos y los biombos japoneses. Y desde luego, difíciles serían de comprender los diseños del Art Nouveau de la mano de René Lalique sin la estilización compositiva y sinuosa de las creaciones japonesas. 
Especialmente famosas son las piezas que recrean las excavaciones del Valle del Nilo y los temas tomados del Próximo Oriente Antiguo, sobre todo las vanity case y otras joyas de Cartier, creadas a raíz del descubrimiento de la tumba de Tutankamón en 1922. Fusionadas a día de hoy a través del micromosaico, los “Nefertiti earrings” del alemán Hemmerle recogen en opus tessellatum las temáticas recurrentes en las Necrópolis Reales. Y por último, la suntuosidad de los mosaicos de San Vital, Venecia y Monreal a través de las últimas creaciones de pasarela de Dolce & Gabbanna sin duda nos permiten comprender por qué Bizancio ha pasado a la historia como “el París de la Edad Media”.

Уникальный памятник книжной миниатюры средневековой Молдовы. Елизаветградское четвероевангелие и рукописи группы Parisinus graecus 74

Елизаветградское Четвероевангелие находится в научном обороте уже более столетия, однако, кажется лишь теперь, на рубеже тысячелетий,  благодаря сокровищнице своего миниатюрного убранства, оно занимает заслуженное место в истории румынского средневекового искусства.
Группа Parisinus graecus 74 представляет совокупность рукописей (Четвероевангелий), связанную циклом миниатюр очень близкой редакции, иллюстрирующих их тексты. Это единственный обьединяющий элемент группы, состоящей из рассеянных в значительном временном (XI – XVII века) и пространственном (Византия, Грузия, Болгария, Валахия и Молдова) диапазоне рукописей.
В первой главе: “Одиссея” рукописей группы Parisinus Graecus 74 мы обратились к историческим аргументам через исследование и изложение всего, что известно о циркуляции данных рукописей. На основе представленных здесь фактов, с достаточной долей уверенности, можно заключить, что Четвероевангелие Paris. graec.74 происходит из библиотеки кардинала Никколо Ридольфи и, следовательно, самое позднее с 1550 года беспрерывно находилось в Италии, а затем - во Франции. К сожалению, источники, допускающие определенные гипотезы о более раннем нахождении данного кодекса в Италии, не предоставляют достаточных оснований для более четких выводов по этому вопросу. Что касается грузинских рукописей (Гелатское, Джручское и Моквское Четвероевангелия, хранящиеся сегодня в Тбилиском Институте Рукописей под соответствующими кодами - Q 908, H 1667 şi Q 902), то в данном случае маргинальные записи не позволяют констатировать их перемещение за пределы Грузии.
В случае болгарского Четвероевангелиея царя Ивана Александра 1356 года, известного под кодом Curzon 153 (нынешний код – Лондон, Британский Музей, Ad. 39657), циркуляция частично востановима. На л.5 имеется надпись, упоминающая молдавского воеводу Александра. Из всех предположений, высказанных по поводу идентификации этого господаря, наиболее убедительным было предложение  Н. Йорги с дополнительными аргументами (представленное впоследствии К. Костей), согласно которому в данной записи речь идет об Александре, старшем сыне Стефана Великого, воеводский титул которого впервые встречается с 1 января 1491 года. Более поздние записи свидетельствуют  о нахождении данной рукописи на Афоне начиная с XVII века, не предоставляя, однако, более точных дат. О рукописи Сучевица 23, написаной и иллюминированой во время правления валашского господаря Александра II Мирчи (1568-1577), достоверно известно, что к 1605 году она находилась в Молдове.
Четвероевангелие Сучевица 24, созданное до 1607 года, беспрерывно хранилось в монастыре Сучевица, в качестве вклада ее заказчика – молдавского господаря Иеремии Мовилэ. Другая молдавская рукопись, заказанная митрополитом Молдовы Анастасием Кримкой, до 1943 г. хранилась в Библиотеке Львовского университета ( код слав. 193/ IV, а ныне – в Национальной библиотеке в Варшаве  (код Akc. 10778), была предназначенна для Креховского монастыря в Галиции. Румынская запись и, продолжающая ее славянская, являются единственными свидетельствами о циркуляции данной рукописи. Из них мы узнаем, что рукопись, по всей видимости, не дошла до адресата, так как в 1653 году во время разграбления монастыря Драгомирна казаками Тимофея Хмельницкого,  была ими похищена, а в 1658 году выкуплена и возвращена в Драгомирнский монастырь.

The late Antique mosaic of Orpheus decorated a small room, approximately 18 m2 in area, connected with two even smaller ones, in 4 m2 and the other 2 m2 in area, belonging most likely to a small funerary chapel (or tomb) discovered in the ancient necropolis by the Damascene Gate in Jerusalem; it was discovered in 1901 by H. Vincent.
The author proposes a new interpretation of the iconographic program of the Orpheus myth used by wealthy Christians in a sepulchral context (see Olszewski M.T. «Orphée endeuillé de la mosaïque funéraire de Jérusalem», in Rey Mimoso-Ruiz, B. ed., Actes du colloque «Orphée entre Soleil et ombre», à l’Institut Catholique de Toulouse du 16 au 17 novembre 2007, Inter Lignes, numéros spécial – mars 2008, pp. 205-214, 226). He also proposes a new interpretation of the role Orpheus played in Roman funerary art, concentrating on the importance of the play on words and the visual and textual punning that was popular in ancient art and especially in funerary art. He rejects the popular interpretation of Orpheus as Christ in the Roman catacombs and proposes to interpret the image as that of Orpheus, bard of the departed souls, without any ahistorical connection with Christ. The program of the mosaic from Jerusalem is thus explained as a play on the words Orpheus-orphanos and Chiron (Chi-Rho) and Pan [Παν(τοκράτωρ)].The frequently used Christian funerary formula of resting in peace, Christ or the Lord corresponds
perfectly with the mood created around the mythical bard.
Orpheus’ universal role as singer and musician moving even the most stony of hearts, extolling the beloved departed, is absolutely justified in the context of a 6th-century Christian tomb. Orpheus is a popular and neutral figure, meaning that in effect it does not constitute a threat to Christian theology and can be tolerated by the educated Christians of Jerusalem.

Some notes on the register of the Passions and of the Resurrection
From the nave of the church from Patrauti
Summary
The author of the paper analyses the position and the content of the register of the Passions and of the Resurrection from the „Holy Cross” church from Pa- trauti (built in 1487 and painted probably before 1492). The church proves its individ-
uality due to a special selection and emphasis of the scenes of this cycle, but also due to an uncommon orientation of displaying its narrative, contrary to the sun course, despite the current tradition in the Byzantine and Post-Byzantine art. The same orien- tation was used also at the „St. Elijah” church from Suceava (built in 1488). Certain imprints of the disposal from Patrauti and „St. Elijah” from Suceava can also be no- ticed at the „St. George” church of the Voronet monastery (built in 1488), where they returned to the traditional orientation of displaying this cycle, according to the solar course. As a result of an investigation, the author proposes the following chronologi- cal sequence of painting the above-mentioned churches: Patrauti, St. Elijah, Voronet. The chronological componence of the cycle of Passions from Patrauti is explained through the almost exact correspondence with the readings of the 12 Gospels at the morning service on Holy Friday. The correspondence was rather closely observed at St. Elijah and several reminiscences were met at Voronet. In this respect, these three churches represent a distinct group, because at other painted monuments, from the end of the XVth century and along the XVIth century, was adopted another system of organizing the register of the Passions and of the Resurrection. Namely, within the continuous frieze, the selection of themes was inspired from the readings of the „har- monized” Gospel, read at the evening services from Holy Thursday and Holy Friday. The unusual orientation of this register, at Patrauti and St. Elijah, could be explained through the involvement of Basil, bishop of Roman, in the dispute concerning the direction of the church processions, a dispute between Gherontie, metropolitan of Moscow, and the Great Knyaz Ivan III. In his letter from February 2, 1484, bishop Basil approves the position of metropolitan Gherontie that all the processions, ac- cording to the „Greek law” and contrary to the „Latin” one, go against the solar course. The intervention of bishop Basil in ordering the paintings from Patrauti and St. Elijah, where the orientation of the cycle of the Passions was fit according to the orientation of liturgical processions and other services, could be explained through the fact that this hierarch was the confessor of Stephen the Great, the founder of both mentioned churches.

In 2016, in the Cernica Forest, on the territory of Pantelimon, Ilfov County,
a treasure of medieval adornments was discovered by using a metal detector. It was handed over to the authorities, who brought it to the National Museum of Romanian History. The treasure consisted of two gold earrings and four silver bracelets. The earrings and two bracelets were entirely preserved. The other two items are partially broken and have repair marks. According to the manufacturing technique, with a link made of simple wire, the earrings can be dated before 1270 (Braničevo, Kalna, Cernăuţi). Their decoration consists of three pendants, two of which are equal in size (relatively similar to those found in an earring at Isaccea or another at Cetina-Sv. Spas in Croatia), hemstitched and arranged on the sides of a larger, central one. The latter was decorated in the granulation and filigree technique and adorned with eight gold leaf cones. The analogies lead to the earrings discovered in the treasures from Voinești and Cernăuţi, or to items from the necropolis at Cuptoare-Sfogea.
The bracelets were manufactured either of thick silver wires or of silver foil tubes, twisted, widened at the ends. The decoration was made in the granulation and filigree technique. This type of bracelets can be dated to the 13th century and the first half of the 14th century. The items have analogies on the Romanian territory, such as the specimens discovered in the treasures of Voinești, Amnaș and Păcuiul lui Soare.
It is hard to pinpoint the date of burial of the treasure, but it has to be sought most likely towards the end of the 13th century, when conflicts took place between the Lower Danube Tartar chieftains.

In 2018, a well-preserved bronze lamp was
discovered in the open courtyard of late antique
Building № 18, located in the southern sector of
the Early Byzantine city of Hrisosotira. The lamp
underwent conservation and is now one of the
valuable exhibits composing the NHM main collection.
This article aims at describing in detail the
bronze lamp as well as at comparing it with other
known lamps from the 6th – 7th centuries.

It was Pliny who provided the longest and most detailed description of MVRRINA VASA:

Their size never exceeds that of a small table, and, in thickness, they rarely are so thick as the drinking cups mentioned above. Their brightness has no intensity, they are shiny rather than brilliant. But what is really valuable is the variety of colours, since their veins repeatedly turn purple, to snow-white and a third shade between the two, just as when the purple gets inflamed in a change of colour or the milk-white goes red. Some people appreciate above all their outlines and certain reflections in the colours, like those observed in the rainbow. Other people, on the other hand, like thicker veins - any transparency or lack of colour is considered an imperfection - as well as grains and warts that, just as in the human body, are not prominent, but are mostly flat. A certain worth can also ascribed to their smell.

(Naturalis Historia 37.21-2)

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Uno studio sulla Murrha, forse il materiale naturale prezioso più discusso della storia dell' arte.
Tema trattato da Properzio e Giovenale, descritto con precisione da Plinio nel XXXVII libro della Naturalis Historia, si sono succedute poi nei secoli le interpretazioni più varie per il riconoscimento della pietra preziosa che costituiva i famosi, costosissimi e ambitissimi vasa murrina.
Si è creduta essere un marmo, un alabastro, una fluorite, un vetro, una porcellana, un diaspro, un calcedonio, ecc.
L' autore con una attenta disamina dei testi antichi e un confronto con i materiali più preziosi dell' antichità, conservati nei vari musei e nelle raccolte d' Europa, giunge ad una chiara e inequivocabile conclusione che ha tutti i riscontri tecnici e filologici. Si è riunito per la prima volta un repertorio di più di 300 esempi di vasi murrini nelle collezioni mondiali conosciute.

La mosaïque funéraire d’Orphée de Jérusalem est la dernière représentation mythologique du chantre parmi les dix-sept exemples connus des mosaïques de l’Est de la Méditerranée de l’Antiquité. Nous ne connaissons que six mosaïques funéraires avec l’image du musicien thrace dans l’art funéraire antique. La mosaïque d’Orphée placée dans une tombe chrétienne au VIe siècle (l’époque de Justinien ?), devait répondre aux attentes des chrétiens pour lesquelles elle a été exécutée. Nous sommes loin (environ 160 ans après l’interdiction des cultes païens) de l’époque ou la réaction païenne s’exprimait dans l’art et il ne s'agit certainement pas ici de ce phénomène de contestation. Selon l’opinion de l’auteur, le personnage mythologique d’Orphée avait un sens universel dans un contexte funéraire à l’époque romaine qui perdurera longtemps à l’époque de l’Antiquité tardive. L’idée d’Orphée est liée d’une part avec celle d’un homme malheureux pleurant la perte de sa bien aimée Eurydice. D’autre part, le jeu de mots, si souvent pratiqué par les Anciens dans le langage courant ainsi que dans l’iconographie (par exemple des mosaïques d’Apamée interprétées par J. et J.-Ch. Balty) et dans les textes pourrait bien expliquer le sens universel de l’image du chantre dans le contexte funéraire. En grec, « orphanos » signifie une personne privée de son père, de sa mère ou de ses enfants, et « Orpheus » Orphée. Le chantre mythologique exprime dans un contexte funéraire, le deuil et la tristesse de la personne privée de l’être le plus cher. Il est probable que le jeu de mots, a la fois graphique et textuel, sous-entendu, s’est établie dans l’image mythologique du Centaure et du Pan. Nous savons que le Chrisme accompagne la majorité des tombes chrétiennes au Ve et VIe siècles. Sous le nom du Centaure Chiron [XIPO(N)] nous pouvons lire « XiPo » et sous le nom de Pan nous lisons le « Pantokrator ». Derrière la représentation graphique du Centaure Chiron et de Pan nous pouvons donc lire « Christo to Pantokrator ». Cette formule correspond bien à l’ambiance de paix crée par Orphée, sa musique et la formule chrétienne de paix en Christ ou en Dieu adressée à deux jeunes femmes mortes et enterrées dans la chapelle funéraire de Jérusalem. L’image d’Orphée est ici utilisée d’une façon inoffensive face à la religion chrétienne et ses dogmes. See also a pdf of M.T. Olszewski, The Orpheus Funerary Mosaic from Jerusalem in the Archaeological Museum at Istanbul, in: the 11TH INTERNATIONAL COLLOQUIUM ON ANCIENT MOSAICS OCTOBER 16TH – 20TH, 2009, BURSA TURKEY: M. Şahin (ed. by), Mosaics of Turkey and Parallel Developments in the Rest of the Ancient and Medieval World: Questions of Iconography, Style and Technique from the Beginnings of Mosaic until the Late Byzantine Era, Bursa 2011 (2012), pp. 655-664.

L'edificio, a navata unica di modeste dimensioni, conserva un autentico palinsesto pittorico costituito da ben sei strati di affreschi che si stratificano senza soluzione di continuità dall’XI al XVIII sec.). Desta straordinario interesse la più antica rappresentazione a oggi nota di santa Cesarea, martire salentina cui è intitolata l’omonima località termale della costa a Sud di Otranto.

Fenomenem w gotyckiej sztuce sakralnej i liturgii Kościoła łacińskiego w Polsce jest wkomponowanie fresków bizantyńsko-ruskich, reprezentujących malarstwo wschodnie, w typowe późnogotyckie wnętrze sakralne, służące rzymskokatolickiej liturgii. Zjawisko to pojawiło się w konkretnym okresie historii Polski związanym z panowaniem Władysława Jagiełły i nie przeniknęło do sztuki rodzimej, ale traktowane było jako odrębne i obce. Malowidła bizantyńsko-ruskie na terenie Polski stanowią grupę zamkniętą, a źródła nie potwierdzają ich recepcji artystycznej w sztuce późniejszej. Możliwa jest natomiast recepcja średniowiecznego dzieła sztuki w epokach późniejszych w aspekcie odbioru malowideł wschodnich przez społeczeństwo, co zostanie zaprezentowane na przykładzie fresków znajdujących się w Bazylice Katedralnej w Sandomierzu. Recepcja sandomierskich fresków na przestrzeni wieków dokonywała się w trzech etapach. Malowidła były postrzegane jako dzieło o charakterze teologiczno-liturgicznym w pierwszym okresie ich istnienia. Następnie podkreślana była głównie ich funkcja dekoracyjno-artystyczna. Natomiast w ostatnich latach sandomierskie freski postrzegane są jako dzieło sztuki unikalne w skali Polski i Europy. W zjawisko recepcji wpisuje się także stanowisko wobec malowidła sandomierskiego w okresie jego powstania oraz kwestie dotyczące fresków poruszane na przestrzeni wieków na łamach pism popularnonaukowych. Analiza zebranego materiału badawczego pozwoliła na ukazanie recepcji fresków sandomierskich widocznej w zmianach artystyczno-stylistycznych malowideł związanych z dostosowaniem ikonograficznego programu wschodniego do wnętrz kościoła obrządku zachodniego oraz z prowadzonymi konserwacjami na przestrzeni wieków. Recepcja polichromii widoczna jest także przez ich percepcję przez społeczeństwo sandomierskie oraz zmieniający się względem nich stosunek władz Kościoła. Ciekawą kwestią związaną z recepcją malowideł sandomierskich przez społeczeństwo jest ich kontekst ekumeniczny, widoczny w dyskusjach przedstawicieli wyznań chrześcijańskich w czasach współczesnych. Pomimo, iż freski bizantyńsko-ruskie znajdowały się w miejscach szczególnie ważnych dla Polski, do których w średniowieczu należał także Sandomierz, źródła nie potwierdzają następstw artystycznych fresków sandomierskich w postaci naśladowców stylu czy oddziaływania na sztukę cechową.

The research of the edged weapons requires an involvement of different types of sources. The visual ones are among the most informative. Images depicting medieval edged weapon could be found on different objects, in particular, on pottery. Most of such engravings are schematic; that is why an informative value of such sources is rather modest. Nevertheless, engrawings on pottery depicting edged weapons may attract scholar's attention. Images on medieval pottery from Taurida (Crimea peninsula) are especially interesting in this context. In the article the author analyses 17 artifacts decorated with images of edged weapons that were found in Crimea. In each case an image of weapon was part of a larger composition depicting a warrior. Scholars tend to interpret such figures as saint warriors or epic heroes. Local life contexts as well as the general historical situation in Europe during the 12-13 th centuries shaped favorable conditions for increasing popularity of the military themes in fine arts. The swords, sabres and items that cannot be reliably interpreted are depicted on the artifacts that are dealt with. The author reveals a spesific type of weaponry which have no analogies among the medieval archaeological materials by now. The upper date of exploitation of most of the atrifacts can be clearly identified as far as the artifacts were found in the cultural layer which corresponds with destruction of Chersonesus in the 13 th century. The artists used to engrave weapons schematiclly, however sometimes the one can be sure what kind of weapon an artist tried to depict. Comparison of the images on pottery with the archaeological findings allows us to jydge on specific military traditions of both the Bizantine Empire and the Northern Black Sea region during the 11-12 centuries. The findings of the 13 th century weapons in the Crimean peninsula are rather scarce, so the visual sources are very important for studing of the local edged weapon. Such sources are interesting in the broad context of studying of the medieval culture of Mediterranean and Black Sea regions as well.
Аналіз візуальних джерел є важливою та необхідною складовою дослідження клинкової зброї. Зміст та характер зображення в середньовічній традиції, згідно з пануючою думкою, часто обумовлений системою ідей та символів. До сьогодні лишається питанням для дискусій зв'язок цієї гіпотези з припущенням щодо виключно просвітницького та пропагандивного характеру візуального в Середньовіччі. Тим не менш, очевидним є те, що навіть малюнок для якого напевно можна говорити тільки про декоративний характер, потенційно міг мати певне символічне навантаження. Середньовічні зображення клинкової зброї, як правило, є частиною більш широкої за змістом композиції. Найчастіше зброя, в тому числі і клинкова, представлена в контексті конкретного персонажа, що використовує її/ володіє нею. Це дає широке поле для інтерпретацій та роздумів не тільки відносно еволюції зброї, як предмету матеріальної культури, а й щодо уявлень середньовічної людини про неї, її місця в минулому повсякденні. Відсутність прямої перспективи, портретності, пейзажу та інших елементів, що стали визначальними для живопису протягом XIV-XV сторіччі, інколи

The article introduces a previously unknown group of Medieval erratic sculptures that can be referred on stylistic grounds to the Byzantine, Venetian and Upper Adriatic areas. Their acquisition by Stefano Bardini, a Florentine collector and art dealer active in the Venetian area, dates back to the end of the nineteenth and the begining of the twentieth centuries. Now housed in the storage of Bardini's own palace, these sculptures were included in the rich portion of Bardini's inheritance that was acquired by the Italian State and never exposed to the public view. The author analyzes the stylistic and iconographical features of these works, comparing them with contemporary sculptures. Particularly relevant in this analysis is the fourteenth century bust that was once part of the funerary monument of the doge Michele Morosini in  the Basilica dei SS. Giovanni e Paolo in Venice.

Il 28 aprile 1473, dalla sede del Balio di Costantinopoli, il mercante ed orafo veneziano Antonio Corradi scrive al cognato Niccolò Gruato per ottenere, oltre ad una copia della Bibbia, una “figura di Jesu Cristo” da far dipingere a Lazzaro Bastiani o, nel caso in cui questi si fosse mostrato impossibilitato, a Giovanni Bellini. Il documento, da tempo ritenuto associabile ad un quadretto bastianesco, suggerisce di tornare a riflettere sulle forme, le funzioni e gli stili della pittura di devozione a Venezia secondo le direttrici di un confronto fra i due artisti rimasto sinora sconosciuto agli studi. La mancanza di un’indagine complessiva sulla vicenda di Bastiani non ha consentito di individuare i motivi di allineamento e collisione della sua produzione devozionale con gli esiti vertiginosi raggiunti sul tema da Giambellino. Questo contributo intende soffermarsi su tale ordine di problemi, privilegiando il significato assunto, nello sviluppo dello statuto quattrocentesco del quadro per la preghiera e la meditazione privata, dai rapporti fra il patriarca del moderno dipingere lagunare e il campione di una richiestissima pittura di marca artigianesco-muranese. Se in più di un momento della carriera di Bastiani si registrano debiti precisi nei confronti del magistero belliniano, la comune volontà di adeguamento al formulario della tradizione religiosa più antica si accompagna, in Giovanni, ad un’alta poetica degli affetti, in Lazzaro a posizioni sottilmente austere ed arcaizzanti. Sulla scorta di opere poco studiate quando non inedite, si considereranno le scelte dei due artisti in materia di stile, genere ed iconografia (il passaggio dalla tavola di pertinenza cristologica o mariana alla ‘sacra conversazione’), senza trascurare il piano dell’organizzazione del lavoro di bottega (il riutilizzo di disegni standardizzati e cartoni preparatori): il che vorrà dire ricostruire un episodio della pittura veneziana ingiustamente trascurato come quello bastianesco e, soprattutto, ripensare a Bellini come al genio creatore di paradigmi figurativi duraturi e tipizzanti.