Jean-Jacques Rousseau

"Weimar Cumhuriyeti’nin çarpıcı bir özelliği, dönemin yetkin kamu hukukçularının, karşılaştıkları güncel sorunlara yoğun bir ilgi göstermeleri ve bu çerçevede kapsamlı tartışmalar yürütmeleridir. Kelsen ve Schmitt arasındaki tartışmayı özel kılan, kamu hukukunun pek çok temel kavramına dair iki farklı görüşü içermesidir. Her şeyden önce, korunacak olan anayasanın anlamı, bir koruyucu arayışına yol açan tehlikenin kaynağı, koruyucunun kim olacağı ve tüm bu sorunların arka planında yer alan başlıca mesele olarak demokrasi kavramı... Fakat tartışma konuları ve karşıtlıklar bunlarla da sınırlı kalmaz; devletin niteliği, kuvvetler ayrılığının anlamı, parlamentarizmin özellikleri ve sorunları, siyasi partilerin işlevi, yargısal kararın ayırt edici özellikleri ve tabii Rousseau’nun demokrasi kuramının yorumu konusunda da aynı keskinlikle devam eder."

Weimar döneminde yaşanan bir kamu hukuku tartışmasının bugün bir güncelliği var mıdır? Dünyanın popülist sağ siyasetlerin eksenine kaydığı, anayasanın ve kamu tarifinin “kişisel ihtiyaçlara” göre sündürüldüğü, demokrasinin pekâlâ siyasal “mugalata” olarak ele alınabildiği bir dönemde kuşkusuz bu sorunun yanıtı “evet”tir! Berke Özenç Demokrasiyi ve Anayasayı Korumak’ta içinde yaşadığımız çağın siyasal tartışma başlıklarından -belki de- en önemlisini, Weimar döneminin ışığında kapsamlı bir şekilde ele alıyor.

One of the paradoxes of Robespierre’s Republic of Virtue is that the author from whom he so largely borrowed did not really consider himself virtuous. Virtue may mean purity of heart and motive in one’s daily actions, but as Jean-Jacques Rousseau very well knew, it also implied a constant rational struggle against intrinsic passions and appetites. It is for this reason that in several parts of the Dialogues, Rousseau portrays himself paradoxically as a virtuous man who lacks virtue: “But is there some virtue in that sweetness? None. There is only the inclination of a loving and tender nature […] This very reasonable choice isn’t made by either reason or will. It is the work of the pure instinct. It lacks the merit of virtue, doubtless, but neither does it have its instability. One who has surrendered only to the impulses of nature for sixty years is certainly never going to resist them” (RJJ 150). It is not difficult to see why Rousseau would characterize himself as such. If, as Saint-Preux warns Julie, “virtue is a state of war” (J 560), belief in this struggle would mean recognizing our inherent disposition to sin and refuting, as a result, one of Jean-Jacques’s principal tenets: man’s natural inclination for the good. As Rousseau notes in the first pages of the Dialogues, “virtue among us often requires fighting and conquering nature” (RJJ 10–11).

İnsanın mahiyetine ilişkin tasavvurlar, tarih boyunca insani eylemlerin etik. politik ve metafizik yönelimlerini tayin etmiştir. Dolayısıyla ahlaki tercihlerden toplumsal örgütlenmelere, devlet düzenlerinden eğitim sistemlerine kadar ortaya çıkan birçok yapının, insanın ne olduğu sorusuna verilen cevabın doğrudan ya da dolaylı bir tezahürü olduğu söylenebilir. Bu sebeple insanın ne olduğu sorusu, her türden alem tasavvuru için merkezi bir mahiyet arz eder. Modernite. insanın mahiyetine dair klasik tasavvurları radikal bir şekilde dönüştürerek insanlık tarihindeki en önemli kırılmalardan birini ortaya çıkarmıştır. Bu sebeple modern döneme ilişkin doğru kavrayışa ulaşmanın bir yolu. insan tasavvurunun bu dönemde geçirdiği dönüşümleri tespit ve analiz etmekten geçer.
Bu kitapta ağırlıklı olarak insanın mahiyetine dair, modern Batı düşüncesindeki tartışmalar ele alınmakta; çeşitli ilmi disiplinlerin oluşumunda ve dönüşümünde bu alanlardaki farklı insan tanımlarının etkisi değerlendirilmektedir. Ayrıca kitap, modernlikle birlikte ortaya çıkan dönüşümlerin islam dünyasındaki insan tasavvurlarını nasıl etkilediği sorusuna cevap sağlayacak şekilde, çağdaş İslam düşüncesinde yer alan çeşitli tartışmalara da yer vermektedir. Bu sayede okuyucular, köklü bir biçimde değişen evren ve insan tasavvurunun eş düzeyli ve eş zamanlı etkilerini takip etme imkanı bulacaklardır.

Course Description: A continuation of the Classical Mind, the Modern Mind is an introduction to modern philosophy focusing on texts from selected early modern and modern thinkers. The class builds upon the history, thought concepts, and themes developed in the Classical Mind and traces the development of Western philosophical thought from the seventeenth to the twentieth century. In particular, this course deals with philosophers that consider the nature of thinking and reasoning, the idea of metaphysics and the foundations of human knowledge, the idea of a universal moral law, the nature of political society and the concept of right, and the idea and value of historical thinking. This course utilizes canonical philosophic texts situated in the history of philosophy to establish the structure and methodology of philosophical thinking. As the second course of the introductory sequence of philosophy classes, this class culminates not only in the identification of philosophic issues, concepts, and questions, but also the practical examination and analysis of fundamental human questions as preparation for students' continuing engagement with their liberal arts education. — Prerequisite for PHIL 202: successful completion of PHIL 201.

In routine everyday discussions of the term ‘tonality’, it is generally and very readily taken to signify the musical language that had reigned supreme in the works of all Western-oriented composers from the late 17th to the first half of the 20th century. There are, however, several serious problems with this a posteriori statement. The theoretical handbooks, treatises and studies published in Europe in the 18th and 19th centuries offer no uniform definition or a widely accepted understanding of what this system represents. Furthermore, in many texts which have become accepted as ‘formative’ (such as Rameau’s Traité de l’harmonie), tonality is almost axiomatically being taken for granted. If theoretical writings give rise to confusion, creative production only adds fuel to the flame, because its treatment is hardly consistent in either the historical (chronological) or geographical sense, and seems to be remarkably nation- and culture-specific.
For instance, tonality in the sense used by early theorists and composers comes very close to a modal system; Russian and Soviet handbooks tend to combine it with folk music scales; and the tonality of musicians of a Wagnerian-Lisztonian orientation go as far as to eliminate the need for that which is considered the main postulate of the tonal system: tension and resolution.
This paper will attempt to analyze key theoretical postulates and musical practice in order to answer the following question: is there such as thing as a common denominator that allows the existence of a single tonality? Or is this in fact a multitude of different systems which display some complementary rules?

Francis Fukuyama discussed the different perspectives of known thinkers regarding the inner and outer self in the third chapter. He discussed how Augustinian friar Martin Luther King sees humans as sinful in nature and that the inner self is made of layers that can only be recognized through private introspection. While according to French philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau, man is not sinful in nature and that the discovery of the state is responsible for man's unhappiness.

If the greatness of a philosophical work can be measured by the volume and vehemence of the public response, there is little question that Rousseau's Social Contract stands out as a masterpiece. Within a week of its publication in 1762 it was banished from France. Soon thereafter, Rousseau fled to Geneva, where he saw the book burned in public. At the same time, many of his contemporaries, such as Kant, considered Rousseau to be “the Newton of the moral world,” as he was the first philosopher to draw attention to the basic dignity of human nature. The Social Contract has never ceased to be read in the 250 years since it was written. Rousseau's “Social Contract”: An Introduction offers a thorough and systematic tour of this notoriously paradoxical and challenging text. David Lay Williams offers readers a chapter-by-chapter reading of the Social Contract, squarely confronting these interpretive obstacles, leaving no stones unturned. The conclusion connects Rousseau's text both to his important influences and those who took inspiration and sometimes exception to his arguments. The book also features a special extended appendix dedicated to outlining his famous conception of the general will, which has been the object of controversy since the Social Contract's publication.

For the last 2,500 years literature has been attacked, booed, and condemned, often for the wrong reasons and occasionally for very good ones. ‘The Hatred of Literature’ examines the evolving idea of literature as seen through the eyes of its adversaries: philosophers, theologians, scientists, pedagogues, and even leaders of modern liberal democracies. From Plato to C. P. Snow to Nicolas Sarkozy, literature’s haters have questioned the value of literature―its truthfulness, virtue, and usefulness―and have attempted to demonstrate its harmfulness.

Literature does not start with Homer or Gilgamesh, William Marx says, but with Plato driving the poets out of the city, like God casting Adam and Eve out of Paradise. That is its genesis. From Plato the poets learned for the first time that they served not truth but merely the Muses. It is no mere coincidence that the love of wisdom (philosophia) coincided with the hatred of poetry. Literature was born of scandal, and scandal has defined it ever since.

In the long rhetorical war against literature, Marx identifies four indictments―in the name of authority, truth, morality, and society. This typology allows him to move in an associative way through the centuries. In describing the misplaced ambitions, corruptible powers, and abysmal failures of literature, anti-literary discourses make explicit what a given society came to expect from literature. In this way, anti-literature paradoxically asserts the validity of what it wishes to deny. The only threat to literature’s continued existence, Marx writes, is not hatred but indifference.


TABLE OF CONTENTS

Introduction
Words from Elsewhere
First Trial: Authority
Second Trial: Truth
Third Trial: Morality
Fourth Trial: Society
Conclusion
Notes
Acknowledgments
Index

publié dans: Rousseau et l'Allemagne à l'époque contemporaine (de Cassirer à Jünger et Hentig), (dir.) Reinhard Bach et Tanguy L'Aminot, Montmorency, Musée Jean-Jacques Rousseau, 2010, pp. 117-132. Cet article prend comme point de départ les observations de Victor Klemperer qui, dans ses journaux de l’époque nazie, écrit que la propagande nazie se lit fréquemment comme des extraits des écrits de Rousseau. Est-il possible de reconstruire la présence de la pensée de Rousseau chez les nazis ? L’influence de Rousseau sur l’essor d’un « romantisme politique » en Allemagne à partir du début du 19e siècle est incontestable. Même si Hitler ne cite jamais Rousseau dans Mein Kampf, il est par contre très souvent cité par Alfred Rosenberg dans Le mythe du vingtième siècle. Rousseau a influencé le grand juriste national-socialiste Carl Schmitt, parmi d’autres. En l’occurrence il faut reconstruire et réévaluer le contexte pour cette réception nazie de Rousseau. 
    I.  Victor Klemperer : Rousseau, un nazi avant la lettre?
    II.  Rousseau et la théorie nazie de l’Etat: les «avocats de la couronne» et leurs emprunts à Rousseau
    III.  Et audiatur altera pars : Lion Feuchtwanger et Ernst Cassirer.
    IV.  Desinat in piscem mulier formosa superne ? Le mythe nazi et Rousseau

This review discusses Rousseau's concepts of social contract and general will in his work "The Social Contract" and contrasts those views with the constitutional principles of representation and individual rights found in the United States and other democratic republics.

Peter Seyferth: „Reisebericht: Reise zur Selbsterkenntnis einer Gesellschaft – Lahontans und Diderots Supplémente politisch gelesen.“ In: Dirk Lüddecke/Felicia Englmann (Hrsg.): Zur Geschichte des politischen Denkens. Denkweisen von der Antike bis zur Gegenwart. Stuttgart/Weimar: J.B. Metzler, 2014. S. 139–164. Zum Zitieren bitte das gedruckte Buch verwenden! For citation please use the published book.

A division in scholarship on Rousseau’s Second Discourse turns on the issue
of division itself. Some see Rousseau’s natural man collapsing the division
between man and beast through suggesting that our origins might be in
orangutans, while others see Rousseau depicting a rupture of the human
being from the rest of the animal kingdom through the separation of the
physical and the metaphysical. I argue that in looking to the natural
scientific culture of Rousseau’s own time, one can see that he is
employing a uniquely informed vision of the human being that itself
straddles this divide of interpretation through presenting man as both a
naturally and mythically hybrid creature. To conclude, I claim that
illuminating this hybrid identity of the human being also sheds new
light on the kind of narrative Rousseau employs. His ‘hypothetical
history’ is itself a hybrid of two distinct origin stories, mirroring the very
argument Rousseau is making: that man is always a duplex of the animal
and the spiritual. This moves beyond presenting Rousseau as a thinker
of irresolvable paradoxes to seeing the Second Discourse as a resolved
presentation of what it means to be a natural duplex.

(2019) M. Ertan Kardeş

PİNHAN YAYINCILIK

Yönsüzleşmiş Savaşlar kitabı, günümüzün yıkıcı ve hukuk kurmayan savaşlarını konu edinmektedir. Yaşadığımız çağ ne taş çağıdır ne bronz ne de demir…Yaşadığımız çağ plastik çağdır. Her şey hızlıca şekil değiştirebilir ve toprağa yabancıdır. Böyle bir çağda savaşlar da yönsüzleşmiştir. M. Ertan Kardeş, “politik felsefenin bir sınır meselesi olarak” günümüzün yönsüzleşmiş savaşlarını tartışmaya açarak kavramaya çalışmaktadır.

Çalışma, çağdaş politik felsefenin tanınma, kriz, çatışma gibi konularını savaş kavrayışından hareketle düşünmeye davet ediyor. “Felsefe ya da politik felsefe” açısından savaşları tarihselliği bağlamında tanımak ve savaşın kendisini şiddet olarak yeniden üretme biçimlerini düşünmek kaçınılmaz durmaktadır. Kitap çağın semptomlarını Hobbes, Rousseau, Clausewitz, Hegel, Schmitt ve Aron etrafındaki çapraz okumalarla deşmekte ve yönsüzleşmiş savaşların dünyasında tüm toplumsal tasarımlarımızın yeniden düşünülmesinin zorunlu olduğunun altını çizmektedir.

Este artigo pretende retraçar criticamente um dos debates
filosóficos mais acirrados do século XVIII, a saber, a querela do
luxo. Consistindo em três partes principais, primeiro abordaremos o histórico da querela; num segundo movimento do texto mostraremos o posicionamento apologista, usando para tanto textos de Voltaire. Em seguida, analisaremos a crítica de Jean-Jacques Rousseau ao luxo.

Emile, çocuk eğitimi üzerine yazılmış bir romandır. Eser, sadece bir roman yapısına sahip olmayıp Rousseau'nun eğitim, çocuk eğitimi ve yaşadıkları üzerine görüşlerini de içerir. Özellikle bu kayda değer görüşleri nedeniyle eserin günümüz eğitim bilimleri açısından incelenmesi, yorumlanması ve değerlendirilmesi gerekiyor. Bu noktada yaptığımız çalışmada, Emile'in çocukların gelişiminde ve eğitiminde özgürlükçü, doğal ve yaparak-yaşayarak öğrenmeyi esas aldığı görülüyor. Ancak yazarın eğitim adına aksayan fikirlerini ve idalist bir roman ortaya koyduğunu da göz ardı etmemek gerekir.

Les ambiguïtés et les contradictions de l’idéal éducatif s’expriment dans les fictions et les écrits théoriques de Marmontel, ce dernier s’inscrivant à la fois dans la lignée des pédagogues chrétiens, notamment Fénelon, et dans l’utopie des « éducations négatives » dont Rousseau est l’instigateur et qui se développe au mitan du siècle dans les fictions romanesques. Dans quelle mesure la fictionnalisation de cet idéal éducatif a-t-elle pu contribuer à son développement du XIXe siècle jusqu’à aujourd’hui ?

A partire dalle idee sulla musica dei filosofi antichi, attraverso le concezioni medievali e rinascimentali, il volume considera l'impatto della rivoluzione scientifica, la stagione illuminista e gli sviluppi ottocenteschi, per giungere infine al ricco dibattito contemporaneo. Tra i principali autori trattati: i pitagorici, Platone, Aristotele, Aristosseno, Boezio, Agostino, Tomaso d'Aquino, Ficino, Galileo, Mersenne, Cartesio, Leibniz, Rousseau, Kant, Novalis, Schelling, Wackenroder, Hoffmann, Schopenhauer, Kierkegaard, Hegel, Hanslick, Helmholtz, Nietzsche, Bloch, Adorno, Jankélévitch, Wittgenstein, S. Langer, P. Kivy, J. Levinson, N. Goodman, R. Scruton.

Stella Ghervas, “Das Erbe des Wiener Kongresses und der Wert von Friedensstiften” [The Legacy of the Congress of Vienna and the Virtue of Peacemakers], Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte (APuZ), Vol. 65, No. 22-24 (2015): 15-20.

Abstract (in German):
„Eine Betrachtung des Wiener Kongresses und des „Kongresssystems“ von 1815 bis 1823 entlang ihrer (Miss-)Erfolge bei der Bewahrung des Friedens zeigt fünf
„Lektionen“ auf, die heute noch angewandt werden könnten – vor allem mit Blick auf eine tragfähige Beziehung zwischen der Europäischen Union und Russland“.
See also on-line version: https://www.bpb.de/apuz/206927/das-erbe-des-wienerkongresses

Abstract (in English):
“This article examines the legacy of the Congress of Vienna and the ‘Congress System’ (1815-23) through their successes and failures in keeping peace. It outlines five “lessons” or principles that might still be applicable, especially in establishing a viable relationship between the European Union and Russia.”

"Rousseau: Ciudadano sin patria", aborda una de las principales inquietudes intelectuales de su autor, a saber, las implicaciones políticas del abandono del concepto teleológico de naturaleza. Al separarse las tendencias opuestas de libertad y autoconservación, que dicho concepto trataba de unificar, surgen dos posiciones políticas antagónicas que tratan de imponerse: la izquierda y la derecha, los "liberals & conservatives". Mientras los primeros representan la emancipación del individuo —el denominado por Freud principio del deseo— los segundos luchan por la seguridad, por el mantenimiento de las condiciones de conservación —el principio de realidad freudiano. La singularidad de Rousseau consiste en haber encarnado de un modo ejemplar ambas tendencias, convirtiéndose en precursor de todas las grandes posiciones políticas de la Modernidad.

Rousseau’s theology, like much of his philosophy, is paradoxical. It comprises both a rejection of traditional Christian dogma—notably original sin—as incommensurate with reason, and a defense of Christianity and political religion as institutions transcending the rationalism of the Enlightenment. His thoughts on religion thus unexpectedly comprise an anti-theological theology. This chapter discusses the private religion that Rousseau espoused in the Profession of Faith of the Savoyard Vicar, and the civil religion he described in the last chapter of the Social Contract. Counter-intuitively, it points out that his fame as an anti-theologian derives from his anti-intellectualism and personal mystical inclinations. And it recounts the influence that his religious thought exercised in Europe until the turn of the nineteenth century.

L'objet de cet article est un parcours dans les discours critiques sur Rousseau permettant, tout synthétique qu'il soit, d'évaluer en quoi les approches de genre-où l'on comprend les féminismes-ont contribué à déplacer les enjeux de la lecture de l'oeuvre. Il faut d'abord dire combien Rousseau a suscité la « passion » féministe. Par ce que Sarah Kofman avait diagnostiqué comme une hantise de l'invasion des femmes dans l'espace civil et du désordre politique engendré par leur supposé désordre sexuel, l'oeuvre semble exemplaire de la difficulté du siècle de l'émancipation par les « lumières » et de la Révolution à porter le flambeau de l'égalité des sexes. Elle a notamment été perçue, pour notre présent, comme illustration négative du rapport entre contractualisme moderne, état démocratique et absence d'actualisation de leurs potentialités émancipatrices pour les femmes. Elle est donc particulièrement intéressante en ce que la centralité spectaculaire de la différence sexuelle et des conditions de sa configuration hiérarchisée s'y joint à la nouveauté et la modernité même de la pensée dans le champ de l'éthique et du politique. De ce fait même, Rousseau pose frontalement le problème de la sexuation de la lecture. La simple expérience pédagogique permet aussi de constater la perplexité, pour ne pas dire plus, des étudiant.e.s, face au livre V d'Émile ou à la Lettre à d'Alembert. Par son illustration, perçue comme très déterminée, du différentialisme complémentariste, Rousseau ne sollicite pas seulement, et depuis longtemps, la lecture féministe ; il renvoie chacun.e à sa perception de la différence des sexes et à ce qu'elle autorise réellement en matière de revendication égalitaire, mais aussi de conception des identités de sexe. D'où le problème : cette revendication peut-elle constituer un horizon interprétatif ? Les études de genre, par leur vocation politique, engagent à ne pas se satisfaire d'une prétendue neutralité de l'analyse du « texte », mais il faut articuler cette vocation à la nécessité scientifique de tenir compte de la situation historique et culturelle des oeuvres. Le « genre » sera ici analysé dans ses limites comme dans ses apports, et on le définit comme un outil de perception critique susceptible de donner à voir la manière dont une oeuvre peut se trouver travaillée par un imaginaire du rapport des sexes, dans la perspective relationnelle venue de Joan Scott (effets de pouvoir portés par ce rapport inclus). Et comme Christine Planté, nous ne pensons pas que le pluriel-les genres-s'impose, car il est indispensable de maintenir ce que le singulier fait entendre de frontières séparatrices d'un sexe à l'autre-ce qui oblige, en dernier lieu, à interroger ce que les approches queer apportent, ou non. * Quiconque n'a jamais lu Rousseau sait trois choses de lui. Il sait que cet auteur inventa la théorie du contrat social et lui consacra un livre ; qu'il mourut paranoïaque, accablé d'un imaginaire « complot » ; et enfin qu'il fut un misogyne féroce dont la vie sexuelle se partageait entre exhibitionnisme, masturbation et impuissance 2. Yves Vargas formule ici le résumé burlesque d'une certaine exemplarité. Rousseau serait, d'abord, celui qu'on n'a pas besoin de lire pour savoir qu'il illustre, dans une culture des Lumières sinon rétive, du moins ambiguë sur l'égalité des sexes, une misogynie inscrite dans l'histoire personnelle. Est-il gynophobe ou philogyne ? Féministe ou antiféministe ? La boutade de Vargas donne le sentiment qu'il s'agit d'un faux problème, tant l'enjeu herméneutique s'y réduit au « signifié psychobiographique » dont Derrida déplorait l'emprise 1 Laurence Mall définit en ces termes la subtilité (et l'ambiguïté) de la position de Rousseau

Jean-Jacques Rousseau: Fundamental Political Writings includes the Social Contract, Discourse on the Sciences and the Arts, Discourse on the Origins of Inequality, and “Preface to Narcissus.” Each text has been newly translated, and includes a full complement of explanatory notes. The editors’ introduction offers students diverse points of entry into some of the distinctive possibilities and challenges of each of these fundamental texts, as well as an introduction to Rousseau’s life and historical situation, from his early years in Geneva to his final years in relative solitude. Each text is accompanied by images from the original editions. The volume also includes annotated appendices that help students to explore the origins and influences of Rousseau’s work, including excerpts from Hobbes, Pascal, Descartes, Mandeville, Diderot, Voltaire, Madame de Staël, Benjamin Constant, Joseph de Maistre, Kant, Hegel, and Engels.