Neo-Gramsci

Sentiment analysis that will be performed on this research using a laptop product review datasets derived from the amazon.com web site. Because the currently the results of the laptop product reviews are provided online, it is easy to obtain such information. The number of datasets taken from that site is 500 reviews which is divided into 250 positive reviews and negative reviews. Python programming language and the plug-in NaturalLanguage Toolkit (NLTK) in this study are used in the preprocessing, training, testing and evaluation stages.This research aims to know the extent of the influence of the features selection of Chi Square and the N-Gram in analyzing sentiment laptop product review with Naïve Bayes classification techniques. Evaluation of the results employed accuracy, precision, recall and also f-measure. The result of the features selection stages are used to improve the accuracy of the Naïve Bayes Algorithm from 80.15% to 94.44%.

Between 2009 and 2013, the research group known
as ‘State Project Europe’ based at the Institute for
Social Research in Frankfurt and at Marburg University
investigated the Europeanisation of migration
policies.1 The inquiry focused on the Federal Republic
of Germany, the United Kingdom and Spain as key
examples of EU member states. The following paper
summarises the central theoretical and methodological
results of this study. The first section develops and
unpacks the theoretical premises of a historical
materialist theory of the state. The section that follows
presents the historical materialist policy analysis
(HMPA) approach which has been developed within
this context and that allowed us to operationalise the
theoretical premises for our empirical studies. The last
section analyses the social forces at play in the field of
European migration policy in order to show that the
project of migration management became hegemonic
in Europe and how, since late summer 2015, it has
entered into a state of crisis.
The study identifies five ‘hegemony projects’ that
fought over the mode of European integration: a
neoliberal, a conservative, two social projects and
a left-liberal alternative one. In the field of migration
policy, the conflicts between these projects condensed
into the hegemonic political project of ‘migration
management’. This project, driven by demands of
corporations, certain capital fractions and neoliberal
‘experts’, aimed at making increased and flexible
immigration of workers into and within the EU
politically feasible by integrating certain migration
policy demands from other hegemony projects –
key among them were repressive border controls,
protection of genuine refugees and national-social
privileges.
The concluding section analyses current dynamics.
It focusses on Germany and Austria because these
countries are at the forefront of a major conflict
about the European migration regime, starting with
the ‘Summer of Migration’ of 2015. As a result, the
migration management project has entered a period
of crisis and readjustment, leading, first, to a partial
opening of European borders and then to a temporary
renationalisation and extensive expansion of the
repressive elements of the border regime.
When the refugees had made it over the borders
with self-confidence and found support from a large
‘welcome movement’, which can be attributed to a
discursive alliance of the left-liberal alternative and the
pro-European social hegemony project, it was possible
to shift discourses and practices to the left.
On the basis of decades of mobilisation and not
least of self-organised refugee protests, these
actors were able to strengthen their position in the
migration-political relations of force in Germany and
Austria, the main receiving countries in the Summer
of Migration. This was ultimately also mirrored in
the attitude of the German federal government.
The latter can only be grasped in its complexity and
inconsistency by concluding that the strategies of the
progressive hegemony projects coincided with those
of the neoliberal hegemony project: both strategies
were linked. The Merkel government was able to rely
on influential actors that can be seen as part of the
neoliberal hegemony project, including economists,
representatives of capital and the neoliberal press. The
conservative and national-social hegemony project, on
the other hand, fell behind.
The temporary revocation of the asymmetrical
compromise of ‘migration management’ by the
actors associated with the progressive and neoliberal
hegemony projects, triggered a major chauvinistic
counter-movement, especially on the part of the racist
(völkische) fraction of the conservative project. The
growing influence of these forces intensified until
March 2016, when the Aegean and Balkan routes were
effectively closed and significant restrictions to asylum
laws were introduced in Germany and Austria.
The coming years will show whether neoliberal
forces will succeed in overcoming their prevalent
crisis of hegemony and can re-stabilise the project
of migration management by pushing back racist
(völkische) actors and by reintegrating other actors of
the conservative project. Such integration efforts are
already apparent, for example in the support neoliberal
actors give to the externalisation of the European
border regime. The further direction of European
migration policy, however, very much depends on
whether there are forces that are able to develop a
counter-hegemonic project of transnational solidarity.

ENGLISH
During his political militancy, Antonio Gramsci had to face a nationalist movement on the rise, which found expression in the Italian Nationalist Association (Associazione nazionalista italiana – ANI), born in 1910 and existed until 1923. The Association was animated by an imperialist-authoritarian ideology and supported the interests of the large-scale industry. Gramsci disagreed with ANI on all the most important issues, but, being aware of its weight on the political scene, he analysed it with attention, both during the political fight and in the deeper reflection of the Prison notebooks. The Sardinian intellectual mainly dwelled on the contradictions of nationalist ideology and the reason of its political fortunes, connecting them to his more general interpretation of Italian history. Nowadays, in the face of aworldwide revival of nationalisms, reading Gramsci’s reflections is useful than ever.

SPANISH
A lo largo de su militancia política Antonio Gramsci tuvo que confrontarse con un movimiento nacionalista cada vez más fuerte, que dio vida a la Associazione nazionalista italiana (ANI), surgida en 1910 y acabada en 1923. La Asociación tenía una ideología imperialista-autoritaria y era la vocera de los intereses de la gran industria. Gramsci se oponía a la ANI en todas las cuestiones más importantes pero, al estar consciente de la importancia que había adquirido en el escenario político, la examinó cuidadosamente, tanto en la fase de la lucha política, como en las más extensas reflexiones de los Cuadernos de la carcel. El intelectual sardo se detuvo sobre todo en las contradicciones de la ideología nacionalista y en los motivos de su suerte, relacionándolos con su interpretación más general de la historia italiana. Hoy en día, ante el renacimiento de los nacionalismos en todo el mundo, reconsiderar las reflexiones gramscianas es particularmente útil.

Sosyal bilimlerin farklı disiplinlerinde kullanılan 'eleştiri' kavramı birbiriyletümüyle örtüşmeyen farklı anlamları kapsar. Örneğin eleştiri, edebiyat alamndayazılı bir metnin yazılış amacını felsefî bir çerçevede temellendirme işlevigörürken; sosyolojide toplum ile onu inceleyen bilim insanı arasındakiilişkinin niteliğini sorgular, Eleştiri, teori ile bir araya geldiğinde ise artıkkendisine bir misyon, neredeyse kutsal bir görev algısı atfetmiş olur, Bu görevinkarşı kutbunda, yani eleştirinin hedefinde ise 'iktidar' algısı yatar.İktidar kavramı, sosyal bilimlerde kullanılış biçimiyle, günlük siyasijpolitizekullanımından uzaklaşmıştır. iktidar ile kastedilen, yöneten kişiden,kurumdan, siyasî partiden ya da hükümet yetkililerinden fazlasıdır. iktidar,meşru görülen her türlü toplumsal, siyasî, ekonomik ya da ikili ilişkinin, bilginin,teorinin ve pratiğin/eylemin içinde yer alır…