Joseph S Nye

This essay intends to provide a political-economy grounded analysis of the ideas of soft power in the context of US foreign policy. It argues that Nye's theory of soft power amounts to little more than the latest update of cultural imperialism, and uses a critical theory lense to examine the political and economic basis of cultural imperialism as expressed in soft power theories. After introducing Nye's notion of soft power and Adorno and Horkheimer's analysis of the culture industries, this essay examines how the latter can serve as a criticism for the former, while being aware of its limitations. Despite often being dismissed as obsolete, Adorno and Horkheimer's analysis productively serves to better understand the workings of soft power theories. If we add to this a nuanced understanding of empire such as that independently provided by Samir Amin and Victoria de Grazia, the concept of soft power is cast in a new critical light which does not dismiss soft power as mere imperial propaganda but reflects on what is lost through its imposition, looking at examples in places such as Nigeria and South Africa. Although arguing that the alternative to unidirectional soft power is cultural reciprocity and humility, this essay is also wary of the recent developments within the infotainment industries, which may signal the advent of a new global economic cycle.

El geopolitólogo estadounidense, Joseph Nye, uno de los promotores de las teorías del poder (soft, hard y Smart) destaca en un artículo en Foreign Policy (FP) el pasado 24 de enero, que además de tener un dominio militar es importante tener el poderío desde el punto de vista cultural, muy asociado con su teoría del poder inteligente.
Pero también Nye incorpora el concepto de “Poder punzante” (Sharp power) que va dirigido como estrategia del poder duro, ya que conlleva la manipulación de ideas, el chantaje a través de la desinformación (Fake News), y no necesariamente información falsa sino el uso de los laboratorios de ideas (Think Tanks) para desde la academia respaldar lobbies políticos o ideas infundadas, lo que no quiere decir que todo lo que hagan desde un Think Tank sea falso, sino que deja claro que hay una línea de pensamiento que es la que tiene predominio por encima de otras, y además que se da el uso de la herramienta para intercalar elementos solapados de dominio ideológico, misma práctica que se le podría atribuir a la prensa que está manifiestamente al margen del gobierno.

Abstract

The phenomenon of power in International Relations is among the concepts often discussed. The concept of 'power' with rising realism in 20th century was understood as military and economic power; power extends beyond this meaning today and incorporates different elements. In this context, 'soft power' has become one of the most important and referred concepts in International Relations. The concept of soft power, which can be defined as the ability of an actor to make another actor to do something it would not likely do itself, is shaped through elements such as culture, politics, economics, diplomacy. In particular, the complex structure of international relations today makes the international actors' use of their 'soft power' potentials convenient. Today, the rapid leap in science and technology, especially the internet, has made it easier for states to produce, execute and disseminate soft power policies, making the use of soft power a kind of indispensable for a peaceful environment. In this study, the concept of power was first discussed within the framework of different approaches. Then the concept of hard power, which is one of the power types, is defined as the opposite of the concept of soft power. The main axis of the study, Joseph Nye's concept of soft power, was evaluated within the framework of International Relations and South Korea was examined as an example of soft power. Elements of soft power have been laid out in the context of the diplomatic, economic, cultural and political implications possessed by rising power South Korea. South Korea is particularly successful in presenting popular culture as the most basic source of its soft power.

Students of International Relations like books that ‘talk big’, such as Francis Fukuyama’s The End of History and the Last Man, Samuel Huntington’s The Clash of Civilization and the Remaking of the World Order, and Henry Kissinger’s latest book World Order. In a similar vein, Joseph S. Nye, Jr., a former Dean and now professor at the Harvard John F. Kennedy School of Government has just published Is the American Century Over?

As a small volume, it is one of the best short reads about global geostrategic power shifts. Leading International Relations scholar Joseph Nye, famous for his “soft power” concept, addresses the debate over the posited decline of America, presenting a clear argument that “the American Century is not over”.

La Trampa de Tucídides se ha convertido en los últimos años en la forma más popular de explicar los desafíos que la relación sino-americana presenta. Sin embargo, las críticas han florecido, y una vez más se enfrentan dos visiones de la geopolítica, quienes creen de la mano de Tucídides y Allison en pautas atemporales que siempre condicionarán el comportamiento de los Estados; y quienes aseguran que las reglas del mundo moderno son distintas a las que estábamos acostumbrados. A cinco años del artículo político más comentado de nuestro tiempo, debemos preguntarnos, ¿Podemos en pleno siglo XXI creer en una ley inmutable basada en lo sostenido por un historiador hace más de dos milenios?

Thucydides Trap has become in the last years the most popular way to explain the challenges that the Sino-American relation poses. Nevertheless, critics have flourished, and once more two geopolitical visions are being confronted, those who believe, with Thucydides and Allison, in immutable laws that will always condition the behaviour of States; and those who assure that the rules of the modern world are different to those we were used to. Five years after the most commented political article of our time, we must ask ourselves: Can we, in plain XXI century, believe in an immutable law based on what was sustained by a historian two millenniums ago?

Концепция «мягкой силы» Дж. Ная нашла применение во внешнеполитической стратегии современной Турецкой Республики. В статье предпринята попытка проанализировать концептуальную основу турецкой «мягкой силы». В первой части работы автор изучает предпосылки обращения турецких властей к «тонким» внешнеполитическим методам в контексте внутренних и внешних перемен, произошедших в новом тысячелетии, и характеризует главные составляющие потенциала Турции в области проецирования своей «мягкой силы». Во второй части статьи представлен обзор наиболее эффективных инструментов «мягкого» влияния турецкого государства и основных направлений их применения. Автор приходит к выводу, что правящая Партия справедливости и развития сумела оптимально совместить как старые, так и новые рычаги воздействия на других участников международных отношений. Сочетание военного, политического, экономического и культурного потенциала с «мягкими» инструментами дало современной Турции возможность претендовать на роль влиятельного регионального и глобального актора.

Have you heard of Soft Power? If yes, you must know Nye, if not... you should check it out anyway.
What is the first thing coming to your mind when you think of Japan? Hello Kitty, kawaii things, manga and some anime maybe? (and of course their gorgeous tradition!)
I bet it is not its colonialist past, the sexual slaving cases or any other dark though...
How and why? Well, if you are curious to this point, you should read what I have got to say in this essay!

This thesis problematises the bases of soft power, that is, causal mechanisms connecting the agent (A) and the subject (B) of a power relationship. As the literature review reveals, their underspecification by neoliberal IR scholars, the leading proponents of the soft power concept, has caused a great deal of scholarly confusion over such questions as how to clearly differentiate between hard and soft power, how attraction (soft power’s primary mechanism) works and what roles structural and relational forces play in hard/soft power. In an effort to ascertain the bases, I address this issue not from the viewpoint of A’s policies or resources, like do IR neoliberal scholars, but in terms of B’s psychological perception of A. Employing social psychological accounts, I argue that attraction can be produced in three distinct ways, namely 1) through B’s identification with A (“emotional” attraction), 2) via B’s appreciation of A’s competence/knowledge in a particular field (“rational” attraction) and 3) by means of the activation of B’s internalised values which contextually prescribe B to act in A’s favour (“social” attraction). Importantly, depending upon the way attraction is produced, it is peculiar in a number of characteristics, the main of which are power scope, weight and durability. Insights from social psychology also show that unlike soft power, hard power requires not only B’s relevant perception of the A-B relationship (as coercive or rewarding), but also A’s capability to actualise a threat of punishment and/or a promise of reward. I argue this difference can be fairly treated as definitional rather than empirical, which implies that coercion and reward necessarily have both relational and structural dimensions, whereas for attraction, a structural one alone suffices, while a relational one may or may not be present. Having explicated the soft power bases, I illustrate each of them using three “most likely” case studies, namely Serbia’s policies towards Russia (emotional attraction), Kazakhstan’s approach to relations with the EU (rational attraction) and Germany’s policies vis-à-vis Israel (social attraction).

Rad se bavi fenomenom američke meke moći na globalnom nivou, ali i u Srbiji i Jugoslaviji. Prati se kako je Amerika „izvozila” svoju kulturu i na koji način je vodila javnu diplomatiju u 20. veku, s posebnim akcentom na ulogu meke moći u Hladnom ratu. Na kraju se postavlja pitanje šta je s američkom mekom moći posle kraja Hladnog rata, kako se ona koristi u 21.veku u Americi, ali i u Srbiji, kao i na koji način danas meku moć koriste druge velike sile, poput Kine.

This essay aims to develop a critique on the concept of soft power. Joseph S. Nye’s
term soft power was primarily developed for and relates to foreign policy. In the
following, this essay will argue that the concept therefore misses out on the
domestically generated origins of soft power and so inherits conceptual
shortcomings.

Saemaul Undong seringkali dipromosikan Korea Selatan dalam berbagai forum Internasional sebagai salah satu faktor terpenting keberhasilan pembangunannya. Mengusung semangat diligence, self-help, and cooperation, Saemaul Undong berhasil menarik banyak masyarakat negara berkembang, termasuk negara-negara Afrika.

Tak disangka, Saemaul Undong menjadi salah satu alat Korea Selatan mencapai kepentingannya. Dalam hal ini, Saemaul Undong berfungsi sebagai soft power Korea Selatan.

Skripsi ini meneliti upaya soft power Korea Selatan dengan Saemaul Undong tersebut di sub-sahara Afrika dengan menggunakan konsep soft power behavior dari Joseph Nye tahun 2011

It is useful to think of the balance between ‘hard’ and ‘soft’ power as means to implement US grand strategy in the modern historical context of the Middle East and the ‘War on Terror’. After 9/11, America had felt the physical effects of war for the first time in the modern age on its own shores which sharply altered its use of power. The Middle East has been the strategic centre of the world long before these events, but it was at these times America decided to get directly involved as opposed to simply enabling European allies who laid the groundwork for the international political landscape we see today. After such a direct attack, the US ramped up its military intervention agenda to regain credibility as world leader, but also strategically altered the use of soft power to justify its actions under a republican-primacy rhetoric. America is the modern father of military intervention and the use of hard power, but it is also the mother of PR and the ability to represent to manipulate; a true hegemon. In this essay I will be looking at how these two facets of power interact, with particular reference to the post 9/11 context to ascertain their roles in the world today.
“Never had the world seen such a combination of unilateral military might with unyielding diplomatic pressure and untrammelled strategic reach.”
(Bennis, 2003, pp.137)

Portuguese thesis for bachelor in Internacional Relations. Japanese Soft Power: Cultural Narrative for japanese's diplomacy and nation branding.

Abstract: A partir de uma análise bibliográfica, buscou-se, primeiramente, compreender a construção dos conceitos de soft power e Diplomacia Pública dentro das Relações Internacionais, em seguida, o contexto histórico Japão na construção de uma lente voltada para a cultura. Da mesma forma, foi possível analisar como se deu a construção da Diplomacia Cultural japonesa juntamente com uma instituição cultural, bem como a estratégia Cool Japan e os desafios no contexto atual.

Para ser hegemônico no cenário internacional um país pode buscar se tornar uma liderança regional por diversos meios de poder. O Brasil nas últimas décadas apresenta crescimentos relevantes em sua política internacional e economia. Estes avanços o destacam como liderança sul-americana tendo como confirmação deste poder sua posição no bloco Mercosul e o promove para a possibilidade de obter a desejada cadeira no conselho de Segurança da ONU. Por meio do Softpower e de hegemonia gramsciana o Brasil pode galgar posições no tabuleiro da política internacional.

Este estudo tem como objetivo fazer uma análise da Hallyu Wave, como um fenômeno de internacionalização da marca-país (Nation Brand) da Coreia do Sul e como estratégia de inserção internacional. Fazendo um paralelo com a forma que o Brasil faz sua inserção internacional através de suas indústrias culturais, a força motriz da Hallyu Wave, este trabalho de caráter introdutório visa preencher as lacunas de estudos brasileiros a respeito, comparar e buscar exemplos para a inserção internacional brasileira através de uma melhoria da imagem externa do país. Para isso, foi realizado um estudo de caso da ascensão da indústria cultural sul-coreana buscando compreender os fatores históricos político-econômico-sociais envolvidos. Desenvolveu-se uma pesquisa documental através de análise bibliográfica, baseando-se e estabelecendo um diálogo entre os conceitos de indústria cultural dos estudos da Escola de Frankfurt de relações internacionais, o de soft power de Joseph Nye e o de hegemonia cultural de Antonio Gramsci. Logo, trata-se de um estudo predominantemente qualitativo que buscou dados quantitavos apenas para esclarecer e validar alguns pontos da pesquisa. Os estudos a respeito da imagem do Brasil e sua Marca País são recentes e por isso fazer uma análise bibliográfica a respeito apresentou-se como uma dificuldade, restrita aos documentos nacionais. Concluiu-se através do cruzamento entre os casos que a forma como Coreia do Sul e Brasil exercem seu nation branding são bem diferentes, tanto em objetivos, quanto em meios para chegar a estes fins. Uma se volta para o turismo do país e a outra para a imagem do país como um todo. A Coreia do Sul utiliza-se fortemente de sua indústria cultural como aliada da sua diplomacia cultural, enquanto no Brasil a diplomacia cultural é exercida pelo MinC em conjunto com o MRE e a imagem do país está a cargo mais especificamente da Embratur. Contudo notou-se que apresentar-se internacionalmente através de imagens e narrativas positivas têm sido o objetivo de ambos os Estados como forma de inserir-se internacionalmente seja por meio do turismo ou da diplomacia cultural.
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This study aims to analyze the Hallyu wave, as a phenomenon of internationalization of the nation brand from South Korea and as an international insertion strategy. Making a parallel with the Brazil makes its international insertion through its cultural industries, a driving force of Hallyu Wave, this work has an introductory character – since it fills as gap in Brazilian studies about the theme – about an improvement of the external image of the country. For this, a case study of the rise of the South Korean cultural industry was carried out, looking for the historical political-economic-social elements involved. A bibliographic research was developed through documental analysis, based on a dialogue between the concepts of the Frankfurt School studies’s cultural industry, Joseph Nye’s soft power and Antonio Gramsci’s cultural hegemony. Therefore, it is a predominantly qualitative study that sought quantitative data only to clarify and validate some points of the research. The studies refer to the image of Brazil and to its Country Brand are recent and for that reason to make a bibliographical analysis about it presents itself like very difficult, restricted to the analysis of national documents. It was concluded by crossing the cases that South Korea and Brazil resort to their nation brands quite differently, both in objectives, and in means to achieve these ends. The first appeal to its tourism and the second to the whole image of the country. South Korea draws heavily from its cultural industry as a tool of its diplomatic culture, while in Brazil a cultural diplomacy is exercised by the MinC in conjunction with the MRE while the image of the country is a more specifically Embratur cargo. However, it has been noted that show themselves internationally through positive images and narratives is the aim of both states as a way of inserting themselves internationally through tourism or cultural diplomacy.

INTRODUCCIÓN Si bien en diversos ámbitos tanto académicos como de actualidad internacional se habla del concepto de potencia regional, no se tiene claridad respecto a su definición.Éste se refiere a un estado ubicado en una zona geográfica específica, en la que tiene la capacidad de proyectar su influencia, se caracteriza por tener normalmente un gran número de habitantes, además, posee un gran potencial económico y militar en comparación con otros países de la región, pudiendo así enfrentar las amenazas o retos que surjan gracias a los equilibrios de poder constantes y variables, y a los procesos políticos que generan conflictos y cambios abruptos al interior de los estados vecinos. Los EmiratosÁrabes Unidos son una federación relativa-mente joven que se ubica geográficamente en una de las regiones más convulsivas del mundo, a pesar de ello, dicha situación de inestabilidad no ha sido del todo negativa, ya que, le ha permitido posicionarse poco a poco como uno de los países referentes en diferentes aspectos, que van desde lo económico con su cada vez más diversificada economía, sus elementos políticos que han tenido una significativa evolución a lo largo de los años, su potencial y poder militar que no es nada despreciable y su política y relaciones exteriores que se han convertido en uno de los factores más relevantes en el juego de poder en el sistema internacional. Lo mencionado anteriormente es aquella combinación perfecta que en la coyuntura actual le podría ser fundamental a los EAU para alcanzar el estatus de potencia regional. Lo que se pretende plantear aquí para responder ante el interrogante: ¿Pueden los Emiratos Árabes Unidos llegar a ser una potencia regional? Es básicamente que la combinación tri-partita entre lo militar, lo económico y su política y relaciones exteriores es y será clave para que la federación se convierta en una potencia regional, de otra manera solo será un país con fortalezas en ciertosámbitos, pero no lograra alcanzar dicho estatus. Es el ejemplo perfecto de un despliegue de lo que Joseph Nye denominó smart power, es decir, la combinación de elementos de proyección de poder duro y blando. [12] CONTEXTO Desde 1853 hasta 1968 lo que en la actualidad son los EmiratosÁrabes Unidos eran un protectorado británico, de-nominado los Estados de la Tregua. No fue sino hasta 1971 que "seis de estos Estados: Abu Dhabi, Ajman, Al Fujayrah, Ash Shariqah, Dubayy y Umm al Qaywayn se fusionaron para formar una federación y en 1972 se unió Ra's al Khaymah" [8] Esta federación es un régimen autocrático que garantiza la satisfacción de los derechos de sus ciudadanos a través de ciertos programas que se asemejan a un estado de bienestar financiado gracias a la riqueza generada por la explotación y exportación de los hidrocarburos. Desde su conformación como Estado, el emirato de Abu Dhabi y principalmente la ciudad de Dubái se han ido posicionando como uno de los centros de negocio e intercambio comercial de mayor renombre en el mundo. Sus dos líderes respectivos el jeque Zayed bin Sultan Al Nahyan y el jeque Maktoum bin Rashid Al Maktoum han demostrado tener un talante visionario y que se acopla a las necesidades de los contextos a los que se han enfrentado llevando adelante los diferentes proyectos tanto económicos como estratégicos de la federación y fortaleciendo el papel deésta en los diferentesámbitos internacionales. Sobre todo, el jeque Zayed ha buscado un equilibrio al interior de la federación a través del dialogo con el argumento de que así podrían mejorar su posición en la región y en el mundo. Su ubicación geográfica también es importante ya que, "limita al norte con el Golfo de Pérsico, al este con el Golfo de Omán y Sultanato de Omán, al sur con el Sultanato de Omán y Arabia Saudita y al oeste con Arabia Saudita." [2]Esta ubicación ha sido fundamental en el afianzamiento de sus relaciones comerciales con los países de la región y del mundo. Siendo este un elemento muy relevante en su carrera por convertirse en potencia regional. LOS HIDROCARBUROS YA NO SON LA RESPUESTA De acuerdo con los datos de index mundi, para 2019 EAU era el octavo productor de petroleó en el mundo, con 3,216,000 de barriles por día, aunque es una cifra considerablemente alta, otros países de la región tienen una producción mucho mayor como lo es en el caso de Iraq, Irán y principalmente Arabia Saudí puesésteúltimo país se ubica en la tercera posición a nivel mundial con una producción de 10,425,000 de barriles por día[7]. A pesar de lo que se podría argumentar inicialmente, no son los hidrocarburos lo que hace de Emiratoś Arabes Unidos en la actualidad una potencia económica, pues, aunque fue este recurso el impulsor de su economía y durante años le significo una solidez y estabilidad en esteámbito, será la diversificación económica lo que en la coyuntura actual se convertirá en uno de los bastiones de su posible ascenso. Durante mucho tiempo "el petróleo, además de combustible, se ha considerado como un arma geopolítica." [10], sin embargo, el panorama está cambiando. La disminución sin precedentes del precio del petróleo que tuvo lugar recientemente, para muchos otros países de

Since its establishment in 1949 and for the next twenty years, the People's Republic of China carried out a continuous effort to enhance its international position. With the world divided into areas influenced either by the US or the USSR, the PRC saw its possibilities of opening official diplomatic relations restricted. As a response, it implemented a programme of cultural diplomacy, targeting the countries of the Third World.   

(Building on Joseph Nye's notion of 'soft power') this article describes the PRC’s cultural diplomacy in Latin America and observes the means by which it was implemented. Additionally, it examines the extent to which this policy was successful, whilst observing the response it had in Latin America. It is argued that the informal exchange carried out through cultural diplomacy enhanced the PRC's presence in Latin America; however, the later opening of diplomatic relations are to be claimed as product of a favourable international and domestic political situation.

Montt Strabucchi, Maria. 'The PRC's Cultural Diplomacy towards Latin America in the 1950s and 1960s', International Journal of Current Chinese Studies, n. 1 (2010), 53-84

In a period of consistent conflict, military leaders must have the ability to extend their influence beyond the military rank and file structure in order to operate effectively in politically and culturally charged operational environments. This monograph explores how military leaders must understand when to minimize the use of their perceived legitimate (position) power and rely more heavily upon other ―softer‖ sources of power or influence tactics.

1990 sonrasındaki dönemde Amerikalı siyaset bilimci Joseph
Nye, uluslararası alanda güçlü sayılabilmek için askeri ve ekonomik
gücü içeren sert gücün yanında kültür, değerler ve politikaların da
gerekli olduğunu açıklamış ve “yumuşak güç” kavramını ortaya
atmıştır. Yeni uluslararası sistemde bölgesel-alt sistemler görünür hale
gelmiş, Balkanlar hem bu anlamda hem de bünyesinde artan etnik ve
dini çatışmalar anlamında önemli bir bölge haline gelmiştir. Bu
anlamda kırılgan bir yapıda olan Balkanlar, ekonominin ve
demokrasinin geliştirilmesi açısından hem ekonomik güce hem de
yumuşak güce sahip bir aktöre ihtiyaç duymaktadır. Yumuşak güç
anlamında Balkan bölgesinde, sınır komşusu olan Türkiye ve bir
demokrasi temsilcisi olarak Avrupa Birliği etkin hale gelmiştir. Bu
çalışmada Türkiye ve AB’nin Balkanlar’daki yumuşak güç
faaliyetleri, Joseph Nye’ın ABD üzerinden açıkladığı bu kavram
perspektifinden incelenecektir.

Joseph Nye, considered by many to be the doyen of American political science and international relations, turned 85 years old on January 19. Always soft-spoken and humble, he has been a larger-than-life figure in American social sciences and in the foreign policy community. While his theories and concepts (from integration theory to complex interdependence to soft power) have influenced generations of scholars and policymakers and become well-known the world over, little is known about what led Nye to study each subject he has spent the past 60 years investigating. What is also often forgotten these days is that the prominent academic Nye spent significant parts of his career in government service, going through the famous revolving door between academia and policy several times over the decades. On this special anniversary, I uncover the intellectual origins and inspirations and the historical-political contexts of several of his works and also discuss his once prominent, but these days rather overlooked policy career. In doing this, I am guided by his own words spoken at various events and appearances and shared with me during my personal interviews with him.

Celem artykułu jest scharakteryzowanie i przedstawienie rodzajów potęgi według triady amerykańskiego politologa Josepha Nye (potęga miękka – soft power, potęga twarda – hard power, potęga rozważna – smart power) w odniesieniu do geopolitycznie newralgicznego dla globalnego bezpieczeństwa i gospodarki subregionu Zatoki Perskiej. Rezultatem geopolitycznej analizy potęgi ma być opisanie obecnego układu sił w subregionie oraz możliwości zapewnienia równowagi sił między jego państwami.

The shifting dynamics of the international system since the collapse of the Soviet Union has caused Russia foreign policy to evolve on multiple occasions. It often argued that Russia has become more assertive in its foreign policy, especially with the exploits of Georgia in 2008 and Ukraine 2014. This dissertation argues that Russia’s foreign policy has incorporated Joseph Nye’s concept of different frames of power. It examines evidence of Moscow’s using both hard and soft power and attempts to identify the factors which contributed towards their usage. The dissertation argues that Russia is attempting to reassert itself as a great power. Therefore, the potential estrangement of countries which Moscow believes is in its sphere of influence would damage its aspiration of reasserting itself as a great power. By using hard power in Georgia and Ukraine, Moscow re-established its influence in the countries and halted their westward integration. Furthermore, Moscow’s creation of an ideational concept called the Russia World has been propagated by mass media in an attempt to spread Russia culture beyond its borders. Therefore, demonstrating an adoption of soft power into Russian foreign policy.

Bugün geldiğimiz noktada uluslararası ilişkilerin karmaşık doğası neyi ifade eder? Uluslararası politika nasıl bir zeminde yürütülmektedir? Uluslararası ilişkiler düşünürleri arasında saygın bir yeri olan Stanley Hoffmann, bu sorulara devletleri “risk hesabı yapan bir rulet oyuncusu”, uluslararası ilişkileri de “önceden tahmin edilemeyen bir oyun” olarak görmek suretiyle yanıt bulmaya çalışmıştır. Biz de bu çalışmamızda, uluslararası ilişkilerin anarşik yapısı üzerinde duracak ve geçtiğimiz yıl Eylül 2015’te hayatını kaybeden, Harvard Üniversitesi Profesörü Hoffmann’ın rulet oyuncusu modelini mercek altına alacağız.

Öz Askeri güç ve siyasal zorlama tedbirlerine başvurmadan, özellikle ekonomik/ticari ödüllendirme me-kanizmaları ve kültürel ya da siyasal değer aktarımı süreci çerçevesinde diğer aktörleri kendi çıkarları lehinde etkileme ya da dönüştürme olarak anlamlandırılabilecek yumuşak güç, uluslararası politikada kullanılan en önemli araçlardandır. Son yıllarda, yumuşak güç kullanımı hususunda en ileri adımları atan aktörlerden biri de Çin'dir. Sahip olduğu siyasal değerlerden çok, büyüyen ekonomik gücünü ve ticari olanaklarını yumuşak güç unsuru olarak kullanmayı amaçlayan Pekin, bu çerçevede tarihsel İpek Yolu'nu kendi kontrolünde yeniden canlandırmayı hedeflemektedir. Tıpkı Çin gibi, sistemsel çok kutupluluk anlayışını ön planda tutan ve ABD ile çeşitli alanlarda anlaşmazlık yaşayan Rusya da son dönemde yumuşak güç kullanımına yönelmiştir. Rusya, ekonomik güç itibarıyla Çin'in çok gerisinde olsa da, kurumsal bir yapı olarak ortaya koyduğu Avrasya Ekonomik Birliği üzerinden bölgesel bir hegemonya kurmaya yönelmiştir. Ne var ki, her iki girişimin de, genel itibarıyla aynı coğrafyayı hedefi-ne almış olması, mevcut konjonktürde sistemsel değişim talebi anlamında ortaklaşan Çin ve Rusya'nın uzun vadede çatışmacı bir rekabet anlayışına yönelebileceklerine ilişkin bir öngörüyü de doğurmaktadır. Abstract Without resorting to military power and political coercion measures, soft power, which can be interpreted as influencing or transforming other actors in favor of its own interests, especially in the context of economic/ commercial reward mechanisms and cultural or political value transfer process, is one of the most important tools used in international politics. In recent years, China takes striking steps in the use of soft power. Beijing, which aims to use its growing economic power and commercial opportunities as tools of soft power rather than its political values, aims to revive the historical Silk Road under its control. Russia, like China, gives priority to the understanding of systemic multi-polarity and has disagreement with the US in various fields and has recently turned to the use of soft power. While Russia is far behind China in terms of economic power, it has turned to establish a regional hegemony through the Eurasian Economic Union, which it presents as an institutional structure. However, the fact that both initiatives have generally targeted the same geography also leads to a prediction that China and Russia, which co-exist in the context of demand for systemic change in the current conjuncture, may lead to a long-term competitive conflic.

International Relations became a turning point after the dissolution of the USSR. World bipolar. The number of international actors increased. New states emerged where the USSR dispersed. The world is now moving in a multi-polar system, not in a bipolar system. Over time, thanks to soft power, it succeeded in keeping pace with the world in these newly-established states. Turkey began a soft power in the workplace in the 90s, but has taken steps since 2000 after the original. commissioning of a number of public institutions in Turkey's foreign policy, tried to make the moves required by the new world order. The purpose of this study, Turkey's conduct as soft power, soft power is effective, what is very effective, where it is effective, how much potential energy potential, what's this much potential will increase and how much soft power, is to examine whether it can be done, what else. Tables and statistical data were used to answer these questions. In particular, the figures obtained to see how much the soft power can contribute to the country's economy is invaluable.

Türkçe: Uluslararası İlişkilerde SSCB’nin dağılmasından sonra bir dönüm noktası olmuştur. Dünya iki kutuplu düzenden çıkmıştır. Uluslararası aktörlerin sayısı artmıştır. SSCB’nin dağıldığı yerde yeni devletler ortaya çıkmıştır. Artık dünya bu yeni düzenin içerisinde iki kutuplu bir sistemde değil çok kutuplu bir sistemde hareket etmektedir. Zaman içerisinde yumuşak güç sayesinde bu yeni kurulan devletlerde dünyaya ayak uydurabilir duruma gelmiştir. Türkiye de yumuşak güçle ilgili çalışmalarına 90’larda başlamış, fakat asıl adımlarını 2000 yılından sonra atmıştır. Birtakım kamu kuruluşlarının faaliyete geçmesiyle Türkiye’de dış politikasında yenidünya düzenin gerektirdiği hamleleri yapmaya çalışmıştır. Bu çalışmada amaç, Türkiye’nin yumuşak güç için çalışmalarını göstermek, yumuşak gücünün etkili olup olmadığını, etkiliyse ne ölçüde ve nerelerde olduğunu anlamak, yumuşak güç potansiyelinin ne kadar olduğunu, bu potansiyelinin ne kadarını kullandığını görmek, yumuşak gücünü arttırmak için başka nelerin yapılabileceğini incelemektir. Bu sorulara cevap alabilmek için tablolardan ve istatistiksel verilerden faydalanılmıştır. Özellikle yumuşak gücün ülke ekonomisine ne gibi katkılar yapabildiğini görmek için elde edilen rakamlar çok değerlidir.

Концепция «мягкой силы» американского ученого, профессора Гарвардского института государственного управления Джозефа Ная является классической концепцией в рамках теорий международных отношений. Она разрабатывалась с конца 80-х годов ХХ века под воздействием меняющихся мировых политических реалий с учетом господствующих интересов США. Как и любая новая теория,
концепция «мягкой силы» получала свое развитие во многих работах Дж. Ная. В настоящей статье предпринята попытка провести обзор некоторых критических подходов к данной концепции.

Historiographic review of some critical approaches to J. Nye's «soft power» concept

The concept of «soft power» formulated by the American scientist Joseph Nye, professor at the Harvard Institute of Public Administration, is a classic concept within the framework of theories of international relations. It has been developed since the late 1980s under the influence of changing world political realities, taking into account the dominant interests of the United States. Like any new theory, the concept of «soft power» was developed in many works by J. Nye. This article attempts to review some of the critical approaches to this concept.

In this article, I take stock of the lessons and conclusions I have drawn from the global crisis caused by the coronavirus pandemic, focusing on the main actors of international politics and the world order. Drawing from international relations theory, I make the somewhat surprising claim that a Realpolitik lens would suggest self-interested cooperation among countries in the age of COVID-19. The countries of the world would fare better at managing the coronavirus pandemic if they were to cooperate— cooperation is in their national interest.

The relations between Turkey and the Russian Federation continued to come under the influence of turbulent times and several variables. Turkey’s dependence on foreign energy field in which this process of energy production and Russia’s main export products are shaping the main subject of this thesis. This study covers the field of energy projects, investments and the volume of trade between Turkey and Russia by addressing the issue is to examine the complex interdependence theory. Asymmetric Interdependence between the two countries will be examined through this theory. In this process, starting with the first steps taken in the energy scope between Turkey and Russia, today's Turkey-Russia relations will be discussed. The existing projects will then be evaluated within the scope of this theory. An analysis will be made with the help of the data of countries and it will be compared with the features of this theory.