One Belt One Road

The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) from the People’s Republic of China is receiving a tremendous amount of attention. Press articles try to document what it is, how it has advanced and what it means for different parts of the world. Assessments presented are often based on studies from think tanks, consultants and academics that discuss a variety of subjects, ranging from infrastructure development, geopolitics and global governance to the future of multilateralism. More than ten thousand articles have been written on the subject in the course of a few years.

Many interpretations exist regarding the underlying objectives of the BRI. Economic motivations could include securing supply chains for strategic commodities; optimising transport chains for Chinese exports; stimulating trade opportunities of China’s inland provinces and internationalising and upgrading China’s commercial and industrial maritime cluster. This cluster includes shipping, port construction and development, shipbuilding, dredging and port services. According to some observers, military objectives might also be served. There seems to be a consensus that China aims to achieve multiple objectives through the BRI, simultaneously. Indeed, the open and flexible manner in the way that BRI is defined allows for multiple directions.

The objective of this paper is to analyse the initiative’s potential impacts on global trade. The BRI is examined as a collection of planned transport-corridor developments and analyse what their impact could be on maritime trade flows.

Nowadays The Maritime Silk Road remains a huge and important trade network. It started around the 2nd century B.C. This route flourished in the middle ages, during the Song dynasty (960-1279). That would be impossible without such a simple device as it occurs to us now – compass.

China is pressing ahead with ambitious plans to create a massive infrastructure network connecting it with many countries across the globe. Some of the 'belt and road' infrastructure will however, run through regions convulsed by chronic civil unrest, substantial criminality and incipient insurgencies and need protection by China's private security companies. Simultaneously the Chinese state is undertaking a major 'anti-secession and counter-terrorism' campaign in Xinjiang using a variety of high-technology means: artificial intelligence, big data, wireless connectivity, autonomous systems and robotics. The demand and supply sides seem to be in sync, suggesting Chinese private security companies will soon use a suite of advanced information technology systems with a proven employment doctrine across much of Central Asia, South Asia and Africa. Such a future may be plausible but it is by no means certain as various factors may yet thwart China's private security companies.

This article aims to analyze how the One Belt and One Road Initiative (OBOR) is framed by the European Italian speaking press. It provides a deductive content analysis on the historical visit of President Xi Jinping in Italy, the first G7 country to sign a memorandum of understating on One Belt and One Road Initiative, on March 2019. The article analyses the reports published on the most popular Italian newspapers on Xi’s visit to Italy. Providing four categories to interpret the news frames, it empirically demonstrates how China is negatively presented and perceived in the Italian press.

This article focuses on the perceptions of the Chinese and its partners on the Belt and Road Initiative. The author summarizes the existing foreign opinions about the initiative, one " inequality " of the market, three goals that China wants to achieve and two ways in which China wants to create domestic stability. In fact, the difference between foreign and Chinese perceptions is based on the relative national condition of the two sides, the perception of great powers, and the combination of domestic needs and foreign policy. Finally, the author points out that there are three paradoxes which exist in the differences between China and its partners, which is the biggest challenge of the Belt and Road Initiative.

The Ukrainian crisis of 2014 has been a popular theme of journal and media articles for obvious reasons. Its "Chinese", or rather Sino-Russian dimension has been less so, though the Chinese reaction to the Ukrainian crisis and the implications of this reaction represent interesting political phenomenon. This article tries to fill this gap and uses the description of Russia and China policies during the crisis as a case study of Moscow's and Beijing's political behavior on the international scene in general. Its thesis is that the Ukrainian crisis represents a great case study of these behaviors. Moreover, this case is also a supplement to the general discussion in the field about the state of Russia-China contemporary political relations.

—Being one of the most competitive ports in West Africa, Abidjan Port aims to become the leading port in the region. In this article, the impact of China One Belt One Road strategy on Abidjan port is being studied and analyzed by the Chinese investment on Abidjan port and also the analysis of the trade potential between China and Ivory Coast. The Gravity Model is applied through a Hausman test and an empirical test to determine the significant variables affecting the bilateral trade between the two countries. During the application of the Hausman test, the null hypothesis was rejected and the fixed effect model was found to be the most appropriate model to use. The results found, showed that the population and the gross domestic product (GDP) are the two factors which have a great influence on the bilateral trade between these two countries. It has also been found that there is a large trade potential between the two countries. The time series model is used with the autoregressive model to forecast the China export trade value to Ivory Coast from 2016 to 2018. Some strategies have also been suggested for the development of Abidjan port with the support from the China One Belt One Road strategy.

In these papers I will explore, through the lens of social power structures, the material and ideological structures and aims that frame the Belt and Road Initiative, precisely its flagship project China-Pakistan Economic Corridor. In the first part, I will frame my argument in line with Frantz Fanon's thread of colonial and post-colonial societies described in 'The Wretched of the Earth'. I will compare his analysis with the current state of Pakistan’s implementation of CPEC, dissecting the causes, methods and possible consequences of it. The second part will focus more on the actual implementation of these projects in two ares of Pakistan: Gilgit-Baltistan and Gwadar, Balochistan. I will focus on the following research questions: who is going to benefit the most from these projects, and how? What are the ideological pillars of the Initiative? Is it economically, environmentally, ethically sustainable? What's the role of Pakistani establishment in it? What kind of vision of humanity does this Initiative propose? This dissertation will contribute to the discourse on the betterment of current projects and, hopefully, will provide for some necessary and feasible alternatives.

O atual panorama urbano-regional em Cabo Verde é caracterizado por um cenário em que, num total de 22 concelhos e 10 ilhas, metade da população se concentra na ilha de Santiago e cerca de 25% no Concelho da Praia e mais de metade da riqueza gerada tem igualmente origem na ilha de Santiago, sendo 40% na cidade da Praia. Deste modo, este artigo propõe-se debater a contradição entre políticas públicas voltadas para uma melhor distribuição, no território nacional, de serviços públicos e qualidade de vida urbana, e políticas de atração de investimentos externos, com base no argumento de desenvolvimento e criação de emprego. Tais políticas integram-se na tendência mundial de investimentos em Grandes Projetos Urbanos (GPUs), com reais possibilidades de aumento da segregação e segmentação sócio espacial e agravamento do presente cenário urbano-regional, se não forem bem equacionadas.

From an archaeological and historical standpoint, the Silk Road is neither a road nor a sudden manifestation in contemporary politics. The history of the Silk Road is one of a people who have borne harsh conditions for nearly 5,000 years. A countless number of people in the western region are spread out hidden across the long history of East Asia. They are the real life of the Silk Road, not the temporary sojourners on it. The Silk Road is not the cultural heritage of any one country, but of many. Instead of using it as a symbolic acknowledgment for specific countries, we should see it as a nexus of exchange in world civilization.
This paper has looked at how the Silk Road, which was once valued as a hub for civilizational exchange, has ironically become a center of international conflict.

Towards the end of October 2018, a political crisis erupted in Sri Lanka when Sri Lankan President Maithripala Sirisena dismissed Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe. How did the Chinese react to this development and what is the state of affairs of the Sino-Sri Lanka bilateral relationship? This article focuses in particular on the maritime dimension of this relationship highlighting the increasing range and complexity of China’s Maritime Silk Road project in South Asia.

This chapter (11) explores how the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has impacted agency, connectivity and integration in South Asia. Following this, it investigates how academic perceptions and policies have evolved in the region in response to the BRI since its inception in 2013.

Most countries in the region are discussed but the emphasis is on India and Pakistan. These two states provide a unique agency, in this chapter the ability to influence or resist influence, disparity in the BRI context. The region's dominant power, India, is a staunch critic that refuses to sit at the figurative BRI table. India is exemplary of the degree to which a non-partaking actor can counter, or supplement, the BRI in its region. The region's other power, Pakistan, hosts the BRI's flagship project, the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), and is the single largest recipient of BRI investment. Pakistan provides insight into how a deep-seated partaker's perceptions and policies on the BRI have evolved. Moreover, this chapter grants an understanding of the BRI's interplay with South Asia's various geopolitical fissures. To permit tailored data collection, the author conducted a series of interviews with leading Indian and Pakistani academics on a non-attributive basis.

Part of the LeidenAsiaCentre Book: Schneider, Florian (ed.) Global Perspectives on the Belt and Road Initiative: Asserting Agency through Regional Connectivity. Amsterdam. Amsterdam University Press 2021. DOI: 10.5117/9789463727853_CH11

About the book:
The year 2013 saw the launch of the largest, most influential investment initiative in recent memory: China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). This globe- spanning strategy has reshaped local economies and regional networks, and it has become a contested subject for scholars and practitioners alike. How should we make sense of the complex interactions that the BRI has enabled? Understanding these processes requires truly global perspectives alongside careful attention to the role that local actors play in giving shape to individual BRI projects.

The contributions in Global Perspectives on China's Belt and Road Initiative: Asserting Agency through Regional Connectivity provide both 'big picture' assessments of China's role in regional and global interactions and detailed case studies that home in on the role agency plays in BRI dynamics. Written by leading area studies scholars with diverse disciplinary expertise, this book reveals how Chinese efforts to recalibrate the world are taken up, challenged, revamped, and reworked in diverse contexts around the world.

All right in this chapter (11) are reserved and in particular further distribution is prohibited. Referencing is obviously welcome.

隨著泰國軍政府於近年穩定國內政治並推動泰國4.0與東部經濟走廊計畫等，泰國在東南亞的戰略地位明顯提升，間接成為中國和臺灣皆希望拉攏的重要國家，無論是在中國的「一帶一路」倡議或是臺灣的「新南向政策」中，泰國皆扮演相當重要的角色。本文將檢視在兩岸關係下，中國與臺灣各自發展出的戰略如何在第三地進行，探討一帶一路倡議與新南向政策的目標以及具體於泰國的實踐。在前言之後，本文第二部份將概述亞太區域經濟整合的發展，以利理解內容的背景脈絡。第三部份接著比較分析一帶一路與新南向政策的內容與目標，第四和第五部份則分別探討一帶一路及新南向政策在泰國的實踐。透過檢視兩岸在泰國的競逐，本文試勾勒出中國和台灣在公共外交上的努力和成果。

In recent years, following the gradual establishment of domestic stability in Thailand and efforts devoted towards Thailand 4.0 and the Eastern Economic Corridor, the strategic value of Thailand increased markedly, indirectly making Thailand into an important regional actor that both China and Taiwan vie for. Whether in China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) or Taiwan’s New Southbound Policy (NSP), Thailand reserves a significant status. Noting Cross-strait relations, this article examines the realization of China and Taiwan’s respective strategies, namely the BRI and the NSP, in Thailand. After the introduction, part two briefly discusses the development of economic integration in the Asia Pacific. Part three carries out a comparative analysis regarding the content and goals of the BRI and NSP. Parts four and five examine the respective realization of the BRI and NSP in Thailand. Through the examination of Cross-strait competition in Thailand, this article seeks to describe both Chinese and Taiwanese efforts and accomplishments in public diplomacy.

Egyértelmű kritériumok és világos keretrendszer hiányában nehéz részletes statisztikákat készíteni az Övezet és Út Kezdeményezéshez köthető beruházási projektekről. Kína nemzetközi fejlesztési finanszírozási gyakorlatát egyre több kritika éri – elsősorban az eladósodott országok kapcsán –, amelyekben „adósságcsapda-diplomáciával” vádolják az ázsiai országot. Bár a Kezdeményezés várhatóan nem okoz rendszerszintű adósságproblémákat az érintett régiókban, vannak olyan országok, amelyek területet vagy infrastruktúrát voltak kénytelenek átengedni Kínának, mivel nem tudták fizetni az adósságukat. Ázsiában Japán több évtizedes múlttal rendelkezik az infrastruktúra-fejlesztés finanszírozása terén, és átláthatóbb feltételrendszer mellett kínál pénzügyi forrásokat, mint Kína.

Goreczky Péter elemzése

This handbook brings together a mix of established and emerging international scholars to provide valuable analytical insights as to how China’s growing Middle East presence affects intra-regional development, trade, security, and diplomacy.

This article compares Turkey and Ukraine’s motivations behind their participation in interregional connectivity projects. Specifically the issue of connectivity between the Black Sea and the Caspian regions was explored. Their policies towards trans-Caspian connectivity present an opportunity to assess a room for cooperation between two countries that are potential competitors regarding transit routes. In this sense, the article analyzes the countries’ perceptions of their interests in the Caucasus and Central Asia, the recent activities along the trans-Caspian route, the countries’ interaction with the outside great powers, and finally their cooperation with the regional countries of adjacent regions. This case also presents an opportunity to explore motivations of the participants of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).

The interpretation of Chinese foreign policy is crucial in determining other state policies towards Beijing. The 2013 announcement of the ‘One Belt, One Road’ (OBOR) initiatives is one such development which has stimulated a debate regarding the Chinese Communist Party’s underlying motivations. This study argues that a theoretical position based solely on structural determinism yields a deficient and shallow reading of Beijing’s fundamental objectives concerning the OBOR initiatives. Offensive realists interpret China’s plan as an explicit challenge to the US-led international order, and thus recommend that the country’s rising power and influence should be contained (Mearsheimer, 2001; 2006). This myopic stance excludes the powerful internal drivers behind the inception of OBOR and consequently has the potential to contribute to regional and global instability. Utilizing a Neoclassical Realist framework, three intervening variables are highlighted as critical contributions to the foundation of OBOR– strategic culture, state-society relations, and domestic institutions.

The paper ultimately posits that the intrinsic link constructed between Asia’s development and that of China’s own development aims to develop a 21st century regional neo-tributary system, whereby China as the benevolent ‘core’ has adapted the ancient structure and augmented it with modern institutions, such as the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank. This hybrid format is hence fit for purpose within the current Westphalian system and can act as a vehicle for cultivating China’s soft power. As a consequence of the vital contribution of these three intervening variables and the overwhelming deficit of continental infrastructure funding, OBOR does not inevitably constitute an explicit balancing mechanism against the United States. This alternative reading thus allows the consideration of alternative responding strategies which may help avoid the Thucydides Trap.

Keywords: Chinese foreign policy, rising power, OBOR, US, offensive realism, neoclassical realism

China is dramatically changing the strategic environment in Eurasia. What does it all mean for the EU’s China policy? While there is little to suggest that China aims and is able to perform as an ideological counter-model and an agenda-setting actor in Europe and its periphery, or even endanger the coherence and stability of the EU, such worries are voiced more often as China engages Europe more intensively and ever-closer to home. Whether policy-makers in the EU and the individual European countries take these concerns in calculus as they craft the response to OBOR will greatly influence how Sino-European relation is shaped. However, despite a slow start, various uncertainties and potential problems, Europe will find it impossible not to engage with OBOR and China and hard to resist the prospects of benefits a cooperative approach promises to bring.

Το παρόν πόνημα επιχειρεί να αφουγκραστεί τον γεωπολιτικό απόηχο της διαδικασίας της οικονομικής επανένταξης του Ιράν στο Διεθνές Σύστημα. Δεδομένης της βαρύτητας της προαναφερθείσας μεταβατικής καταστάσεως, επιχειρείται μέσω ποιοτικών, ποσοτικών, αλλά και κοινωνικο- πολιτισμικών στοιχείων να καταλήξει τελικώς στο αν και με ποιο τρόπο πραγματοποιείται η οικονομική επανένταξη του Ιράν στο διεθνές οικονομικό σύστημα, μετά από τη χρόνια επιβολή οικονομικών κυρώσεων. Αναλυτικότερα, επιχειρείται η ανάλυση του ζητήματος μέσω της Συστημικής Γεωπολιτικής Αναλύσεως, εισαχθείσας από τον Καθηγητή Ι.Θ. Μάζη, Σύμφωνα με τον Καθηγητή Μάζη, «γεωπολιτική ανάλυση ενός γεωγραφικού Συστήματος ανισορρόπου κατανομής ισχύος καλείται η γεωγραφική εκείνη μέθοδος, η οποία μελετά, περιγράφει και προβλέπει τις συμπεριφορές και τις επιπτώσεις των σχέσεων των αντιτιθέμενων και διακριτών πολιτικών δράσεων ανακατανομής ισχύος και των ιδεολογικών μεταφυσικών που τις καλύπτουν, στο πλαίσιο των γεωγραφικών συμπλόκων που οι πολιτικές αυτές εφαρμόζονται» (Μάζης,2002). Κατά την Γεωπολιτική Ανάλυση μελετώνται τέσσερις πτυχές ασκήσεως της επιρροής ασκήσεως της ισχύος των εθνικοκρατικών δρώντων ή άλλης μορφής διεθνών δρώντων (νέων πόλων διεθνούς ισχύος). Οι πτυχές αυτές, ονομάζονται σύμφωνα με τον Καθηγητή Μάζη, «γεωπολιτικοί πυλώνες» και αυτοί είναι οι εξής: Άμυνα/ Ασφάλεια, Οικονομία, Πολιτική, Πολιτισμός/Θρησκεία. (Μάζης,2002).
Στο ανάγνωσμα της «Ισλαμικής Δημοκρατίας» εύλογα η πρώτη σκέψη είναι το θεοκρατικό καθεστώς. Η ανάληψη της εξουσίας από τον «κλήρο» επηρέασε την εικόνα του Ιράν τόσο στο εσωτερικό της χώρας όσο και στο εξωτερικό. Αυτό δε συνέβη μονάχα χάρη στην καινοφανή εδραίωση του θεοκρατικού καθεστώτος. Πριν το ιρανικό κοσμικό ημερολόγιο φθάσει στην τελευταία του σελίδα, έχει συμπληρώσει πολλές άλλες σελίδες με γεγονότα που ήταν καθοριστικά για την εξέλιξη προς το σημερινό Ιράν και για την πορεία ως την Ισλαμική Επανάσταση.
Προκειμένου να αναδειχθεί η αλληλουχία των γεγονότων ανάμεσα στο κοσμικό προεπαναστατικό και στο θεοκρατικό μετεπαναστατικό Ιράν, παρατίθεται σχετικό χρονολόγιο με τα πιο σημαντικά γεγονότα του 20ου και 21ου αιώνα, το οποίο παρουσιάζεται επισυναπτόμενο ως Παράρτημα Ι.
Στο Κεφάλαιο Πρώτο της εν λόγω εργασίας παρατίθεται αναλυτικά η φύση του σιιτικού σχίσματος, η έννοια του «ισλαμισμού» καθώς και η θέση του «κλήρου» στη διακυβέρνηση του μετεπαναστατικού Ιράν. Στο κεφάλαιο αυτό συμπεριλαμβάνεται συνέντευξη που παραχωρήθηκε από τον Καθηγητή Ισλαμικού Δικαίου, Κυριάκο Θ. Νικολάου –Πατραγά σχετικά με τον σιιτισμό και τη διακυβέρνηση στο Ιράν. Στη συνέχεια παρουσιάζεται η πορεία συγκερασμού σιιτισμού – ιρανικής ταυτότητας καθώς και λεπτομέρειες για την ενδότερη διάσπαση του σιιτικού Ισλάμ. Τέλος, το κεφάλαιο περιέχει πληροφορίες για το Σύνταγμα της Ισλαμικής Δημοκρατίας συνοδευόμενες από το μεταφρασμένο στα ελληνικά Προοίμιό του καθώς πληροφορίες και για τα θεσμικά και εκτελεστικά όργανα του Ιράν.
Το Κεφάλαιο Δεύτερο της εργασίας πραγματεύεται στο σύνολό του την ανάλυση των συνιστωσών που οδήγησαν την Τεχεράνη στον οικονομικό απομονωτισμό. Αναλυτικότερα στο κεφάλαιο παρατίθενται πληροφορίες για την αρχή της κατασκευής του ιρανικού πυρηνικού προγράμματος υπό τον Σάχη και για το πώς αυτό συνδυαστικά με τη διπλωματική κρίση ανάμεσα στις ΗΠΑ και το Ιράν του Khomeini (1979) οδήγησε σε μια σειρά οικονομικών κυρώσεων επιβαλλόμενων από τις ΗΠΑ, το Συμβούλιο Ασφαλείας των Ηνωμένων Εθνών και την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση (εντεύθεν ΕΕ), οι οποίες έπληξαν σε βάθος την ιρανική οικονομία. Στη συνέχεια δίνονται βασικά σημεία της επίσημης έκθεσης της Παγκόσμιας Τράπεζας, ενώ η ίδια παρουσιάζεται αυτούσια ως Παράτημα ΙΙ. Κατόπιν, δίνονται βασικά σημεία του Κοινού Ολοκληρωμένου Σχεδίου Δράσης (εντεύθεν JCPOA), το οποίο υπεγράφη ανάμεσα στα πέντε μόνιμα μέλη του Συμβουλίου Ασφαλείας των Ηνωμένων Εθνών συν την Γερμανία και το Ιράν. Η Συμφωνία είχε ως σκοπό το πυρηνικό πρόγραμμα του Ιράν να εξυπηρετεί μόνον ειρηνικούς σκοπούς, με ανταλλαγή την ολική άρση των οικονομικών κυρώσεων που είχαν μέχρι τότε επιβληθεί στη χώρα σχετικά με το ζήτημα. Στο κεφάλαιο συμπεριλαμβάνεται η εισαγωγή και το κομμάτι του JCPOA που αναφέρεται στο ενδεχόμενο επιβολής εκ νέου κυρώσεων, όλα ανασυρόμενα από το «Ενημερωτικό σημείωμα για την άρση των κυρώσεων της ΕΕ δυνάμει του ΚΟΣΔ». Στη συνέχεια, γίνεται προσπάθεια σφυγμομέτρησης σχετικά με την επίδραση και την απόδοση του JCPOA, μέσω επίσημων οικονομικών εκθέσεων διεθνών οικονομικών οργανισμών αλλά και αναλυτών, ενώ αργότερα παρουσιάζονται ως παρελκόμενο της δυνατότητας άρσης των επιβληθεισών κυρώσεων οι σχέσεις της ιρανικής οικονομίας με το σύστημα SWIFT. Μετέπειτα παρατίθεται αναλυτικά το «Δόγμα Obama» με άξονα τη διαπραγματευτική στρατηγική προς το πυρηνικό πρόγραμμα της Τεχεράνης καθώς και η στάση που έχει κρατήσει μέχρι τώρα η Κυβέρνηση του Donald J. Trump απέναντι στη Συμφωνία και στο Ιράν εν γένει. Τέλος, παρουσιάζονται οικονομικές συμφωνίες που έχει συνάψει το Ιράν με τις ΗΠΑ, την ΕΕ, τη Ρωσία και την Κίνα μετά την υπογραφή του JCPOA. Το κεφάλαιο κλείνει με τα συμπεράσματα που διεξάγονται μετά την επιμέρους ανάλυση των προαναφερθέντων.
Στο Κεφάλαιο Τρίτο μετά την αποκωδικοποίηση του τίτλου του θέματος, έχοντας προσδιορίσει τα όρια του Γεωγραφικού Συμπλόκου και έχοντας ορίσει τον ακριβή προς μελέτη Χώρο, αφού επιχειρούμε να ορίσουμε τον γεωπολιτικό παράγοντα και να ολοκληρώσουμε τον προσδιορισμό της συστημικής δομής και της εσωτερικής διάρθρωσης των γεωπολιτικών χώρων σε υποσυστήματα και υπερ-σύστημα. Στη συνέχεια, προχωράμε στην εξαγωγή συμπερασμάτων μέσω της Συστημικής Γεωπολιτικής Αναλύσεως, η οποία σύμφωνα με τον Ι.Θ. Μάζη, είναι «η γεωγραφική αναλυτική μέθοδος που μελετά, προβλέπει και περιγράφει την ανακατανομή της ισχύος στον πλανήτη». Σε αυτό το σημείο πρέπει να διασαφηνιστεί ότι η εργασία δεν προβλέπεται να ασχοληθεί με άλλες χώρες της περιοχής (λ.χ. Τουρκία, Αίγυπτος, Ισραήλ ή γενικώς με μεσανατολικά κράτη), καθώς σχεδιάζεται να δοθεί έμφαση στις σχέσεις του Ιράν με τους μεγάλους δρώντες του Διεθνούς Συστήματος. Επιπρόσθετα επιχειρείται η εξαγωγή συμπερασμάτων για τα αναλυόμενα υποσυστήματα και υπερ-σύστημα μέσω πρόσθετων πληροφοριών, οι οποίες στοχεύουν στην ανάδειξη της συνισταμένης της Ισχύος που αποκτά η Ισλαμική Δημοκρατία του Ιράν μετά την άρση των κυρώσεων που συντελέστηκε με την υπογραφή της «Ενδιάμεσης Συνθήκης της Γενεύης» (Geneva Interim Agreement) ή αλλιώς του «Κοινού Σχεδίου Δράσης» (Joint Plan of Action) τον Νοέμβριο του 2013, αργότερα γνωστή και ως P5+1+. Τέλος, ακολουθεί η εξαγωγή Γενικών Συμπερασμάτων μαζί με τον τελικό Επίλογο. Θέμα της παρούσας εργασίας είναι «Η Οικονομική Επανένταξη του Ιράν στο Διεθνές Σύστημα: Μια Γεωπολιτική Ανάλυση».

Historical and conventional international relations (IR) frameworks describe the Belt Road Initiative (BRI) as representing a newly ambitious Chinese drive into global politics that positions China as moving away from its long-time reticence towards foreign entanglements. This raises a contradiction of China being at one and the same time both a defender of its own territorial sovereignty while also being engaged in various projects, particularly the BRI and the associated Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), that point in completely different directions. This paper seeks to build upon and move beyond conventional framings to understand how the BRI represents a conflict over the workings of state sovereignty that such frameworks have trouble addressing. We argue that the absence of an official Chinese government BRI map promotes a ‘useful fuzziness’ with regards to China being open to crafting a new as of yet undefined geopolitical identity. In light of the absence of such a map, this work considers key ideas relating to China’s geopolitical expansion via the BRI in terms of so-called sovereignty regimes – the idea that various practices of authority and control emanating originally from states take different geographical shapes. Conflicts arise when a state, such as China, finds itself caught between the operational imperatives of multiple regimes. By identifying the current sovereignty dynamics raised by the BRI in light of the relevant, yet distinctive historical experience of the Marshall Plan, this work can be used as a model for understanding how China’s current leadership is managing the debate of simultaneously protecting ‘strong borders’ yet also promoting a policy of ‘going out’.

China has become a frequent subject of study in the International Relations Theory, given its rapid economic growth and changing status in the international community. Mainstream theories have been predominantly focused on the "rise of China" phenomenon, focusing on the concepts of power, military capabilities, interests and economic growth. However, by treating China as a black box in a given anarchical society, they failed to address the ideational factors of China's behavior in international relations, including ideas, values and identities. This dissertation approaches China and its main foreign policy project One Belt, One Road through the lenses of social constructivism unveiling changing state identities and the consequences of such transformations for China's interests and its foreign policy behavior towards Europe. This study firstly provides an insight into the ongoing transformations of China's corporate and social identities. Secondly, it elaborates on the intersubjective interactions that led to the establishment of the One Belt, One Road initiative. Finally, the dissertation embraces the role of language in diplomacy in order to understand the ideas behind the One Belt, One Road and uses discourse analysis to provide an understanding of the role that the discourses of civilization, greatness and superiority play in China's interactions with Europe.

Аннотация. Введение. Упрочение разносторонних связей с Китайской Народной Республикой-в настоящее время одно из приоритетных направле-ний внешней политики Российской Федерации. Новые возможности для ак-тивного конструктивного взаимодействия между странами, по мнению авто-ра статьи, открывает мегапроект «Один пояс, один путь» («ОПОП»), иницииро-ванный Китаем с целью объединения усилий государств для стабильного раз-вития экономики на евразийском пространстве и мирного сосуществования народов на основе принципов открытости, инклюзивности разных цивилиза-ций, толерантности, безопасности, обоюдной выгоды и обучения. Цель публикации-обсуждение состояния и перспектив российско-ки-тайского сотрудничества в гуманитарной области и поиск его новых форматов. Методология и методы. Исследование выполнялось с опорой на обще-философские и общенаучные методы: сравнительный, структурно-функци-ональный и системный виды анализа, синтез, обобщение и прогнозирование. Результаты и научная новизна. Рассмотрена специфика российско-ки-тайских контактов последнего времени. Особое внимание уделено коммуни-кациям в сфере образования-надежным и проверенным каналам установле-ния и консолидации межнациональных экономических связей. Образователь-ная составляющая гуманитарного взаимодействия способна предоставить действенный инструментарий для налаживания и поддержки международно-го диалога и располагает обширным спектром возможностей для гармониза-ции культурных, социальных и даже политических стандартов. Подчеркивается, что дальнейшему наращиванию темпов продуктивно-го двустороннего взаимодействия КНР и РФ мешает его сложившаяся модель, которая строится и функционирует преимущественно на уровне государ

En este artículo, se busca por un lado, rastrear el recorrido trazado por la llamada “Ruta de la Seda Digital” desde sus orígenes, y por el otro, describir sus actuales campos de acción y abrir el debate sobre la relevancia futura del aspecto “digital” en el marco general del actual proyecto de la Ruta de la Seda.

Ediciones de la UNLa (Universidad Nacional de Lanús). Coeditado con el Instituto de Estudios de Latinoamerica y el Caribe de la Universidad del Suroeste de Ciencia y Tecnología de China (ILACS-SWUST).
ISBN 978-987-4937-10-0
Pp. 205-228

Positive economic growth and development relate to a variety of factors. Among internal factors the major role belongs to availability of skilled human capital, natural resources, infrastructure and value chains, etc.  At the same time external factors, such as regional stability, international cooperation, foreign investments, and others essentially influence country‘s economic and development processes.

Tajikistan, the smallest country in the Central Asia, faced serious political and economic challenges over last three decades. After the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, country soon experienced Civil War, which resulted in massive social and economic costs and in myriad of lost opportunities. After signing the Peace Accord in 1997, the nation realized that stability is essential foundation of country’s prosperity and development. In 2005, after eight years of nation-building experience the Government of the Republic of Tajikistan accepted a National Development Strategy up to 2015 as a platform for the country’s further development. The NDS aimed at achieving sustainable economic growth, expanding the public’s access to basic social services, and reducing poverty. Given the success of the NDS 2015, Government in 2016 adopted a new strategy up to 2030 outlining its strategic goals, policies and plans in economic, social development, and legislative spheres.

Tajikistan’s ambitious development agenda received strong external political and financial support. One of the best examples of such support is the implementation of Belt and Road Initiative (BRI): regional stability, cooperation, and Chinese investments have been largely beneficial for Tajikistan. To date, Tajikistan achieved energy independence, improved transport infrastructure, opened new internal and external markets primarily due to the effective use of the Chinese investments.

Two methods of China’s contribution to the National Development Strategy were applied – simple arithmetical and per capita based calculations in the selected sectors. 

Research results shown the magnitude of the Chinese investments in Tajikistan’s infrastructure development: it had been largely present in such sectors as transport and electricity development during the implementation of Medium-Term Development Strategy 2020. It is expected to remain significant throughout the whole process of implementation of National Development Strategy 2030. However, it should be noted that over the years the character of Chinese investments changed, which can be attributed to the development of BRI initiative. Nowadays Chinese businesses relocate or open new business in Tajikistan, which improve productivity of the country’s economy.

Current situation presents unique opportunity for both China and Tajikistan: economic and political cooperation between these two countries may become a model of successful regional intervention in the frames of BRI and attract other interested parties. Successful economic interventions by China assist Tajikistan in modernization and development of its economy; China pursues it’s political and economic goals in the region contributing to the stability at it whole.

This study assessed the value of Chinese contribution to the Tajikistan’s economic development, including on par with development of the BRI initiative in the country. Additional focus done on previously overlooked investment attraction behavior by a recipient, and particular Tajikistan’s formula – the National Development Strategy as a blueprint of Tajikistan’s development agenda and guide for investors.

Given the recent phenomena of the BRI and the agreement between the Governments of the ​Republic of Tajikistan and People’s Republic China on bonding their strategies, it is vital to in depths study the nature and tendencies of the relationship between two countries. The research is completed in a combined qualitative and quantitative approaches.

The reactivation of the concept of the old Silk Road (SR), the so-called New Silk Road (NSR) or the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), formerly also known as the One Belt, One Road (OBOR), is aimed at generating additional value in the logistics network. The network of connections, proposed as a necessary part of the BRI, considers the Republic of Poland (RP) to be a key country for the creation of the route. The proposed book provides an overview of China’s relations with Poland in the context of the NSR. It also attempts to describe the impact which the BRI has on the land and maritime supply chains in Poland. In addition, it endeavours to answer questions about the opportunities and threats resulting from Poland’s participation in the initiative as well as to assess its further development prospects. To this end, the publication analyses various documents and publications or press releases on mutual Sino-Polish relations, particularly data published in numerous industry reports, national development strategies until 2030 or the European Union (EU) as well as local projects and statistics. The Authors also performed the scenario analysis on the basis of the PEST and SWOT analysis of the factors influencing the further development of the Chinese concept.

31.12.2019 The Singapore Convention on Mediation - The United Nations Convention on International Settlement Agreements Resulting from Mediation (better known as the Singapore Convention on Mediation-SCM), undersigned in Singapore on 7.8.2019, art. 3.1, reads as follows: "Each party to the Convention shall enforce a settlement agreement in accordance with its rule of procedure and under the conditions laid down in this Convention". This is the most important innovation in the SCM, which will bring benefits (and, in the beginning, many more problems to be solved) to the international commercial mediation. The SMC has received a high degree of support (46 signatory Countries on 7.8.2019 and other 5 on 27.9.2019) and a big, so far new, player will be critical: China and its BRI project. Therefore, it is likely to preview a global rise in the number of mediation proceedings, a widespread use of the Online Dispute Resolution process (likely connected with blockchain and smart contracts) and a reshuffle of mixed ADR. But mediation is not the panacea of dispute resolution; enforceability many be a chimera; SCM is not the panacea of international commercial mediation. It will not be easy to realize a common standard of conduct for mediators and mediation proceedings, given the huge differences in cultures and in ADR techniques in different states (and continents). Most lawyers will shift from arbitration to mediation, just using the same techniques. Enforceability could change the real nature of mediation, making it adversarial. The main fear is the "lawyerization" of mediation: proceedings "will last longer, … will become more costly … and success rates will drop substantially". Just what happened in Italy, because of an insufficient basic training (only 50 hours) and the introduction in 2013 of the compulsory assistance of lawyers to the parties in mediation. The Italian experience could be instructive on how to avoid these problems. A lot of work will be necessary, mainly based on highly qualified training.

Der Name "Seidenstraße(n)" geht auf den deutschen Geographen und Kolonialisten Ferdinand von Richthofen (1833Richthofen ( -1905 zurück und ist die Bezeichnung für ein System von Handelswegen, welche den Raum des heutigen China in der Antike und in Teilen des Mittelalters über Zentralasien mit Südostasien, dem Nahen Osten, dem Mittelmeerraum und Europa verbanden. 5 Der von Richthofen geprägte Name dieser alten eurasischen Handelsrouten erlangte erst zu Beginn des 20. Jahrhunderts durch die spektakulären archäologischen Entdeckungen Popularität, die Forschungsreisende wie der Schwede Sven Hedin (1865-1952), der Brite Aurel Stein (1862-1943), der Franzose Paul Pelliot (1878-1945) und wissenschaftliche Unternehmungen wie die russischen Zentralasien-sowie die deutschen Turfan-Expeditionen an ihren alten Verläufen machten. 6

The idea of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) was revealed by Chinese Premier Li Keqiang in May 2013, and further developments took place in April 2015 with conclusion of $46 billion dollars of investment agreements by the Chinese President, Xi Jinping. The total investment in the CPEC framework reached $62 billion dollars. The proposed economic corridor will connect Pakistan’s port Gwadar to the Chinese city of Kashiger through a network of roads, railways, and oil and natural gas pipelines. Apart from roads and railways, special economic zones and industrial parks are part of the project belt. This study determines to conduct a strategic examination of CPEC through SWOT analysis. The following queries were taken into account: what are the strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats to mega development projects? Are weaknesses and threats higher than strengths and opportunities? If yes, how can Pakistan and China minimize weaknesses and threats? This study found the following strengths: the geo-strategic significance of Pakistan, the comprehensiveness of CPEC with strong commitment & institutional mechanism and comprehensive counter terrorism operation by Pakistan. Weaknesses include: a volatile domestic security situation, the weakness of Gwadar port with regard to generating potential economic incentives, poor governance and lack of consensus, geographical obstacles and lack of transparency. Opportunities include: the emergence of Pakistan’s new economic hub in Asia and prospects for regional connectivity; prospects for the end of the endemic energy crisis, potentials for foreign direct investment, and prospects for cultural connectivity. Threats include: Chabahar port & the India-Afghanistan and Iran nexus, India’s clandestine activities to destabilize CPEC, rising expenditure costs and water and gas scarcity.

Intense interest in the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) was stimulated when $46 billion of investment agreements were signed in April 2015, a sum which two years later increased to $62 billion. A major focus of CPEC is on developing overland transportation and pipeline links from the port of Gwadar to the Chinese province of Xinjiang as a land-based alternative to the maritime ‘chokepoint’ of the Straits of Malacca. This article assesses the viability of pipelines connecting China to the Indian Ocean through Pakistan via a close analysis of evidence obtained from both primary and secondary sources. It concludes that the overland connection is beset with difficulties because of geographical, economic and security problems, and that China’s long-term motivations for maintaining a presence in Pakistan are likely to be chiefly geopolitical rather than geo-economic. In fact, China’s primary aim with CPEC and other investments is to hedge against India by establishing a physical presence in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR), a strategy which is herein referred to as geo-positional balancing.

Geopolitically, the rise of China has complicated the old post-World War II international order founded on the ideological divide between liberalism and communism, and pushed many countries, particularly in Asia, to make efforts toward adjusting to a new regional reality that is increasingly centered on Chinese and American influences. China’s rise challenges US preeminence in Asia and suggests new geopolitical possibilities. Adopting a regional approach in the essay that follows, I survey the geopolitical ramifications of China’s rise on Northeast, Southeast, and South Asia, and conclude with a consideration of the One Belt, One Road (OBOR) initiative and how China–Asia relations fit into China’s ambition to integrate the Eurasia market.

Աշխատությունում վերլուծվել է Չինաստանի «Մեկ գոտի, մեկ ճանապարհ» (ՄԳՄՃ) նախաձեռնության ազդեցությունը համաշխարհային քաղաքատնտեսական իրադ-
րության վրա, գնահատվել է ՄԳՄՃ նախաձեռնությունը Չինաստանի ազգային անվտանգության տեսանկյունից, ինչպես նաև ներկայացվել են մի շարք առաջարկություններ, որոնց միջոցով Հայաստանը կկարողանա ներգրավվել այդ
նախաձեռնությունում։ Նախատեսված է արտաքին քաղաքականության պա-
տասխանատուների, դիվանագետների, միջազգայնագետների, արևելագետների, չինագետների, տնտեսագետների,ուսանողների և ընթերցող լայն շրջանակների համար:

This study attempts to analyze Japan's alternative projects for the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Although Japan stated that it could join the BRI and provide some funding, it has not become a member, yet. This paper begins with examining how the BRI is presented by China and how it is perceived by Japan. Then it elaborates on why Japan holds a different opinion and needs to develop its own alternatives for the BRI. Japan's alternative projects are examined in three parts. The first one is the Free and Open Indo-Pacific Vision, in which Japan plans to cooperate with India, ASEAN countries and the democratic countries in the Indo-Pacific region. The second one is the Asia-Africa Growth Corridor, a joint project by India and Japan, including the whole African continent, surpassing the scope of the BRI. And last of all is the Japan-EU Partnerships, which include economic, strategic and infrastructural cooperation. Japan's alternative projects and partnerships all together cover and surpass the areas of the Belt and Road routes. It is important to note that Japan does not explicitly present these as an alternative to the BRI. Yet, having examined the relevant documents and maps of the projects, it is obvious that Japan has been developing alternatives for the BRI. What is most striking about all three of these projects is that Japan and its partners emphasize democracy, rule of law and human rights, the values that are not considered to be shared by China.

This book presents three foresight scenarios for the development of the Caspian Sea region until 2025. The scenarios are titled "Caspia Inc.", "National Giants" and "Trade and Transit". The focus is on Central Asia as an energy-producing and -exporting region, Chinese Silk Road initiatives, the impact of climate change, the future of mining and resource extraction and the differences between the countries in the region.

Abstract:-China‟s „One Belt One Road‟Initiativehas been billed as it‟s most ambitious project ever in trying to shape and influence behavior in the international system in line with her growing stature. At the same time, growing Sino-Africa relations have been the subject of scholarly debate with supporters taking an optimistic view, also presented by China herself, of this relationship being a win-win partnership. Critics led by the US argue China is just using Africa to extract resources for it‟s use, an allegation She refutes. The authors therefore sought to look at Sino-African relations but focusing on the implementation of „One Belt, One Road‟ in the African continent.Being the centre piece of China‟s foreign policy since 2013, a study on OBOR in Africa will give an understanding and hopefully answer some questions surrounding these relations.The lack of official bilateral agreements between China and some African countries has been examined, together with the possibility of expansion of the OBOR initiative to cover more African states.

In den letzten hundert Jahren haben Geopolitiker drei Theorien aufgestellt, die zeigen, wie man die Welt aus geografischer Perspektive kontrollieren kann: Die von Alfred Thayer Mahan aus den USA aufgestellte Theorie der "Seemacht" glaubte, dass diejenigen, die das Meer kontrollierten, die Welt kontrollieren würden; die von Halford John Mackinder aus Großbritannien aufgestellte "Heartland"-Theorie glaubte, dass diejenigen, die Eurasien