Presidential Election

... Permissions & Reprints. Disproportionality and bias in US Presidential Elections: How geography helped Bush defeat Gore but couldn't help Kerry beat Bush star, open. ... Analysis of the bias at those two elections shows that Bush was favoured at the first but not at the second. ...

This empirical study seeks to identify key aggregate-level economic and non-economic determinants of the expected benefits from voting and hence aggregate voter turnout. A unique dimension of this study is the hypothesis that PAC (political action committee) election campaign contributions, e.g., to U.S. Senate races, may reduce the expected benefits of voting and hence voter turnout because the greater the growth of real PAC contributions, the greater the extent to which eligible voters may become concerned that these contributions lead to PAC political influence over elected officials. Indeed, this study finds for the period 1960-2000 that the voter participation rate has been negatively impacted by the growth in real PAC contributions to Senate election campaigns. Another interesting finding is that voter turnout is directly/positively related to strong public approval or strong public disapproval of the incumbent President. This study also finds that the voter participation rate...

... difficult to bring to mind, and reported more assertiveness after recalling 12 than 6 examples. These and similar (mis)attribution findings (eg, Haddock, Rothman, Reber, & Schwarz, 1999; Winkielman ... We examined these predictions in the context of two real-life events, namely a ...

The PIDS Discussion Paper Series constitutes studies that are preliminary and subject to further revisions. They are be-ing circulated in a limited number of cop-ies only for purposes of soliciting com-ments and suggestions for further refine-ments. The studies under the Series are ...

Political institutions believe that canvassing for votes through television broadcasts confer on them added advantages, especially making the voters to favour their points of opinion and consequently cast their votes for them.  This study sought to find out if the various pieces of broadcasts from television on the 2007 Nigerian presidential election influenced the choices of political parties that voters in Ado Odo/Ota made. It was discovered that indeed television broadcasts influenced the choices of the political parties that respondents voted for. However, there were some other underlying factors, like partisanship, that also influenced the choice of the voters.

Este "discussion paper" apresenta o contexto da corrida presidencial moçambicana de outubro de 2014. O paper concentra-se ainda na descrição dos perfis dos principais partidos, seus candidatos e respectivas políticas externas. Uma previsão dos resultados da eleição presidencial é apresentada no final do artigo.

Political parties, and more specifically public interest groups, budget extensive amounts of time and money to use celebrity endorsers for their candidate. Do celebrities bring forth enough value to warrant the time, effort, and money expended to make their endorsements public? Using a sample of first-time voters from the 2004 U.S. Presidential Election, the authors examine the extent to which celebrities influence voting while specifically assessing whether celebrity influence is greater for Republicans or Democrats. Implications and recommendations for future research are discussed.

An election is a barometer of the existence and texture of democracy and constitutionalism in any country. Most importantly, a judicial challenge attacking the credibility of an election is especially important as it is a vanguard of the people’s vote and a measurement of the quality of the disputed election. Therefore, the essence and efficacy of judicial challenges must be narrowly interrogated to secure the citizens’ fundamental political rights as enshrined in the Declaration of Human Rights in the Constitution.  A presidential petition is a special opportunity where the Constitutional Court is invited to witness alleged violations of the people’s right to vote and an alleged violation of people’s right to elect a President, for all executive authority is derived from the people of Zimbabwe.  The people of Zimbabwe in turn, must be allowed to not only vote but to protect their vote if it is suspected that is has been tempered with, through a judicial challenge in the Constitutional Court. In fact, there is no legal proceeding which is more far-reaching in its effects, which excites a greater amount of animosity, personal feeling and hostility  than an election petition.

The data of the 2000 Polish presidential election have been analyzed according to Newman and Sheth's model of voter's choice behavior (1985). Although this model was originally interpreted within the statistical perspective of discriminant analysis, it could be also extended within the framework of structural equation methodology. Namely, if the seven cognitive domains (Issues and Policies, Emotional Feelings, Candidate Image, Current Events, Epistemic Issues, Social Imagery and Epistemic Issues) are assumed to be distinct and separate, they can be treated as independent (predictive) variables with the voter's intention as a dependent or predicted variable. The three models were tested and the re-Andrzej Falkowski and Wojciech Cwalina are affiliated with the Warsaw School of Advanced Social Psychology and Catholic University of Lublin.

In this paper, a class of probability models for ranking data, the order-statistics models, is investigated. We extend the usual normal order-statistics model into one where the underlying random variables follow a multivariate normal distribution. Bayesian approach and the Gibbs sampling technique are used for parameter estimation. In addition, methods to assess the adequacy of model fit are introduced. Robustness of the model is studied by considering a multivariate-t distribution. The proposed method is applied to analyze the presidential election data of the American Psychological Association (APA).

The 1997 financial crisis exposed serious weaknesses in South Korea’s economy, with its heavy reliance on large conglomerates (chaebol). During the late authoritarian period, the chaebol arose through state guidance and subsidies, becoming the central players in South Korea’s export-led growth boom. The early democratic period saw limited efforts toward economic liberalization. But these measures reduced state oversight while actually expanding the privileged access to credit enjoyed by the chaebol. The resulting investment distortions and financial weaknesses were the most important root causes of the 1997 crisis. The 1997 presidential  election brought  the  outsider  Kim Dae-jung to power.  Kim launched  an unprecedented assault on the credit privileges and corporate governance structures of the chaebol. However, the reforms have been compromised by measures to prevent a large transitional recession. It is argued that the overall pattern of ambitious but compromised reform is explained by two main considerations. First, Kim did not want to alienate “dispersed interest groups” (the urban service sector and agriculture). These want to conserve the favorable elements of South Korea’s economic model while purging the dross. And at the same time, Kim wanted to focus transitional restructuring costs on the most hostile “concentrated interest group” constituencies (the chaebol and government sectors) of the opposition Grand National Party.