Regionalization

This article argues that the ASEAN Member Nations need to support the establishment of a Mutual Recognition Agreement for Teaching Services to build a stronger ASEAN Community, to support the achievement of the 2030 UN Sustainable Development Goals, and to enhance quality and respect for the teaching profession.

W artykule zastosowano teorię gafów do analizy spójności i regionalizacji miejskiej sieci osadniczej w Polsce w latach 1931, 1950 i 2002. Jako wierzchołki grafu przedstawiono
miasta (w postaci punktów), a jako krawędzie grafu – odcinki łączące te miasta, które położone
były w odległości do 25 km od siebie. Wykorzystano grafy proste, a wśród nich: pełne, regularne,
spójne i niespójne. Sieć miast tworzy regularną i podwójnie spójną sieć połączeń na obszarach,
na których jest ona trwale ukształtowana. Połączenia te rozrywają się w miarę spadku gęstości
sieci. Ich kształt może wiele powiedzieć o własnościach regionalnych sieci osadniczej oraz historycznych etapach i stopniu rozwoju danej sieci. Analizę przeprowadzono za pomocą narzędzi GIS

Understanding contemporary conflicts in Africa remains directly dependent on the approaches employed to decipher or interpret them. This article first examines the bias of conventional approaches (inherited from the Cold War) and then those of a series of supposedly “newer” approaches. Relying primarily on West African examples, it offers a brief overview of current knowledge, issues, and avenues for research, based on three apparent characteristics of a “new generation” of conflicts: the regionalization of wars, the privatization of violence and security, and the recourse to extreme forms of brutality. These three major trends bear witness to a rapid transformation of war and armed violence over the past 20 years, but they are not sufficient to establish a radical historical break between “old” and “new” conflicts in Africa. By concealing elements of continuity a priori, the most influential “new” approaches actually make it impossible to ponder their own limits. To that end, fashionability and struggles for influence within the Africanist field play a major role in perpetuating dominant, sensationalistic, or simplistic (and invariably incorrect) portrayals of African conflicts.

With the threat of a nuclear North Korea, constant tensions in the
Taiwan Strait, and growing posturing over resource-rich territories,
how can lasting peace, order, stability, and prosperity be achieved in
Northeast Asia?
Globalization and China’s galloping economy have caused radically
different economic growth rates, resulting in constant fluctuations in
the balance of power among the nations of Northeast Asia. With new
emerging threats to security as well as those posed by environmental
degradation and disasters, the old concept of sovereign independence
no longer offers satisfactory solutions for Northeast Asia. Alternatives
are needed that provide more plausible answers to the region’s
emerging challenges.
Institutionalizing Northeast Asia advances the notion of regional
institutionalism as a counterweight to the principle of sovereignty.
The contributors argue that cooperation through regional
institution-building is the best way to deal with the growing
intertwinement of global issues and developments and the needs
and interests at the regional and national levels. A unified
regional voice could also answer the demand for supra-territorial
policy responses to such issues as trade, finance, the environment,
human rights, and human security.

W artykule poruszone zostały wybrane zagadnienia odnoszące się do atrakcyjności inwestycyjnej regionów. Na wstępie przedstawione zostały teoretyczne aspekty, uwarunkowania atrakcyjności inwestycyjnej. W dalsze części scharakteryzowany został raport Instytutu Badań nad Gospodarką Rynkową we fragmencie dotyczącym atrakcyjności inwestycyjnej województw oraz raporty udostępnione przez Polską Agencją Informacji i Inwestycji Zagranicznych. Przedstawione zostały również przykładowe zestawienia determinantów atrakcyjności inwestycyjnej regionów, w tym z punktu widzenia zagranicznego inwestora. Bazowe zestawienie determinantów zaprezentowano w podziale na sześć grup tematycznych czynników: gospodarcze, społeczno – kulturowe, polityczne i jakości administracji, technologiczno – innowacyjne, naturalne, wizerunkowe.

The article discusses cluster analysis algorithms using various sets of source
spatial data and software capabilities for processing them in accordance with the
task. The work result is the selection of the most accurate cluster procedure and the
construction of a map of the research area with selected homogeneous hydrological
areas.
The possibility of using cluster analysis methods to detect structures inherent in
complex data sets has been substantiated. The estimation of spatial interpolation of
runoff characteristics for the regionalization of hydrological data has been performed.
The quality and character of hydrometeorological data is of great importance in
hydrology; therefore, all characteristics must comply not only with quantitative
criteria, but also be subject to accurate spatial analysis.

We provide a preliminary nomenclatural proposal and a digital map of the Nearctic region, based on published regionalizations, especially Dice (1943), and applying the International Code of Area Nomenclature. The Nearctic region is comprised of three subregions (one of them with two dominions), one transition zone and 29 provinces. The Arctic subregion, in northern North America and Greenland, includes the Eskimoan, Hudsonian, Aleutian and Sitkan provinces. The Western subregion, in western North America, includes the Californian dominion, with the Californian and Oregonian provinces; and the

A look at the political framework of regional integration in ASEAN, and the higher education initiatives at the regional level arising from these
frameworks. Examining how regional integration can further advance harmonisation of higher education in the wider ASEAN region.

How to balance the tension between the state and the market. Develop three strategies which developing countries can adopt to balance state/market relations in the context of globalisation. draw on three contending theoretical perspectives of international

Παρά το γεγονός ότι η διεθνής πολιτική της Ανατολικής Μεσογείου μας απασχολεί σε επίπεδο πολιτικής και ειδησεογραφίας καθημερινά, η συστηματική έρευνα και μελέτη γύρω από αυτήν είναι πολύ περιορισμένη, ακόμα και στην ελληνόγλωσση βιβλιογραφία. Οι αναλύσεις για την Τουρκία, την ενεργειακή ασφάλεια, τις διακρατικές και πολυμερείς συνεργασίες στην περιοχή, τα ελληνοτουρκικά, το Κυπριακό, τη Λιβύη και πολλά άλλα παρεμφερή ζητήματα παρασύρονται πολύ συχνά από τον όγκο και τη ροή της καθημερινής πληροφόρησης και ειδησεογραφίας. Στην απουσία ενός καλά θεμελιωμένου γνωσιολογικού πλαισίου, το αποτέλεσμα είναι να χάνουμε τη δυνατότητα ανάγνωσης της μεγάλης εικόνας και ερμηνείας των εξελίξεων, τόσο σε επίπεδο θεσμών όσο και σε επίπεδο Μέσων Μαζικής Ενημέρωσης και κοινωνίας. Το ανά χείρας σύγγραμμα επιδιώκει να εξετάσει κάποιες από τις βασικές δυναμικές που συνδιαμορφώνουν τη σύγχρονη διεθνή πολιτική στην Ανατολική Μεσόγειο. Σε αυτό το πλαίσιο εμπίπτουν οι γεωπολιτικές τάσεις και μεταβολές στο διεθνές και περιφερειακό σύστημα, το μεγάλο κεφάλαιο της τουρκικής εξωτερικής πολιτικής, και τα περιφερειακά δίκτυα συνεργασίας με επίκεντρο την κυπριακή εξωτερική πολιτική και τις αντιλήψεις περί ασφάλειας στην περιοχή. Πέρα από την παράθεση στοιχείων και την ανάλυση, σκοπό αποτελεί και η αναγνώριση κάποιων μοτίβων ανταγωνισμού και συνεργασίας που αναφύονται στην περιφέρεια, αλλά και η ανάδειξη της σημασίας της Ανατολικής Μεσογείου ως «νέας» γεωπολιτικής υπο-περιφέρειας.

Cite this article: Raszkowski, A., Bartniczak, B. Towards Sustainable Regional Development: Economy, Society, Environment, Good Governance Based on the Example of Polish Regions. Transformations in Business & Economics, 2018, Vol. 17, No 2 (44), pp.225-245.The presented study discusses problems referring to the concept of sustainable development at regional level, based on the example of Polish regions in the period 2005-2011. The first part presents theoretical aspects of sustainable regional development, raises the problems of primary phenomena hindering such development, sustainable development definitions, the role of creativity, the importance of NGOs, good governance of regional space. The next part of the article provides the characteristics of sustainable development indicators selected for the analysis in accordance with the approach adopted by the Central Statistical Office in Poland towards measuring the level of sustainable regional development. The synthetic measure of development (SMD) represents the applied research method, which offered the basis for constructing the ranking and identifying the position of particular Polish regions. The research results remain the core of the study since they illustrate the indicator values in the years under analysis. Within the framework of the final remarks and conclusions it was emphasized that in none of the studied regions, in terms of implementing sustainable development standards, the situation can be assessed as favourable or very favourable and the reasons for such state of the matter were provided. In spite of the relatively unfavourable results, a gradual improvement of the situation was observed over the years. It was pointed out that one of the fundamental barriers to the implementation of sustainable development standards is the absence of awareness and understanding of the discussed development concept.

A high resolution, quantitative phytoclimatic map of Europe (PME) is presented. Ecological studies and landscape planning need quantitative and reproducible tools to assess the environment and to define land based ecological units characterized by spatial and temporal boundaries. At small scales, Phytoclimatic maps seem appropriate to fulfill such requisites because climate determines broad ecosystem type and distribution. PME is based on Defaut’s system of phytoclimatic stages (DSPS). DSPS relies on a combination of mean annual temperature, mean temperature of the warmest month, thermal continentality and aridity/humidity index Qn2. Boundaries of phytoclimatic stages are defined by zonal phytosociological syntaxa. PME was developed by GIS processing, by kriging interpolation of phytoclimatic temperature classes, aridity/moisture and thermal continentality of 1113 climatological stations. PME shows fifty different phytoclimatic stages. Distribution and coverage of such stages and their main plant formations are described and discussed. PME was compared to the Map of the Natural Vegetation of Europe (MNVE) by Kappa analysis. Good agreement was found between PME and MNVE, but as expected, PME and MNVE do not match perfectly. Major circumstances that could lead to discordance between the two maps are discussed. In conclusion, it is felt that PME, thanks also to its reliability and relative simplicity could be a useful and robust tool in ecological analysis and environment assessment, as well as in climate change studies, and for educational purposes.

​Taking into account the power changes at the global level and their impact on the regional level (particularly the Eastern Mediterranean), it is here argued, in line with a small but growing body of literature, that the Eastern Mediterranean should be seen as a distinct geopolitical space. The report begins with an analysis of the transition of the international system to multipolarity, one of the outcomes of which is the regionalization of the international system and the growing importance of the regional level of analysis. It ultimately examines whether the Eastern Mediterranean as a distinct region (or sub-region) has been experiencing processes of regionalism with regard to different areas of cooperation. It further argues that the synergies currently under development in the Eastern Mediterranean could be seen as the first step towards a regionalist project (or "proto-regionalism"), highlighting, however, that the realization of such a project faces multiple limitations and is highly conditional on a number of factors that need to be addressed first. A more gradual, well-thought-out and comprehensive approach should be followed-one that would also address important regional challenges-if the involved actors want to invest in a stable and sustainable regionalist project.

The chapter deals with peculiarities of establishment of the regional
nuclear nonproliferation regime in the Asia Pacific as well as its condition in the modern period. From the standpoint of research methodology, the paper actively utilizes advances of the international regimes theory. The author analyses premises of the formation of different aspects
comprising nuclear nonproliferation system in the Asia Pacific region,
from military and politics (e.g. positive security assurances provided
to NNWSs) on out to economy (in particular, with regard to the situation
on the nuclear energy and raw materials market). Special attention is paid
to the pressing problems of nuclear nonproliferation, NWFZs in the region and their functioning and role of the nuclear factor on the agenda
of the regional organisations. In spite of certain legal discrepancies intrinsic to the nonproliferation regime in the APR, states of the region
make a significant contribution to nonproliferation of nuclear weapons
and disarmament globally.

The Communization of the Romanian society in the late 40’s and early 50’s has not meant only political, economic and social changes, but also a new administrative system, including a different territorial-administrative framework. By the establishment of a three-tier system of local government – regions, districts (raioane) and communes – the communist government made a very clear distinction compared to the previous policy and demonstrated once again the dependence and loyalty to the Soviet Union. The new administrative division of the country facilitated an easier implementation of the five-year plan of Soviet economic model, and a more intensive control of rural areas. The study explores the evolution of the territorial-administrative map of Romania in the first decades of communist rule until the mid-60’s, especially how and why, the region and district divisions replaced the old judeţe.

The modern nodal-functional or gravitational regionalisation of Croatia arises from flexible, changeable circumstances in the interaction between the central settlements in the country. This means that the spatial differentiation model itself, which depends on the strength and range of individual cores’ central functions in an area, takes into account their ongoing flexibility and changeability. On the one hand, the administrative organisation model attempts to define a fixed system of central settlements, but in reality, central functions and gravitational influences in an area are in fact extremely complex and interwoven.
In the last few decades, it was the practice to use a model for defining regional structure which divides Croatia into four macro-regions and a series of regions, subregions and micro-regions. Since this model was based on indicators relating to the four leading cities and a large number of regional centers at the end of the 20th century, taking into account their rapid, steady, functional and economic development, populations and urban growth, it was the logical model to use, as long as those indicators continued to exist. However, in the last two decades, (macro)regional functions in certain leading towns have stagnated, and are declining or stagnating in most regional centers, while almost all of them record falling population levels, economic decline, diminished daily commuting patterns, etc. Only some centers, particularly the state capital and some regional centers with conurbation agglomerations, or urban regions (e.g. Zadar, Varaždin, or Slavonski Brod), demonstrate the retention, or even growth of functional, and to a certain extent population-related, previously established gravitational strengths and influences in their wider areas. This has essentially changed the actual nodal-functional system as opposed to the commonly accepted scheme. A complex, specific, asymmetrical system has emerged consisting of central settlements with several regional complexes, depending on the actual relationships between these centers and the areas which gravitate towards them. In this system, it is important to distinguish clearly regional centers which have gravitational influences not only within their own, but also in neighboring counties, from those which have nodal-functional significance primarily within their own counties.

This book is concerned with the social and political aspects of regional groupings, particularly how citizenship education fares in regional contexts. The European Union (EU) has revolutionised its political and economic aims into more encompassing social and political goals. The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), on the other hand, is still moving towards fuller integration in social and economic terms as South East Asian nations seek a greater role on the global stage and particularly in the global economy. Both the EU and ASEAN have drawn up educational frameworks that collectively work to harness educational achievements which in turn work to fulfill social and economic objectives at the regional level. This book portrays citizenship issues affecting the two regions and describes the way citizenship education can reflect and address these issues. Case studies on EU and ASEAN member countries make up the book’s two parts which analyse, among other issues:

    The Changing Landscape of Citizenship Education in England

    Political Didactics and Political Education in Germany

    Rethinking a Conceptual Framework for Citizenship Education in ASEAN Countries

    Education for ASEANness: A tool to build an ASEAN community

This book explores new ideas on citizenship and comparative education in regional contexts and will be of interest to researchers concerned with the impact of regionalism on social development and to citizenship educators studying the influence of contexts on the construction of citizenship education.

L'architecture de l’Etat marocain est en pleine mutation. Six ans après la réforme constitutionnelle de 2011, de nombreuses lois organiques et ordinaires, ainsi qu’un très grand nombre de décrets ont précisé les principes édictés par la constitution. Au coeur de celle-ci, la « régionalisation avancée », long processus entamé il y a plusieurs décennies, et qui s’est accéléré en 2011.
Désormais, les élus régionaux, provinciaux et communaux sont en charge du développement local et doivent impulser une nouvelle dynamique plus proche des besoins des citoyens. Leur élection en 2015 a favorisé un regain de participation attestant d’un intérêt plus important des citoyens marocains. La structure élective est composée des conseils de la région, de la province et préfecture et de la commune. Cette structure gagne en responsabilité et en moyens financiers. Parallèlement, la structure administrative, composée du maillage des agents d’autorité représentant l’Etat, voit elle aussi son rôle évoluer.
Or, alors que la reddition des comptes s’impose comme un principe incontournable de la pratique politique dans le cadre de la nouvelle constitution, il s’agit aujourd’hui de rendre possible son exercice, à toutes les échelles, par la clarification des responsabilités de chacun, ainsi que par l’accès à l’information publique.
Il apparaît donc nécessaire d'interroger la capacité des acteurs à se saisir de ces nouvelles modalités.

Many countries are confronted with ethnic conflict and the need to protect their national minorities. Regional autonomy is a device of territorial power sharing, which creates a legal-political framework for efficient minority protection and 'internal self-determination', without changing the concerned state’s boundaries. Applying this method, since 1921 sustainable solutions to serious and protracted state-minority conflicts have been developed in about 60 regions within at least 20 states. While aiming for the settlement of conflicts between central states and regional communities and allowing democratic self-government within the autonomous entity, territorial autonomy has received growing attention among national minorities, smaller and indigenous peoples, international organizations, and states willing to settle self-determination conflicts.

After explaining the theoretical concept of political autonomy in all its facets, the author guides the reader on an empirical travel through the multifarious world of the autonomy systems, today operating in all continents. This analysis probes the main issues of territorial autonomy and its practical applications: typical elements are worked out, factors behind autonomy's operations with varying degree of success in diverse locations are investigated and perspectives of further development highlighted.

Regional autonomy is a precious experience of how to settle self-determination conflicts through self-government, of how to arrange power sharing between the centre and a regional community for  the protection of regional identities in a democratic framework. Given the importance of regional autonomy as a means of conflict resolution and minority protection, this timely work provides for a new and comprehensive approach to autonomy, not just for experts and decision-makers, but also for readers interested in the political structures that shape the world around them.

This paper discusses Japanese motor vehicle manufacturing investment and state intervention measures in the Australian market. Australia’s auto industry is an extension of global motor vehicle manufacturers with a small number of domestic manufacturing firms that form a part of the global supply chain.  Toyota Motor Corporation, Mitsubishi Motor Corporation, General Motors Corporation and Ford Motor Company all have had extensive investments in the Australian market.  In the past, the Australian market was also a host to investments from Volkswagen AG, Chrysler LLC, Nissan Motor Company Limited and British Leyland Motor Corporation.  The size of the industry has shrunk recently with the March 2008 shut down of manufacturing by Mitsubishi Motors Australia Limited (MMAL), not long after the company’s emergence from a long and significant restructuring.  Still, the auto industry remains the largest single manufacturing sector in Australia both in terms of investment levels and the number of people employed.  Thus, Japanese auto manufacturing investment in Australia require an evaluation, now that the federal government has completed the 2008 ‘Review of Australia’s Automotive Industry’.  The paper focuses on Toyota Motor Corporation Australia (TMC Australia) in Victoria and (the recently shut down) MMAL in South Australia.

Approximately four decades ago, the Southern Cone witnessed the beginning of a transition from a bipolar balance of power between Argentina and Brazil to unipolarity under Brazilian primacy. While such processes are expected to generate conflict, this particular transition was cooperative, leaving an interesting IR puzzle unresolved: Why did Argentina stop counterbalancing Brazil and opt for accommodation instead? Building on power transition theory, I use process tracing to show that key cooperative turns in this bilateral relationship – during the late 1970s and early 1990s – were possible only after social coalitions were redefined in Argentina. My conclusions suggest that cooperation between Argentina and Brazil was not a product of democracy but rather a consequence of structural changes, at both the international and the domestic level.

Mega-regional trade agreements (MRTAs), namely Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), Transpacific Partnership (TPP) and Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), are new generation trade agreements that could, when and if realised, create the world’s most important trading blocs. After the Doha Round collapsed, in order to get past the deadlock at the WTO and achieve more trade liberalisation, countries started to focus on bilateral trade agreements with deeper and more comprehensive provisions than the WTO’s multilateral rules. A mixture of global commercial ambitions, geopolitical concerns and pressures from certain subnational actors motivated the biggest trading countries to negotiate mega-regional trade agreements. MRTA negotiations were launched with great expectations. Yet because of the developments like Donald Trump’s election and rise of anti-free trade movements in various parts of Europe, TTIP negotiations effectively stopped and TPP lost the US leadership. RCEP negotiations, on the other hand, have been going slowly due to the complexity of South East Asian politics.

This chapter aims to explore whether MRTAs are still relevant policy tools by examining the drivers for MRTAs and the impediments against them, as well as the regional and global trade politics behind them. To that end, a two-tier analysis will be presented. The first tier is the drivers and impediments stemming from the non-state actors. The second is the trade politics at the international level (state actors). Most of the drivers are still at play today yet it is hard to foresee how lasting some of the impediments will be. This chapter argues that despite these impediments, MRTAs will continue to be relevant. Because drivers weigh more in terms of national interests and countries have a lot to gain from such arrangements. Also, these agreements represent a new level that liberalisation and cooperation efforts on trade reached. Even if they do not come into life, they will serve as sources of content for the future commercial deals.

For reference: Ali KINCAL and Utku UTKULU, 'The Political Economy of the Mega-Regional Trade Agreements and the Future of the Global Trading System', in Bedriye TUNÇSİPER and Ferhan SAYIN (eds), Critical Debates in Social Sciences, pp. 305-326.

Increasingly, governments are experimenting with ways to provide public goods by involving the private sector in the planning, financing, building and operating of a range of services, facilities, infrastructure, etc. In the geographical literature on neoliberalism this entanglement of the state and markets has been loosely conceptualized as a process of marketization. This concept describes the insertion of markets or market forces into the state and public sector. In this paper we unpack this concept by highlighting the need to think about a range of marketization processes at play across a range of geographies.

The article draws on a dubious cultural practice by a group of Sri
Lankan migrant/diasporic writers in naming local characters using
unrealistic and unlikely names. Through representational examples
drawn from the fiction of Su Dharmapala (Saree), Romesh
Gunasekera (Reef, Heaven’s Edge and Suncatcher), Michael
Ondaatje (Anil’s Ghost), and Roma Tearne (Mosquito) the article
establishes this malpractice to be a failure in cultural
representation within the migrant/diasporic tradition. In
responding to such authorship the article calls for a rigorous
discussion that extends beyond the “exoticism debate”: a
conversation that, among others, has been developed by Graham
Huggan, Elleke Boehmer, Benita Parry. In the course, the paper
examines the position of migrant/diasporic writers within the
global capitalist market of transnational publication and the place
of the global and local (Sri Lankan) academy to collaboratively
develop a critique that challenges dubious cultural representation.
The discussion concludes that cultural representation comes with a
responsibility and that conscious mis-directions need to be
academically critiqued; and that the global and local knowledge
centres need to think anew in working towards such an end.

The modern world is under the rule of what are widely understood as globalisation processes. Globalisation concerns all areas of life (though not to the same degree) and influences the economic conditions of countries, regions, social groups and the life of every person in various ways. The progressing process of globalisation is one of the most important events in the modern world. It helps the dynamic development of new technologies, bringing changes in the economic and social sphere. These changes are underpinned by what is known as the globalisation of big virtual discoveries of the last quarter of a century.

Symbolism in flags tells us many things about construction or restoration of an identity; not only a nation’s building process as conventionally known. This paper aims to show through the examples of Pan-Arabic, Pan-African and Islamic flags that, the impact of symbolism can be seen on flags and flags are not only representations of states but also; representations of supra-nationalist ideologies, representations of religious identities, resistances against colonial powers and influences of colonial powers. In short flags are in and of themselves are representations of histories and traditions as well as political agendas hence ultimately flags are the most useful tools to create an identity, or to hold strong an already existing identity by distinguishing it from the others